Social Anthropology: A Psycho-Analytic Study in Anthropology and a History of Australian Totemism

Iz, as there is no reason to doubt, the sciences of anthropology 
and psychology are as happy in the closer contact they have recently 
established as other departments of science, for instance, chemistry 
and physics, have become in drawing near to one another, this 
new relationship should become fruitful to both. 

Dr. Réheim applies, in this book, the results obtained from the 
psycho-analytic study of individuals to the problems of anthropology, 
elucidating those which have hitherto baffled understanding and 
illuminating what has remained obscure or bizarre in the behaviour 
of savage man. 

The data so laboriously acquired by the field anthropologist can 
no longer be regarded as merely freakish manifestations of savages 
living in outlandish parts of the world, nor merely as curiosities 
of behaviour to be covered by some resounding phrase which makes 
the mind of the savage something utterly alien from that of 
civilized beings. It is found that there is an intimate relationship 
between the observances, the ritual of primitive man and our own 
mental mechanisms, whilst primitive customs and modes of thought 
stray into our own civilized life in the form of folk-lore and fairy 
story. 

Anthropology renders a return service to psychology by which 
the psycho-analyst is ready enough, some think too ready, to profit. 
Some of the possible objections that may be made to Dr. Réheim’s 
methods, the use of psycho-analytic data in explanation of Australian 
customs, may be briefly discussed. It is well to point out in the 
first place that the psychological data obtained by Freud and his 
followers are clinical results gained from exact observation carried 
out for nearly a generation on a great number of persons in Europe 
and the New World. The data of psycho-analysis garnered from 
patients and from the direct observation of children rest on as 
solid a foundation as the phenomena of other sciences. Freud’s 
theory of the libido summarizes the phenomena to which we refer, 
including the sexual life of the child, the ambivalent emotional 
relationship to the parents, the non-appearance in consciousness 
of impulses and ideas which are nevertheless springs’of conduct and 
underlie traits of characters. 

The term ‘“ unconscious”’ has been employed to describe these 
impulses, ideas, thoughts which do not permeate into consciousness 

4 ce Cor ty vy > - ? 
po pn yen BF ee fay) 04 i) 
~ foie ag 
Oia } a wtthdrayrn fae lw (PR 

and are incapable under ordinary conditions of mental life ot 
becoming conscious—they remain entirely unconscious. That this 
realm of mental life is absolutely unknown to the individual's 
consciousness must be emphasized. 

When all this is admitted the objection is sometimes raised that, 
though psycho-analytic findings may hold good in explanation 
of the minds of neuropathic persons from whom the material has 
been obtained, the results are not valid for normal psychology. 

Waiving any consideration of the fact that the theory of the 
libido has been confirmed by the analysis of a considerable number 
of persons who were not neuropathic, it must be pointed out that an 
objection of this kind would equally invalidate the results of the 
whole of our experimental sciences. Addison put the position so 
clearly, so tersely, over two generations ago, that I should like to 
think a quotation might for ever dispose of this kind of objection : 

“ Although pathology, therefore, as a branch of medical science, 
is necessarily founded on physiology, questions may, nevertheless, 
arise regarding the true character of a structure or organ, to which 
occasionally the pathologist may be able to return a more satis- 
factory and decisive reply than the physiologist—these two branches 
of medical knowledge being thus found mutually to advance and 
illustrate each other.” ! 

So far as the mental life of the individual and of the individual 
in relationship to his first groupings are concerned, we can claim a 
definite body of evidence, admitting of no second interpretation. 
Different hypotheses can be, of course, advanced in explanation of 
these facts; but it will be found, I believe, that Freud’s is the only 
theory which can lay claim to scientific validity, as it accounts 
for all the facts and assigns them in Newton’s language a@ vera 
causa in explanation of the data and experience. 

When we come to apply the data obtained from the investigation 
of individual minds to the problems of social anthropology, to the 
problems which Dr. Roheim solves, we have to make certain 
assumptions. We cannot directly verify our conclusions about 
man in the dawn of history, nor does an investigation of primitive 
man as he exists to-day help us. ‘‘ Anyone,” remarked Rivers, 
“who has attempted to discover explanations of rude rites and 
customs from those who practise them will have no hesitation in 
accepting their origin in the unconscious. If explanations are forth- 
coming, they are given by sophisticated members of the community 
who have usually been influenced by external culture. They are the 
wholly untrustworthy results of a recent process of rationalization.” 2 

* On the Constitutional and Local Effects of Diseases of the Suprarenal Capsules. 
A collection of the published writings of the late Thomas Addison. The New 
Sydenham Society, 1868. 

2? W. H.R. Rivers, “‘ Dreams and Primitive Culture,” Bulletin of the John Rylands 
Library, 1918, 25. 

The hypothesis must be framed that the unconscious of a person 
of lowly culture is in quality the same as that of persons of the 
higher culture, and that the unconscious, strictly unconscious, 
motives which influence both alike are those discovered in the 
laboratory of the psycho-analyst. 

An analogous assumption, of course, underlies all the sciences. 
The geologist also attempts to explain the past by the present : 
“ Only in proportion,” says Geikie, ‘as we understand the present, 
where everything is open on all sides to the fullest investigation, 
can we expect to decipher the past, where so much is obscure, 
imperfectly preserved or not preserved at all.” 

To illustrate this application of psycho-analytic results to 
anthropology, I will take one of the factors that psycho-analysis 
has shown to play a great réle in the psychic constitution of man. 
This is the existence of a phase of psycho-sexual development where 
the libidinal impulse is directed towards the self and is hence termed 
narcissism in psycho-analytic literature. The partial impulses which 
build up what finally develops into the genital impulse are pleasur- 
able sensations experienced purely autistically, owing nothing to a 
second living organism. At this primary psycho-sexual level the 
object of the libidinal impulse is the individual’s own body.? 

Narcissism is the summation of the component autoerotic im- 
pulses and precedes the stage of object-love. 

It has been found that in cases of obsessional neurosis there 
is always a basic conflict between the narcissistic ego and object- 
love; a patient suffering from this neurosis is ever seeking for 
objects on which to rivet his (her) libidinal impulses, but the search 
. is for ever vain, since he (she) cannot sufficiently overcome the 
libidinal self-love. 

His own person threatens to absorb all his interest and to cut 
him off from the external world. He is balancing between two 
mental worlds; between the world of an embryonic and infantile 
past, with the mental attitude proper to that phase of life, and the 
world where object-love makes its demands and requires fulfilment. 
The asylum patient may be said to have made the plunge into the 
past; for him the outer world has ceased to exist or it has become 
more or less completely merged in and swallowed up by the libidinal 
magnified ego. 

Now, savage life offers interesting parallels to this state of 
things. The fear of the other sex so characteristic of the neurotic is 
equally prominent in primitiveman. ‘In Malekula men and women 
cook their meals separately, and even at separate fires, .. . all 
female animals... and even. . . eggs are forbidden articles of 

t Geikie, Text-book of Geology, 4th edition, 1903, 3. 
* See Freud, “Zur Einfihrung des Narcissmus,” Sammlung kleiner Schriften, 
vol. iv., 1918, 78. 

diet.” In New Zealand every man eats by himself; ‘“‘men may 
not eat with their wives nor wives with their male children lest 
their ¢apu or sanctity should kill them.” The fear may extend to 
the whole external world. The case of the Bakairi, who are ashamed 
of eating in public,3 is another well authenticated instance. This 
tendency to isolation through fear of the external world is seen 
again in the dread experienced at leaving food over or the care 
taken to destroy hair-clippings, nail-parings, etc., lest these fall 
into the hands of inimical sorcerers. Everybody is a potential 
enemy for the primary attitude of the ego to the outer world is 
that of repulsion or hatred. The individual who when eating must 
shut out the external world like those African kings who at meals 
are divided by a curtain from their guests,4 regresses to the infantile 
attitude. 

That one of the components in fear of the other sex is the 
conflict between narcissism and object-love is shown by those 
instances where contact with woman is regarded as fatal to the 
‘“‘mana ” or magical will-power of man. Ina Pawnee tale, “‘ Coming- 
Sun ”’ loses his magical power as soon as a woman enters his #p7.5 
In a Wichita myth “‘ Little Man” enjoins the Coyote not to marry 
lest by marrying he should lose his powers. 

An Arunta medicine man who is being initiated must keep a 
fire burning at night between himself and his wife, for his magic 
power might leave him were he to have intercourse with her.7 
~ The source of magical power is the belief in the power of one’s own 
wishes, in what Ferenczi has called the happy infantile delusion of 
omnipotence. This belief is a‘;common neurotic trait and the sign 
of an archaic phase of psycho-sexual evolution. This over- 
estimation of one’s own desires and ideas is the attitude of the 
narcissistic individual whose whole libidinal interest is concentrated 
in and on the ego and who will not allow it to flow into the outer 
world. 

The power which the Arunta medicine man fears to lose by 
cohabitation is in substance his seminal fluid: or more correctly, 
what he fears to lose is the fixation of his libido in his own person. 
If he loves a woman, and not only himself, he will cease to over- 
estimate his own person, to believe in his supernatural power, and 
like ordinary mortals he will be subject to fears and to death. .. . 

The Boy who preferred Woman to Power (the title of the before- 
mentioned Pawnee tale) is taking the common path of mankind: 
he is giving up his narcissistic attitude in favour of ordinary object- 
love and becoming, from a magician, an ordinary human being. ~ 

t Crawley, The Mystic Rose, 1902, 173. a Crawley, 174. 

3 Steinen, Unter den Naturvilkern Zentral-Brasiliens, 1894, 66-67. 

4 Crawley, 151. 5 G. A. Dorsey, The Pawnee, 1906 (Part I), 104. 
6 G. A. Dorsey, The Mythology of the Wichita, 1904, 254. 

7 Spencer and Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia, 1899, 529, 530. 

This attitude, the conflict between object-love and the narcissistic 
ego, which we have learnt to understand in the psycho-analytic 
laboratory, seems characteristic of primitive man in general and 
furnishes clues to many of his peculiarities. The savage, as Frazer 
insists, apprehends some danger from sexuality at puberty, and it 
is this apprehension which prompts him to seek refuge for his soul 
in some object outside the body. This soul which takes to its 
heels in escaping from sexuality is the narcissistic ego escaping from 
the demands of libido. For libido which cannot find an object 
becomes converted into fear. But here, having begotten the Devil 
and all his host, it is time to break off. 

In attempting to decipher man’s past from man’s present by 
following up the clues supplied by the psycho-analysis of contem- 
porary human material, we follow the method of science and use 
this method with the same caution as, for instance, Geikie demands 
on the part of the geological observer. 

The conception of the primitive horde, the Cyclopean family, 
is admittedly a speculation, as Freud himself calls it. The deduc- 
tions which Dr. Roheim draws from this hypothesis must 
not be regarded as of the same value as those resting upon the 
psycho-analyst’s clinical observations. The hypothesis of the Cyclo- 
pean family is helpful since it gives a simple and satisfactory 
explanation of the phenomena under consideration; I have not 
met any criticism of the Cyclopean family which instances any 
phenomena that cannot be brought under that hypothesis. The 
concept is framed in accordance with the rules governing scientific 
thought where “the steps to scientific knowledge consist in a series 
of logical fictions which are as legitimate as they are indispensable 
in the operations of thought, but whose relations to the phenomena 
whereof they are the partial and not infrequently symbolical 
representatives must never be lost sight of’ (Stallo, Concepts of 
Modern Physics). 

It may be well to point out that Dr. Réheim uses the term 
“symbolism’”’ throughout this book in the strictly technical sense 
in which it has come to be employed in psycho-analytic literature, 
as the psychic mechanism by which an unconscious sexual impulse 
or idea, meeting with resistance on the part of the endopsychic 
censor, becomes repressed and represented in consciousness by a 
non-sexual equivalent, the symbol. Mr. Fliigel has suggested the 
term “‘ cryptophor”’ for ‘‘ symbol ”’ in this psycho-analytic sense. 

There may be, I am aware, varying opinions as to the extent 
to which Dr. Réheim has proved his case, but no one can deny the 
skill with which he has presented his vast wealth of material: the 
patience and persistence with which he has sought to substantiate 
every statement ; no detail is regarded as too trivial or too obscure 

- 1 J. G. Frazer, Balder the Beautiful, 1913, ii. 277. 

to escape adequate notice; every statement receives corroboration 
from all available sources. Every theory advanced is based upon 
an exhaustive and unprejudiced exposition of the facts, and of all 
the facts. Dr. Réheim is always careful to point out gaps in our 
knowledge and weaknesses in the structure that require strengthening 
or even replacement. 

Dr. Réheim brings zeal, a rich store of knowledge, a trained 
scientific imagination to bear upon the solution of the seemingly 
baffling problems found in this strange story of man. He follows 
up every clue with a penetrating insight that, without losing any 
detail, never gets out of touch with the main issues. 

The work is not a translation, having been written in English 
by Dr. Réheim himself; I have limited myself to the making 
of alterations in language and punctuation when the sense was 
not quite clear. 

M. D. EDER.

THE deficiencies to be found in this book must be classed under 
two headings. Those of a theoretical nature are due to the limita- 
tions of the author’s abilities, but there are others for which he feels 
he cannot with justice be blamed. Working in Budapest after 
the Great War upon a book dealing with Australian Ethnology 
is no easy matter. The student can hope for next to nothing from 
the public libraries, and had I not already collected a small library 
of my own and taken notes, so far as the necessary publications 
were available, in German museums and libraries (Frankfurt, 
Leipzig, Berlin), before 1914, this book could never have been 
written. But the notes had not been taken with a view to writing 
a book on Australian Totemism, and the extracts (chiefly con- 
cerned with funerary customs) often proved inadequate after a 
lapse of years, more especially as they had been taken from a 
completely different point of view. The only choice I had was to 
make the best of it or leave the book unwritten, and I accepted 
the former alternative. Through the kindness of Dr. John 
Rickman I received some recent anthropological books, and I owe 
him many thanks for his disinterested aid in this matter. I must 
also express my grateful thanks to Dr. Eder for revising the type- 
script and for his help in many ways with the publication of 
the book. 

As to scientific debts, first and foremost are those which the 
author, and all anthropologists, owe to the epoch-making dis- 
coveries of Professor Freud in his book on Totem and Taboo. I am 
convinced that the historian of Anthropology in future ages will 
note three great years in our science: 1871 for Primitive Culture, 
1890 for The Golden Bough, 1912 for Totem and Taboo, and it is 
only with the third that we have begun to see behind the curtain 
of the stage on which the great Drama of Mankind is acted. 
Psycho-analysis opens the road for a dynamic point of view; we 
see savage behaviour in the making, we see the moulding forces 
at work. Important steps in the same direction have also been 
made by the school of ethnologists who direct their attention chiefly 
to the migrations of customs and the formation of peoples. Although 
I started out on this book from a totally different viewpoint, I 

have now come to the conclusion that we cannot neglect the 

problems of culture-contact if we wish to reconstruct the historic 
sequence in the transformation of custom, or attempt to get a 
glimpse into the prehistoric period of humanity. It is in the 
psychological deductions drawn from the facts established by 
themselves that the new school in Ethnology frequently misses 
the mark. I think that the controversy should not be “ history 
versus evolution,” ‘“ culture-contact versus psychology,” but from 
the history of races to the prehistoric period of mankind, through a 
correct psychological interpretation of the data afforded by the 
study of cultural areas. And it is psycho-analysis alone that 
can account for the phenomena as we find them or that can help 
us to obtain this correct psychological interpretation. 

Authors vary in their spelling of proper names, e.g. Bunjil, 
Bundjil ; I adopt the spelling used by the source I quote from, 
so that the names will be found in my text with different 
spellings. 

GEZA ROHEIM. 
BUDAPEST, 
Spring, 1924.

THE PROTO-TOTEMIC COMPLEX IN SOUTH- 
. EAST AUSTRALIA 

AFTER the great synthetic effort represented by Frazer’s ‘‘ Corpus ”’ 
of totemism a marked tendency in the other direction has been 
a recognizable in anthropological literature. The unity 
Specialy *f of the problem is questioned and a separate solution 
proposed for each geographical area.t This is a view 

to which I do not subscribe, and it is merely for convenience that 
the scope of inquiry will be limited to the classical land of British 
totemistic controversy. The solutions proposed are psychological, 
and as such, naturally, are not limited to any geographical area 
or race; if valid at all, they must be valid for humanity in general. 
By totemism I mean, with Frazer, an intimate relation supposed 

to exist between a group of kindred people on the one side and 
species of natural or artificial objects on the other side,? or, expressed 
more psychologically, the self-projection of a social unit in a natural 
unit.3 Although this definition or similar ones are generally stated 
at the outset of the inquiry, the necessary inference is seldom 
drawn, that the first thing to be accounted for in totemism is the 
group-to-group (viz. human group to animal group) character of 
the magical bond. This is clearly emphasized by Ankermann 
who, following Grabner and Reuterskidld, comes to the conclusion 
that totemism originates in the sympathy felt by man towards the 
animal species inhabiting the same geographical area. We must 

: Cf. A, van Gennep, Tabou et Totémisme & Madagascare, 1904, 321. Gennep, 
Religions, Maeurs et Légendes, 1911, IV. 99. A. M. Hocart, ‘‘ Notes on Fijian 
Totemism,”’ Anthropos, 1914, 737- J. R. Swanton, ‘‘ The Social and Emotional 
Element in Totemism,’’ Anthropos, 1914, 289. A. A. Goldenweiser, ‘‘ Totemism, 
an Analytical Study,” J. A. F.-L., 1910, 267. Robert H. Lowie, ‘‘ A New Concep- 
tion of Totemism,” American Anthropologist, 1913, 189. F. Boas, “ The Origin of 
Totemism,” American Anthropologist, 1916, 319. 

s Frazer, T. & E., IV. 3. 

3 Cf. Goldenweiser’s psychological definition, l.c., 275. 

«¢ B. Ankermann: ‘' Das Problem des Totemismus,’’ Korrespondenzblatt, 1910, 
80; E. Reuterskiéld, Die Entstehung der Speisesakvamente, 1912, 80. Lays stress 
on the importance of animals for the self-sustenance of the savage. Id., Anthropos, 
1914, 650; Grabner, Anthropos, 1915, 16, 255. 

not forget that the conditions of mutual distribution between the 
human groups and animal species to be argued from are not those 
in existence to-day, even in Australia. In that far-remote period 
the semi-human groups of our ancestors must have been scattered 
over the surface of the earth with much greater intervening distances 
than is the case at present, and the area claimed by each of these 
small groups must have been correspondingly larger. In this state 
of things the limits of a human group and animal species would. 
be much more likely to coincide than they do at present. Thus we 
come to interpret certain savage myths as self-perceptions of the 
unconscious processes,! lying behind the totemic complex. ‘‘ One 
origin frequently assigned by natives to these family names is that 
they were derived from some vegetable or animal being very common 
in the district which the family inhabited and that hence the name 
of this animal or vegetable became applied to the family.’’2 
Similarly the Arunta imagine that water-holes containing plenty 
of fish are inhabited by the spirit children of the fish-totem.3 In 
North-Western Australia ‘it would seem that the totemic centre 
or ceremonial ground of many of the totems is in a part of the 
country where the totem species is plentiful. Thus the ceremonial 
grounds of the White Cockatoo and the Marsh Fly are in the creek 
at Balla-Balla, where these two species are numerous.”’ 4 

According to the Lillooet Indians, ‘‘the Upper Bridge River 
Country was inhabited by the Deer people who were afterwards 
. transformed into deer: therefore deer are most 

t the root of : ; 

totemism ; the  Plentiful in that country at the present day.”’5 This 

“* psychical sur- joy : : : ; 
vibal” of a original feeling of unity with environment as repre- 

biological sented by its most conspicuous animal species is 
unity with in in i 2s : ee 
pa ides again in itself a self-perception of really existing 

unity, a psychical repetition of mimicry and other 
organic adaptations found in the animal world. As in material 
culture, it is man’ who begins to replace organic by super-organic 
evolution. Whilst the animal physically adopts or imitates the 
form of another animal species or the colour of its environment,® 

* Cf. Ferenczi, Contributions to Psycho-Analysis, 184. 

+ G. Grey, Journals of Two Expeditions to North-West and Western Australia 
1841, II. 229; cf. id., Vocabulary of the Dialects of South-Western Australia 1840, 4 : 
3 Brown, “‘ Description of the Natives of King George’s Sound,” oe . fe? é& Se 

S43e 
3 C. Strehlow, A. & L., II. 52, ‘‘ Animals and plants which are prolific are the 
totems of a greater number of men than those which are more or less scarce’: 
R. H. Mathews, E.N. of New South Wales, 1905, 60. With regard to these myths 
see Haddon’s theory in the Proceedings of the British Association, 1902. 

¢ A. R. Brown, “ Three Tribes of Western Australia,” J. A.I., 1913, 167 

5 J. Teit, “The Lillooet Indians,” Jesup North Pacific Expedition v. 2 
Cf. Réheim, ‘‘ Primitive Man and Environment,” J. PAPRA . TEE 57-160. ae 

6 Ch. Darwin, The Descent of Man, 1898, I. 495. Hesse-Doflein Tisibont und 
Tterleben, 1914, 376-415. : 

the savage identifies himself with the totem either by ceremonial 
or imaginative imitation. 

However, in totemic matters a difficulty solved means a fresh 
difficulty raised. If totems were originally local they must have 
been patrilinear, supposing marriage to be patrilocal, which is the 
rule at present in Australia.2 But if we take the tribes that really 
possess this postulated system into account—the Yerkla—mining,3 
the Narrinyeri,s the Narrang-ga,5 the Kurnai, 6 the Yuin 7—it is 
contrary to the general opinion of anthropologists to suppose that 
these should have retained the original form of the totemistic 
complex.® It is frequently assumed that this is a secondary 
localization of the totem groups, an outcome of the change from 
matrilinear to patrilinear reckoning of descent.» However, this 
is far from certain and we shall see that this question is susceptible 
of a different interpretation from an ethnological point of view. 
At any rate, the period of human history in which the first origin 
of totemism must be placed hardly took into account descent 
as the word is now understood. There seems good reason to suppose 
that humanity inherited from its semi-brutal ancestors the form 
of society which has been called the Cyclopean family ; a number 
of young males, young and adult females roaming about on a 
restricted area under the leadership of a single full-grown male.'° 
In this state of society, tribe, clan and family are co-extensive 
units: or rather, the Cyclopean family (or horde) is the germ out 
of which these institutions are differentiated in the course of 
evolution. Legend seems to have conserved the traces of this 
stage of social origins. Nurunduri is represented as having led his 
sons, i.e. his tribe, down the southern shore of the lakes.1! Similarly 
the Kulin report that Bunjil went up to the sky-land with all his 
people; the legend says his “ sons.” 4 

1 Frazer, 7: G E., I. 25, 37, I. 8, Yl. 55. 

» Cf. A. Lang, The Secret of the Totem, 1905, 121, who goes on to show that the 
non-local character of totemism must have been brought about by patrilocal 
marriage and female descent (p. 144). 

3 Howitt, N. T., 129. See also Curr, The Austvalian Race, I. 402 (W. Williams). 

4G. Taplin, The Navrvinyeri, 1878, 63. Howitt, N.T., 1904, 130, 131. 
T. Moriarty, The Goolwa Clan of the Narrinyeri Tribe. G. Taplin, F.L., etc., 50. 

s Howitt, N. T., 130. Fison and Howitt, Kamilaroi and Kurnai, 1880, 285. 

6 Howitt, N. T., 135. Forthe Chepara, ibid., 86. 

2 Howitt, N. T., 133. Compare the discussion between Schmidt, ‘‘ Die soziolo- 
gische und religids-ethische Gruppierung der australischen Stamme,” Z. E., 1909, 
329, and Grabner, ‘‘ Zur australischen Religionsgeschichte,” Globus, 96, 341. 

8 But see Grabner, ‘“‘ Kulturkreise in Ozeanien,”’ Z. E., 1905, 28. 

9 Cf. Howitt and Fison, ‘‘ From Mother-right to Father-right,” J.A.J., 1882. 
E. B. Tylor, ‘‘On a Method of Investigating the Development of Institutions,” 
ibid., XVIII. 1889. 

10 Lang-Atkinson, Social Origins and Primal Law, 1903. N. W. Thomas, 
Kinship Organizations and Group Marriage in Australia, 1906, 03. 

11 G, Taplin, The Navvinyers, 1878, 61. 

12 Howitt, l.c., 895. 

The next stage in the evolution of humanity is the conflict 
between Old and Young, between the jealous Father and the 
grown-up Son, the prize of the victor—-the cause of the conflict— 
being the women of the horde, the mothers, sisters and daughters. 
Now there is a class of myths in Australia termed the conflict myth, 
and hitherto interpreted as the survival of a primeval contest 
between antagonistic people or races, the details of which seem to 
be explicable by this great primeval battle of social evolution. 

According to the natives of North Victoria the world was created 
by beings called Nooralie, who existed a very long time ago. A 
very old man they call Nooralpily. The Murray 
natives also believe that beings called Nooralle created 
the world. Some of these had the shape of a crow, 
others lived as eagle-hawks. The two groups were incessantly at 
war with each other till they made peace and decided that the black- 
fellows should be divided into the classes of Eagle-hawk and Crow. 
In memory of this combat there is a song, “‘ Strike the crow at the 
knee, I will pierce his father.’”’ This wound on the leg is a sign 
that may serve as a clue to the inter-relationship of Australian 
myths. We find Bunjil fighting with Karwien (the Blue Heron) 
and spearing him on the thigh so that his legs shrivelled up and 
became very thin and always hang down as he flies.3 Conversely, 
the identity of the actors is needed to prove the identity of the 
action. Now, Bunjil is the Eagle-hawk,4 and a variant of the myth 
proves Karwien to be the Crow. 

According to the natives of the Yarra River, Bundjil was the 

The conflict 
myth. 

* J. Mathew, Eagle-hawk and Crow, 1899, 14. A. Lang, The Secret of the Totem, 
1905, 151. J. Mathew, Two Repvesentative Tribes of Queensland, 1910, 34. 

» R. Brough-Smyth, The Aborigines of Victoria, 1878, I. 425. 

3 Howitt, N. T., 486. 

4 P. W. Schmidt, Der Ursprung der Gottesidee, 1912, 284, note 3. Bunjil changes 
himself into an eagle when he creates the world, Lauterer, Austvalien und Tas- 
manien, 1900, 286. I cannot make sure whether Lauterer has got his statement 
from some printed source, or possibly through settlers and missionaries. He 
mentions Schiirmann as supplying him with information (p. 264). In South-West 
Australia the Walja, or Eagle-hawk, is supposed to be Mamangur, or father of all, 
whilst Wordung and Manytch (crow and cockatoo) are his nephews. There used 
to be a small tribe of Waljuk (that is, Eagle-hawks) in the neighbourhood of 
Beverley and York, The Eagle-hawk was supposed to have made all things into 
noyyung and ngunning (the two primary moieties), he himself being both noyyung 
and ngunning. His wife was the squeaker crow. Daisy M. Bates, “ The Marriage 
Laws and some Customs of the Western Australian Aborigines,” Victorian Geograph- 
ical Journal, XXIII, XXIV. 47, 58. Quoted by Frazer, T. & E., I. 563. The 
conflict between father and son was afterwards overlaid by the memory of the 
conflict between various groups of tribes, and this side of the question has not 
escaped the notice of anthropologists (J. Mathew, Eagle-hawk and Crow, 1899). 
Id., Two Representative Tribes of Queensland, 1910, 33. Schmidt, Der Ursprung 
dey Gottesidee, 1912, 320. The learned editor of the Anthropos explains these myths 
both by a racial and an astral hypothesis. The latter rests on the usual construc- 

tions of the mythological school, and is, like the whole edifice, built up by these 
authors without the slightest foundation, 

_ first human being. He created everything, including the second 
man Karwien (Crow) and his two wives. He did not create any 
wives for himself, but stole those belonging to Karwien. The 
possession of the two wives was then decided in single combat. 
Bundjil wounded his adversary’s knee so that Karwien fell ill and 
shrivelled up like a skeleton. Then Bundjil changed him into a 
crow, took his wives and had many children by them.t If we 
take as our starting-point the assumption that Bundjil, the “‘ All- 
father,’’ represents really the all-father, the Jealous Sire of the 
primeval group, the conflict seems to reflect the sexual rivalry of 
Father and Son at the dawn of humanity. In our myths we find 
one of the dvamatis persone as the creator of the other—and on 
the other hand we have variants narrating the battle between 
Pundjel and his sons.2 Is the second protagonist of the combat, 
the defeated party, a son, or what amounts to the same thing, a 
brother of Pundjel? The brother or son of Pundjel is called 
Pallyan, and is the guardian of the waters from whence he fishes 
the first women, Kunner-warra and Kuurouk.3 On the other hand, 
the Crow figures as the originator of a flood,4 at Lake Condah he 
sends the first rains The same myth mentions Eun-newt, the 
bat, as the first man. Now, Pallyan, the brother-son of Pundjil, 
is, in his relation to the god Pundjil, certainly the first man and his 
name means bat. W. Schmidt is thus fully justified in identify- 
ing Karwien, the adversary of Bundjil, with his son and brother 
Pallyan.7 The first fight of Australian mythology seems to be a 
family broil between father and son, and as to the cause: cherchez 
la femme | 8 

In trying to interpret the unconscious meaning of these myths, 
we must remember that they relate the victory of the father, which, 
as it is a reversal of the natural and inevitable course of events, 
can only be understood if we suppose them to be told from the 
point of view of the father. We have learnt from Freud the empiric 
rule that in the interpretation of dreams reversals go usually by 
pairs: and we find our text speaking of Bundjil as stealing his 
sons’ wives and begetting children by them—a reversal of the 
racial and infantile Oedipus complex. 

The myth of the Murray Blacks, in which Crow kills the son of 
Eagle and is killed in his turn by the Eagle, after which he comes 

t Brough-Smyth, The Aborigines of Victoria, 1878, 1. 425. a Id.,le., I. 446. 

3 Id., I. 427. 4 Id., I. 430. 

5 Id., I. 462. 6 Howitt, N. T., 484. 

7 Schmidt, Ursprung des Gottesidee, 1912, 288, 302, 314. Id., ‘“‘ L’Origine de 
V’Idée de Dieu,” Anthvopos, 1909, IV. 285. 

8 The typical doubling of the women in Australian myths is probably to be 
accounted for by the two original marriage classes (phratries). Cf. Curr, The 
Australian Race, 1886, II. 165. The first man had two wives called Keelpara and 

Mookwara, hence the phratry names. 

to life again, seems to belong to the same cycle.! The text of the 
myth is probably the result of a secondary elaboration ; in the latent 
content we should have Crow as the son of Eagle, killing his father 
(brother). Remorse and retaliation follow ; the murdered father 
comes to life again and kills his son. Crow is split into two mythic 
figures, Crow himself and the son of Eagle. This made it possible 
to transfer the animosity felt by Crow from the Eagle to Eagle’s 
son, who is a mythical double both of the Eagle himself and of 
Crow. Crow killed by Eagle and coming to life again, corresponds 
to the initiates who revive after having been killed by the father— 
an hypothesis for which we shall find sufficient proof below in the 
connexion of initiation with the conquering of an eagle-monster. 
These views as to the original meaning of the Eagle-hawk—Crow 
myth are strikingly confirmed by a variant from the Kariera tribe 
in Western Australia, which shows the incest-complex at the root 
of the myth, with as slight displacement as might well be expected. 
“In the times long, long ago, there were two Eagle-hawks who were 
brothers and had for their wives two galahs. The Eagle-hawks 
were mothers’ brothers to the Crow. The Eagle-hawks and their 
nephews always went out hunting together, the Eagle-hawks always 
taking the fattest animals that were killed. The Crow one day 
hid the fattest kangaroo and as the Eagle-hawks suspected this, 
they went into a cave near by to look for the meat. The Crow 
sealed up the entrance, went home to the camp, and cohabited 
with the Eagle-hawk’s wives, who were the ‘ toa’ (mothers-in-law) 
of the Crow, and with whom he was naturally forbidden even 
to speak.’’ If we remember-that the mother’s brother is often 
invested with the social function of the father in primitive societies 
and that the mother-in-law-avoidance is really a repressed form 
of an incest-wish,? the Oedipus complex as the central element 
of the animal conflict myths comes out pretty clearly.3 The 
Kariera tribe has at the present time what Brown calls Type I of 
Australian marriage systems, that is, a man marries the daughter 
of his mother’s brother or some woman who stands to him in an 
equivalent relation.t It seems possible that the “daughter” is a 
substitute for the ‘“‘mother”’ in these cases; that the action of 
the Crow represents something forbidden from the point of view 
of a later stage of society which, however, was permitted in a 
previous phase of evolution. “In Mota, in the Banks Group and 

« R. Brough-Smyth, The Abovigines of Victoria, 1878, T. 451. Cf. fora parallel, 
T. Mathew, Two Tribes, 1910, 191, Fight of Crow and Hawk; and W. E. Roth, 
S. M. M., 1903 (Boulia District). In Gippsland the same myth is told, only the 
mopoke takes the part of the crow. 

2 Freud, Totem and Taboo, 1919. 

3 A. R. Brown, “ Three Tribes of Western Australia,” J. A. I., 1913, 169, 170. 
Subsequent punishment inflicted on returning eagle-hawks by the crows. 

¢ Id., ibid., 190, 191. 

in Pentecost in the New Hebrides, the term used for the wife of the 

-mother’s brother is one such as ‘mateima’ or ‘ lalagi,’ which is 
applied to other potential wives, and where this kind of nomenclature 
exists, there is clear evidence of marriage with this relative.’”’: 
If, in some islands, the wife of the mother’s brother is classed with 
the mother, this certainly may mean non-marriageableness from the 
present point of view,? but in a still earlier phase of evolution may 
have meant identity: so that we should have a brother-sister 
marriage with a son of this incestuous union trying to have sexual 
relations with his own mother. Brother and sister marriage must 
have come about after the victory of the Brother Horde over the 
Paternal Tyrant and when it fell into disuse there still survived an 
incestuous desire for the father’s sister (Cf. the custom of marrying 
the father’s sister and the hostile attitude towards the father’s sister’s 
husband 3) as a substitute of the mother. (Father’s sister and 
mother designed by the same term.)4 Thus social nomenclature 
seems to confirm the results of myth-analysis. 

To return to Bundjil: the Eagle-hawk is certainly ‘‘ Mamin- 
gorak,”’ “‘ Our Father,” as the Wotjobaluk tell us,5 the supernatural 
projection of the leader and father of the Cyclopean horde-family. 
His wives are the Ganawarra (‘‘ Black-Swan’’ double),§ probably 
identical with the Ngalalbal (“Emu ’”’ double), the wives of Dara- 
mulun.7 Daramulun again is another representative of the same 
mythical concept as Bunjil; he is the Eagle-hawk,® he is ‘‘ Our 
Father.”9 Now, Howitt has another account seemingly contra- 
dictory to the first, and here Ngalalbal is the mother of Daramulun.'° 
But we know better than to look for a contradiction where there 
is none, for the Father-Son conflict presupposes a state of things in 
which the concepts of mother and wife overlap one another. 

We must now consider another theory as to the origin of totemism. 
In Totem and Taboo Freud has pointed out that taboo is but the 

29-F negative, inhibited form of a wish-fulfilment.tt Thus 
Boe ere o¢ Freud explains totemic exogamy as an exaggerated 
reaction against original incest; the taboo against 

killing the totem-animal as a displaced reaction against parricide.'* 
The totem is directly spoken of as father,t3 more frequently as 
ancestor, which is a slightly veiled expression of the same complex. 

t Rivers, H. M. S., Il. 1914, 18. 3 Id., bid., 19. 

3 Rivers, Id., ibid., II. 21, 22. ¢Id., ibid., II. 23. 

5 Howitt, N.T., 49, 490, 491. 6 Id.,1.c:, 401. 

7 Howitt, ‘‘ The Jeraeil, or Initiation of the Kurnai Tribe,” J. A. I., 1884, 
XIII. 450. 

8 Cf. Schmidt, Ursprung, 346, 364. 9 Howitt, N. T., 494. 

10 Id., l.c., 495, “‘ The two Ngalalbal, the mothers of Daramulun,” p. 546. As 
to the doubling, see above. 

tr Freud, Totem and Taboo, 1919. Cf. Marett, ‘‘Is Taboo a Negative Magic,” 
The Threshold of Religion, 1909, 85. Réheim, Spiegelzauber, 1919, 6. 

ta Freud, Totem and Taboo, 1919. 13 Frazer, l.c., I. 9, 13, 423; IV. 278. 

The sacrificial killing of the totem is interpreted by Freud as an 
unconscious symbolic repetition of parricide, the commensal union 
is a survival of the original anthropophagous feast. As the present- 
day totems are not direct survivals of their ancient prototype, the 
rudiments of this complex are rather to be looked for in inter-tribal 
myth and ritual than in the elements restricted to one of the totem 
clans. At the initiation ceremony on Melville Island a Yam cere- 
mony is performed at the same time. The Yam called Kolamma 
has little roots called hairs, and is thus associated with the initiation 
rite of making hair grow and depilation.: When the Yams that 
are to be eaten are being cooked, the men keep on singing: 
“Yams, you are our fathers.” 2 

Undeniably the phratry organizations Eagle-hawk and Crow 
(similarly those of Emu-Kangaroo and the other animal-named 
phatries) have two of the three orthodox tests of 
totemism: exogamy and the animal as ancestor 
or eponymous hero. The wide geographical distribu- 
tion seems to argue in favour of a survival from a period before the 
present tribes broke off from the parent stock. 

~ One of the manifest objects of the initiation rite is to remove 
the youths from the influence of their mothers. Thus amongst the 
Yuin it is a rule that during the period of probation 
the novice is absolutely prohibited from holding any 
communication with a woman, even his own mother. He must not 
even look at one, and this prohibition extends to the emu, for the 
emu is Ngalalbal, the mother of Daramulun.3 All this is inculcated 
in the boys at the initiation ceremony. Moreover, as we already 
have seen and shall continue to see, fragments of quasi-totemistic 
ritual and belief are found constantly associated with these cere- 
monies. 

The origin and the unconscious content of these rites has been © 
elucidated by Reik in an ingenious essay.4 According to his theory 
the monster or spirit who, in the exoteric myth, swallows the boys 
is the ‘“‘eject’’ 5 of the inimical tendencies unconsciously felt by the 
elder generation against the younger, whilst the feelings of sympathy 
become manifest in the protective attitude assumed by the 
initiators towards the novices. This inimical tendency lies at the 
root of the various trials, tortures and mutilations to which the 
youths are subjected. The fictive killing and various mutilations 
have been in the course of evolution substituted for actual murder, 
whilst the rite of circumcision is an attenuated castration. The 
whole ritual originates in the unconscious fear of retribution on the 

Phratric 
totemism. 

Initiation ritual. 

* BuSpencer, Nd. Wide > LOrARO2, 03 a Id., ibid., 102, 103. 
3 Howitt, l.c., 560. 

¢ Th. Reik, ‘‘ Die Pubertatsriten der Wilden,” Imago, IV. 125, 109. 

5 Cf. Baldwin, Mental Development in the Child and the Race, 191t. 

a 

part of the elders; they themselves were unconscious rebels against 
their fathers in youth and now they wish to forestall the breaking 
out of similar feelings on the part of their sons. Thus the primeval 
conflict for the women of the horde is reacted in the initiation 
ritual, but the unconscious psychical material is subjected to a 
rearrangement from the viewpoint of the elders. In the real 
conflict the younger generation was victorious: they murdered the 
Father whose imago was afterwards resuscitated in their own 
psyche. Here we find the youths killed by the ancestral spirit 
and then brought to life again. The circumcision as symbolical 
castration marks the nature of the offence for which the youths 
were punished according to the law of talion. The amnesia for the 
past which the youths have to mimic on returning to the camp is 
symbolic of the repression of the feelings of childhood: they are 
to forget the nature of their feelings toward their mother, the first 
object of their infantile desire.t It has not escaped the notice of 
Reik that we have here the same psychic complex that Freud found 
at the root of totemism,? the difference being mainly in the re- 
arrangement and the secondary elaboration to which the unconscious 
material has been submitted. 

Returning now to the part played by the emu in these ceremonies, 
we find it constantly represented as a bird which is: (a) taboo to 
the novices,3 (0) hunted by Daramulun, Baiamai, etc. 
As we generally find that social rites have like neurotic 
symptoms, corresponding positive and negative aspects, 
it seems probable that one and the same meaning must underlie the 

The Emu and 
Daramulun. 

t Reik, Imago, 1V. 197. 

+ Id., ibid., 131, 140, 192. This theory of the origin of initiation rites is corrobo- 
rated by Australian evidence. The ritual is always instituted by the “ All-father,” 
and is frequently traced to a conflict between the Father and his disobedient Son. 
Cf. R. H. Mathews, “‘ The Burbting of the Wiradthuri Tribes,” J. A. I., 1895, XXV. 
297. K. L. Parker, The Euahlayi Tribe, 1905, 67. In relation to the novices, 
Baiame represents the sublimated benevolent type of paternal feelings, whilst the 
aggressivity is transferred to and objectivated in the figure of Daramulun. Dara- 
mulun is said to have feasted on some of the novices instead of initiating them ; 
here we have the unconscious meaning and aggressive tendency of the mutilation, 
which is repressed in reality, thus returning to consciousness in myth. The cycle 
of legends in which circumcision with the stone knife is said to have been introduced 
by the culture heroes, and supplanted the rite of circumcising the novices with 
the fire-stick, and thus causing their death (Howitt, l.c., 646, 650; Spencer and 
Gillen, N. T., 394, 397, 398. Id., Noy. T., 425), points in the same direction. The 
rite is here also represented as the mitigation of a previous, purely aggressive action : 
the boys who were circumcised by fire all died in consequence. 

3 “ Emus they kill for their fathers only; these birds being reserved and held 
sacred for the sole use of the old men and women.”’—J. Ph. Townsend, Rambles 
and Observations in New South Wales, 1849, 116, quoting Mitchell, p. 305. ‘‘ None 
of the natives would eat of the emu, and the reasons they gave were that they 
were young men, and that none but older men who had ‘ gins’ were allowed to 
eat it, adding that it would make young men all over boils and eruptions.” —T. L. 
Michell, Three Expeditions into the Interior of Eastern Australia, 1838, II. 29 (crossing 
the Lachlan, near Goulburn Range, 60, 346). ‘‘ No young men are allowed to 
eat the flesh or eggs of the emu.” After this lapse of the time they may eat any- 

taboo of the bird to the youths and its use by the spirit of initiation. 
In Victoria the fat of the emu is held sacred; it is forbidden to throw 
it away because it is believed once to have been the fat of a woman. 
At the Birbiing of the Wiradthuri tribes various mythical scenes 
are demonstrated by drawings, paintings or carvings to the novices. 
Baiamai is said to have been hidden in a tree surrounded by bushes, 
waiting near a water-hole, according to the native custom for the 
emu to come and drink. He then speared it with his long spear 
and it ran away some distance before it fell. Baiamai ran after it, 
tripped over a log and fell in the position delineated.2 Evidently 
the same episode is alluded to on the Bora ground of the Kamilaroi, 
where we see the figure of an emu with a spear sticking in its body.3 
In another account of the Wiradjuri ceremonies the emu is hunted, 
not by Baiamai, but by Daramulun. We see two footprints of an 
emu represented at a little distance from each other, made when 
trying to escape from Daramulun, besides the figure of the emu 
where it fell when he killed it.4 At the initiation ceremonies of the 
Yuin we again have the emu, only acted instead of drawn. Gliding 
through the scene are two figures who represent the two Ngalalbal, 
the mothers of Daramulun.s We remember that the mothers are 
also the wives of Daramulun and we know that hunting, chasing, 
pursuing often symbolize coitus in the unconscious. Evidently 
we have in the pictures of the emu-hunt a representation of the 
central complex of the initiation rites and totemism: the emu 
symbolizes the mother who is incestuously speared by her own son. 
That is why the novice must not look at a woman, not even at his 
own mother, and this prohibition extends to the emu, the mother 
of Daramulun.7 This explains the taboo on emu fat as the fat of 

thing except emu flesh, which must always be brought to the old men in camp 
and never eaten by young men at all—wW. E. Roth, “ On Certain Initiation Cere- 
monies,’’ North Queensland Ethnography, Bull. 12, 1909, 185). Emu fat: penalty 
—abnormal development of the penis (vulva).—Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 1899, 
470, 4724 Ad== Nor. Ds 366,61 7,614: 

t R. Brough-Smyth, The Aborigines of Victoria, 1878, I. 450. ‘‘ The sacred 
pieces . . . can only be eaten by the very old men.”—A. W. Howitt, N. T., 1904, 
763. Ceremony at killing of first emu.—K. L. Parker, The Euahlayi Tribe, 
1905, 24. Emu-flesh taboo for pregnant women.—H. Klaatsch, ‘‘ Schlussbericht 
ueber seine Reise nach Australien,” Z. E., 1907, 656 (Niol-Niol). Spencer and 
Gillen, N. T., 617 (Warramunga, Gnangi, Binbinga). Boys who are about to 
be initiated are forbidden to eat emu and kangaroo.—A. R. Brown, “ Three 
Tribes of Western Australia,’ J. A. I., 1913, 174. Byama says his sons should 
be made young men so that they might be free to marry wives, eat emu 
‘flesh’ (cf, the emu-wives)—K. L. Parker, Australian Legendary Tales, 94. 

* R. H. Mathews, ‘The Burbing of the Wiradthuri Tribes, J. A. I., 1895, 
XXV. 300. g 

3 Id., ‘‘ The Bora, or Initiation Ceremonies of the Kamilaroi,” JRA th. 18049 
XXIV. 416. Cf. note x. 

4 Howitt, l.c., 585, 586. Sud ken sue: 

6 Cf. W. Stekel, Die Sprache des Traumes, 1911, 144, 147. 

7 Howitt, l.c., 360. If we accept the undoubtedly ingenious, though unproven 
conjectures of Father Schmidt, we get further points of interest for psycho-analytical 

a woman, and also that the breaking through of his taboo, the 
first emu hunt of the young initiate, should be the occasion of a 
special ceremony. 

These conclusions may appear somewhat strained, especially to 
those who are not acquainted with the methods of psycho-analysis, 
ee but a remarkable legend of the Narrinyeri, which 
Wyineere. seems to close the chain of argument, should give 

these interpretations the benefit of the doubt. We 
shall try to explain the myth of the elopement and recapture of 
two women by a later extension of the Oedipus complex, accounting 
for the doubling of the women by the extension of the family- 
complex to the dichotomous tribe. 

The Narrinyeri relate how Wyungare was produced by his 
mother’s excrements without a father :! 

He was a “ narumbe”’ or kaingani, that is, a novice from 
the beginning. He lived among the reeds at Oulawar: 
Nepelle’s two wives admired his handsome form and fell in love 
with him. So they seized the first opportunity to visit his hut 
and finding that he was asleep they made a noise with their 
feet outside, like two emus running past and awoke the hunter, 
who jumped up and ran out expecting to see some game. He 
took them as his wives. Nepelle set fire to the hut and they 

~were awakened by the burning flames. They ran along the 
shore of the lake pursued by fire till at last they saved 
themselves by plunging into the water. Wyungare, trying to 
escape the vengeance of Nepelle, then tied a line to a spear 
and hurled it at the heavens; by means of a line attached to 
the spear he pulled himself and afterwards the two women up. 
He is said to sit up there and fish for men with a fishing spear, 
and when people start in their sleep it is said to be because 
he touches them with the point of his weapon.? 

interpretation. He equates Birrahngooloo, the favourite wife of Baiamai, with 
the emu (l.c., p. 363), and supposes Daramulun to have lost one foot in the fight 
with Baiamai, who challenged him as he hunted the emu, which was sacred to 
Baiamai. Schmidt, l.c., 347. ‘“‘ Als ein Grund des Gegensatzes zwischen beiden 
wird angegeben, dass Daramulum das dem Baiamai heilige Emu gejagt, d.h. der 
Frau des Baiamai nechgestellt habe’’ (\.c., 366. The italics are mine. This sentence 
contains also the correct psycho-analytical interpretation of the unconscious 
meaning of the chase.) If Father Schmidt is on the right track with his conjectures, 
we have here the complete Oedipus complex. Baiamai is the father, Ngalalbal 
the mother, Daramulun the son, with the subsequent castration (represented as 
the loss of a leg; cf. the knee-wound in the Eagle-hawk and Crow myths) as the 
well-known talion-punishment of incest. 

« Cf. Origin of the blacks out of the feces of Anjea. W. E. Roth, S. M. M., 
15. On these well-known infantile sex theories see below. Possibly there is also 
some connexion between the birth of this deified novice and eating human ordure 
as an initiation ceremony. Before being made a young man a youth is called 
Kurno, i.e. excrement by the Wiimbaio (Howitt, l.c., 739). 

2G. Taplin, The Narrinyeri, an Account of the Tribes of South Australian 
Aborigines, 1878, 56-58. 

So much for the myth itself; the conclusions will follow. Two 
points must be emphasized in this myth. First, there is some 
connexion between the legends of the elopement type and the 
ritual of initiation. On the surface of the affair, Wyungare is the 
initiate who breaks through the principal taboo of the ritual and 
elopes with the wives of the elders, a sin for which he is punished 
by death. But this death involves the unconscious admiration of 
the sin committed—it is a species of apotheosis. Unconsciously 
both the initiation ritual and the elopement legend turn on the 
Oedipus complex. Second, the two women of the elopement legend 
are emus, identical with the animal hunted by Baiamai and with 
the mother of Daramulun. It is the last point that indicates the 
direction for the further analysis of the myth. As its principal 
hero is actually made responsible for a dream experience we may 
try and explain the legend according to the principles of dream- 
interpretation. 

The escape from fire with the subsequent plunge into water is 
evidently the closing episode of a vesical dream and is determined 
by urethral eroticism.! This interpretation enables us to discrimi- 
nate the parallel versions of the legend. Nurundere dwelt at 
Tulurrug with four children and two wives. His two wives ran 
away from him, he pursued them with his children to Encounter 
Bay, and there, seeing them at a distance, he exclaimed in anger, 
“ Let the waters arise and drown them.” So the waters arose in a 
terrible flood and, overtaking the fugitives, they were overwhelmed 
and drowned. Nepelle was transported by the flood to heaven ; 
the dense part of the Milky Way is said to be the canoe of Nepelle 
floating in the heavens. Its owner ascended by the same means 
as Wyungare had done.? This parallel version replaces the Nepelle 
of the former variant by Nurundere and Wyungare by Nepelle so 
that Nurundere, Nepelle and Wyungare might, if such efforts of 
systematization were allowable, be taken for representatives of three 
descending generations. At any rate, it helps us to understand 
the unconscious meaning of the legend if we substitute Nurundere, 
the Narrinyeri All-father, for the hazy and ill-defined figure of 
Nepelle: we thus obtain Wyungare, the initiate, the youth at the 

* These easily recognizable dreams nearly all contain the elements of watery 
(rain, flood, sometimes fire : all symbolical of urine), and yvunning or hurried motion 
in general, which represents an effort to escape from enuresis, according to Rank, 
Die Symbolschichtung im Wecktraum Jahrbuch, IV. 69, but certainly over-deter- 
mined in the same sense as hunting is (see above), and symbolical of coitus. This 
and the parallelism between the elements of vesical and birth-dreams (Rank, ibid., 
80) explains the connexion between the elopement and the flood-episode. ~ Cf, 
also, Havelock Ellis, The World of Dreams, 1911, 88, 89, 96, 165. As tothe connexion 
between flood-legends and the birth of the hero, see Rank, Dey Mythus von dey 
Geburt des Helden, 1909 ; Gerland, Dey Mythus von dev Sintflut, 1912, 94. The river 
Mayanga was said “to have taken its rise from the spot where a princess gave 

birth to a child, and to have been caused by a birth-flood ” (T. Roscoe, The Baganda 
IgIt, 318). * Taplin, lc., 57, 58. 

age of puberty, stealing the emu-wives of the All-father. The next 
version contains proof that Wyungare is Nurundere’s son, and is 
furthermore clear evidence of the urethral-erotic origin of the 
flood-episode. Nurundere was a tall and powerful man, who lived 
in the east with two wives and had several children. His two 
wives ran away from him and he went in search of them. Con- 
tinuing his pursuit, he arrived at Freeman’s Nob and there made 
water, from which circumstance the place is called Kainjenauld 
(kainjamin—to make water). At length he found his two wives 
at Toppong. He beat them, but they escaped again and he was 
now tired of pursuing them, so he ordered the tide to rise and 
drown them. Nurundere, when he arrived at his journey’s end, 
did not find his son; he made fast one end of a string to his spear, 
threw the other end which his son caught hold of, and so helped 
himself along to his father. This line is still the guide by which the 
dead find their way to Nurundere. When a man dies, Nurundere’s 
son, who first found the way by means of the line to his father, 
throws it to the dead man, who is conducted to him in like manner. 
The ‘“ spear-chain or the heaven-line’’ clearly proves Wyungare 
to be Nurundere’s son. 
If we interpret the animal-named phratries or matrimonial 
classes as survivals of what may be termed the proto-totemic 
complex, we may search for further traces of this 
oer and complex on the lines indicated by them. 

Another animal pair named Kangaroo-Emu seem 
to be next in importance to Eagle-hawk and Crow.? There is 
good reason to believe that the anthropocentrical complexes pro- 
jected into the animal world were riveted at a comparatively early 
period on these two species. For instance, in the Kariera, Namal 
and Injibandi tribes, a hunter, when he has killed a kangaroo or an 
emu, takes a portion of the fat of the dead animal, placing the 
fat aside. This turns into aspirit-baby, which is directed by him to 
enter a certain woman, who thus becomes pregnant. This animal or 
plant is not the totem of the child: in a very large number of cases 
that animal is either the kangaroo or the emu.3 In the so-called 
“ Yungar ” languages the word “‘ yungar’”’ means both “‘ man” and 
“kangaroo.” 4 Again at King George’s Sound we find the belief 

« H. E. A. Meyer, ‘“‘ Manners and Customs of the Aborigines of the Encounter 
Bay Tribes in Woods,” Native Tribes of South Australia, 1879, 205, 206. 

* Cf. Schmidt, ‘‘ L’origine de l’Idée de Dieu,” Anthropos, 1909, 240, 241. N. W. 
Thomas, Kinship Organizations and Group Marriage in Australia, 1906, 83. 

3 A. R. Brown, “ Beliefs Concerning Childbirth in some Australian Tribes,’’ 
Man, 1912, No. 96. Id., ‘Three Tribes of Western Australia,” J. R. A. I., 
1913, 168. ‘ 
<’ Schmidt, “Die Gliederung der Australischen Sprachen,” Anthropos, 1912, 
474. Curr, The Australian Race, 1886, I. 276, 322-63. R. Brown, “‘ Description 
of the Natives of King George’s Sound (Swan River Colony),” J. R. G. S., 
1831, I. 50. 

that if women eat a lot of kangaroo flesh they. will bear children.* 
According to Bonwick the more western portion of aboriginals in 
Tasmania had no idea of a future existence. They thought they 
were like the kangaroo.2 Amongst the Wailwun of the Upper- 
Hunter River the word “‘ Buba”’ (father) is used as the name of 
an old kangaroo—father of the whole race of kangaroos whose thigh 
bone (4 feet long and 8 inches round) is preserved and carried about 
by the members of the kangaroo totem.3 

The Manning, Hastings and Mackay tribes tell a myth of two 
brothers named Byama, who change themselves into big, strong 
kangaroos.4 The personality of Baiamai seems to form a natural 
link between the mythical cycles of the kangaroo and emu. 
Amongst the Wiradthuri, Baiamai is also called Nguruin-dinang- 
ganang, that is the one with emu-feet.5 

Traces of Baiamai’s emu-footedness appear also in a myth of the 
Kamilaroi. A man decided to go towards the setting sun, to the 
home of Baiame, the ancestor of the tribe. After having travelled 
several days, he came to a place inhabited by a tribe of Blacks who 
had the bodies of men and the legs and feet of anemu. They were 
called Dhinnabarruda, owing to their forked feet, and they always 
tried to touch the feet of the passers-by, which, if they succeeded, 
would be transformed into emu’s feet like their own.® 

This peculiarity of Baiamai is shared by two of his colleagues 
in Central Australia. The Altjira of the Arunta is called Altjira 
iliinka (ilia-emu, inka=feet) and is described as a great big, red- 
skinned man with long hair and emu-feet.7 The western Luritja 

* R. Brown, l.c., 30. The eating of kangaroo flesh is, for these tribes, who 
have the same word for man and kangaroo, an unconscious equivalent for canni- 
balism. On eating human flesh as a cause of supernatural birth, see E. S. Hartland, 
The Legend of Perseus, I. 87. 

* H. Ling Roth, The Aborigines of Tasmania, 1899, 57. 

§ Honery, “ Australian Languages and Traditions, Wailwun,” J. A. I., 1877, 
VII. 250. Cf. ““Bubu’’ as the name of the bull-roarer. R. H. Mathews, ‘‘ The 
Burbung of the Wiradthuri Tribes,”’ J. A. I., 1895, XXV. 297; and H. Hale, United 
States Exploring Expedition, 1846, 113. E. M. Curr, The Austvalian Race, III. 
328, 384. 

4 R. H. Mathews, F. A. A., 1899, 23. On the kangaroo as culture-hero: 
“ Tamda—a large reddish kangaroo—a fabulous person from whom the usage of 
tattooing is derived, and who was afterwards transformed into a kangaroo.” 
G. Teichelmann and C. W. Schurmann, Outlines of a Grammar, Vocabulary and 
Phraseology of the Aboriginal Language of South Australia, 1840, 44. 

s Giinther, Grammar and Vocabulary of the Aboriginal Dialect called Wirradhuyt, 
in Threlkeld, An Australian Language as Spoken by the Awabakal, 1892, 94. 

6 R. H. Mathews, F. A, A., 15. On supernatural beings with emu-feet, cf. 
Leonhardi, “ Uber einige religidse und totemistische Vorstellungen der Aranda 
und Loritja,” Globus, XCI. 28f. Basedow, ‘“‘ Uber Felsgravierungen in Zentral- 
Australien,”” Z. E., 1907, 716, 

7C. Strehlow, A. & L., I, 1. Cf., “ Ulthaana (spirit), a gigantic man in 
the sky with an immense foot like that of an emu.” F. J. Gillen, ‘“ Notes on 
sts Manners and Customs of the Aborigines,” Horn Scientific Expedition, 1896, 

V. 183. 

— 

give the same description of their Tukura.t The emu is forbidden 
to the Wiradjuri novices on account of its being Baiame’s food.? 
At the initiation ceremonies of the Yuin the dance of Ngalalbal, 
mother and wife (see above) of Daramulun, is _performed.3 
The latter account contains two further pregnant hints as to 
the unconscious meaning of these beliefs: (a) the animal species 
on which the proto-totemic complex is riveted is connected 
with the initiation ceremonies, (0) the emu is represented as 
the mother of the spirit of initiation. It is more than a 
coincidence that the name of the emu-footed supreme being of 
the Arunta should be Altjira, the same word meaning also the 
mother’s totem.4 

The eschatological significance of the emu is certainly connected 
with its function in the initiation ritual as well as with its meaning 
as a mother symbol. (Cf. on the connexion between the entrance 
into Heaven and initiation: ‘‘ The custom of knocking out their 
two front teeth is connected with their entry into Heaven.” 5) 
A number of emus are driven past the newly arrived spirit in the 
realm of Tha-tha-pulli; at one of these the weapon is hurled and 
the emu stricken down. When they see a shooting-star they 
believe it to be the passage of such a nulla-nulla through space 
and they say: ‘‘ Tha-tha-pulli is trying the strength of some new 
spirit.’’ 6 

In former times the emu was a blackfellow, now he is a constella- 
tion and holds two strings which are joined to the earth to keep it 
balanced.7 The Euahlayi say that the moon, when wishing to escape 
from the spirits who stand round the sky holding it up, to take part 
in the important work of baby-manufacturing, takes the shape of 
an emu.’ This may be compared to the part played by emu fat 
as a cause of conception and to the general meaning of the emu as 
a mother-symbol. The emu-hunt of the soul corresponds to the 
emu-tabu of the novices and the emu-hunt of the initiation-spirit. 
(On the connexion between initiation and the other world see below.) 
Traces of the magico-religious importance of the emu can be found 
all over Australia. ‘‘ A mixture of human fat and emu is applied 
to the wound.’’9 ‘‘Emu fat and ochre is the universal remedy 

t Strehlow, 4. & L., 1908, II. 1. * Howitt, N. T. 588. 

3 Howitt, l.c., 546. On Ngalalbal as Daramulun’s wife, see above. 

4 Strehlow, Lc., II. 57. 

s E. Palmer, “‘ Notes on some Australian Tribes,” J. A. I., XIII. 29r. 

6 A. L. Cameron, ‘‘ Notes on Some Tribes of New South Wales,” J. A. I., 1884, 
XIX. 365. Id., “ Traditions and Folk-Lore of the Aborigines of New South Wales,” 
Science of Man, 1903, 46. ae 

7 A. T. Peggs, ‘“‘ Notes on the Aborigines of Roebuck Bay, Western Australia, 
Folk-Lore, XIV. 362. 

8 K. L. Parker, The Euahlayi Tribe, 1905, 98. a. ; 

9 Shaw, Overland Corney Tribe, River Murray, Rankbirit, Taplin, F. L., etc., 

1879, 29. 4 

for wounds. The medicine man imitates the cry of the emu when 
touching the sick with his magical instrument.”’ 

Our position thus is that the widespread therio-morphic elements 
of the initiation ritual on the one hand, and of mythology on the 

other, are to be regarded as the divergent survivals 
Lie of what we call the proto-totemic complex, that is 

of a quasi-totemic organization resembling the present 
totem clans in certain respects, which also survives in a more direct 
line in the animal-named marriage classes. We haveshown that one 
of the eponymous heroes of these marriage classes, the Eagle-hawk, 
symbolizes the Fathers, the elder generation in mythology: it is in 
accord with our theory to find the Eagle-hawk playing an important 
part in initiation ritual. Important differences between the two 
types of totemic complexes cannot be overlooked. In the proto- 
totemic organization postulated by our hypothesis, clan and horde 
must have been co-extensive, and a dual organization with two 
totems (Eagle-hawk and Crow) symbolizing the Fathers and Sons 
(and thus allies in certain respects yet enemies in others) must have 
existed, As to the theory of a connexion between marriage-classes 
and age-grades, see Cunow.? Our views agree in some measure with 
Rivers,3 though we have a completely different theory to explain 
the origin of the dual system and lay more stress on psychic factors 
of evolution and less on culture contact. Nevertheless, as remarked 
above, it is evident that both factors have contributed their share 
to the origin of the Eagle-hawk and Crow myths. With Frazer, 
we think the dual organization to have been once universal in 
mankind, a step in the evolution of society, and to have been uni- 
versally connected with some form of totemism.4 We also follow 
Frazer in regarding the dual organization as the result of a fission, 
but not as something that was deliberately instituted by the elders 
of the tribe. If our theory is correct, it must have originated 
in inhibitions with regard to certain women, which arose as the 
psychical after-impression of innumerable conflicts between the 
Fathers and the Sons of the tribe. 

The tribes within fifty miles of Maryborough held a Dora 
(initiation ceremony), when some old man announced that he had 
The Eagle-hawk 24d a vision of the Murang (Eagle-hawk), which is the 
in initiation fighting bird.s The tribes practising the Dolgarrity 
se ceremony have performances in which either the 

* H. Basedow, ‘‘ Anthropological Notes made on the South Australian Govern- 
ment North-West Prospecting Expedition,” Tvansactions of the Royal Society of 
South Australia, 1904, XXVIII. 23, 27. : 

+ Die Verwandtschaftorganisationen dey Australneger, 1894. 

s H. M.S., 1914, II. 56. 4 Cf. Frazer, F. O. T., 1919, II. 223. 
5 A. W. Howitt, N. T., 1904, 599. As W. Schmidt remarks, the same word 
means also ‘snake’ (sex-symbol), ‘‘ animal,” ‘‘ flesh,” and also totem in the 

Wakka language. Schmidt, Ursprung der Gottesidee, 1912, 364. J. Mathew, Two 
Representative Tribes of Queensland, 1910, 195, 228, 231. 

; 
_— 
— 

_Eagle-hawk or the Crow isimitated.! It is well known that a promi- 
nent feature of initiation ceremonies all over the world is the death 
and resurrection of the novices. But if we take into account the 
unconscious elements on which the ceremony is founded we come 
to regard this as the result of a fore-conscious rearrangement. 
The ceremony originally commemorates the death of the paternal 
tyrant with his subsequent (endo-psychical) resurrection. This 
throws a new light on the Song of Yibai in the Yuin initiation 
ceremonies. The song refers to Malian, that is Eagle-hawk, in 
connexion with Yibai (one of the marriage classes), Daramulun 
being also Malian. The death, burial and resurrection of a man 
‘named Yibai of the totem Malian was acted, and as there is 
‘ habitually a close connexion between the persons acting and the 
scenes enacted,3 we may suppose that the death and resurrection of 
the Eagle-hawk was meant. 

Before we continue the analysis of the connexion between the 
Eagle-hawk and initiation we must comment on the different réle 
hie Bacle-hawk the Eagle-hawk plays in certain legends from the one 
as cannibal which he plays in the myths that account for the 
Sieh institution of the matrimonial classes. In the latter 
the Eagle-hawk-hero plays the part of the respected father ; in the 
legends we are about to analyse he is an inimical power, a monster 
who must be destroyed by the paternal hero-god of the Baiame- 
type, the culture hero of puberty ceremonies. The Wailwun of 
the Upper Hunter River tell us about a bad spirit called Mullion 
(eagle) who lived on a very high tree at Girra on the Barwon and came 
down devouring men. They tried to drive him away by setting 
fire to the tree; but the wood they piled up at the foot of the tree 
was pushed back by invisible hands. At last Baiame told a man to 
get a red mouse and, putting a lighted straw in its mouth, let it run 
up the tree. This set fire to the tree ; it blazed up and in the midst 
of the smoke they could see Mullion fly away. The same part is 
played by the woodpecker and the climbing rat in an Euahlayi 
version. They climb the tree inhabited by Mullyan the Eagle-hawk, 
a redoubted cannibal, and destroy him by means of a smouldering 
fire-stick that makes the hut blaze up, when Mullyan throws himself 
down to rest. Mullyan’s arm was burnt off and he now lives in the 
sky as Mullyangah, the morning star, on one side of which is a 
- little star, which is his own arm.5 

x R. H. Mathews, E. N., 131. 2 Howitt, N. T., 557-56. 

s ‘“‘ Whenever possible the men who represented animals were of those totems.” 
“ When it is a kangaroo-hunt, it is a kangaroo-man who performs, and the wild-dog 
men hunt him.”—Howitt, l.c., 545. rs 3 

4 Honery, “ Wailwun, Australian Languages and Traditions,” J. A. I., 1877, 
VII. 250. 

5 ‘ L. Parker, Australian Legendary Tales, 1897, 62-64. Id., The Euahlayi 
Tribe, 1905, 102. 

This altered part which the Eagle-hawk plays in the legend may 
be attributed to and is certainly determined by a variety of causes. 
To begin with, we must take the clash of cultures or people into 
account that makes the hero of one people the monster of the other. 
But the further study of the legend points to a deeper psychical 
motive. According to the tribes at Wellington Valley, Piame is 
the Father of their race, and formerly lived amongst them. Mud- 
jegong, on the other hand, is an evil spirit who, after having derived 
his existence from Piame, declared war upon him and now endeavours 
with all his power to frustrate Piame’s undertakings. The offspring 
of Piame were numerous ; all but two were destroyed by Mudjegong, 
who converted them into different wild animals. The two remaining 
children, named Melgong and Yandong, were the progenitors of the 
present race. Piame initiated one of them into the mysteries and 
directed him to extract a front tooth from each of the young men. 
The sequel of the myth is contained in the dramatic representations 
performed at the initiation ceremonies, the principal one being 
emblematic of the destruction of the Eagle-hawk by Piame.3 The 
two survivors from the attacks of the Eagle-hawk seem to correspond 
to his two conquerors in the former legends. The unconscious 
meaning of Baiame here undergoes a slight alteration: he corre- 
sponds to the always benevolent grandfather of the family circle 
(the father of the fathers of the human race), whilst the inimical 
component of the father-complex is, as usual in Australian mythology, 
projected into a second person —Mudjegong the Eagle-hawk. He 
plays the part of the rebellious son to the supreme deity of mankind, 
but in his relation to the novices he corresponds to the paternal tyrant.5 

This explains the prominent part played by the legend of the con- 
quering of the Eagle-hawk in the initiation ritual, as the Eagle-hawk 
means the inimical; the deity of the Baiame type, the benevolent 
aspect of the father-complex. The initiation ritual may rightly 
be described as a victory of the latter over the former. At the 
Burbing of the Wiradthuri tribes an eagle’s nest was represented. 
At the Kamilaroi ceremonies at a short distance from the image of 
Baiamai was the imitation of an eagle-hawk’s nest in a tree. The 
blacks said there was an eagle-hawk’s nest near Baiamai’s first 
home and that he chased the eagle-hawk away.7 

* Cf. Schmidt, Ursprung, 362. Cf. Frazer, F O. T., III, on the myth of Sa 
) , . ” > m: ie 
+ W. Henderson, Observations on the Colonies of New South Wales and Victoria 
1832, 146, 147. : 3 Henderson, l.c., 148. ‘ 
4 Cf. my article on “ St. Nikolaus im Volksbrauch und Volksglauben,” Pester 
Lloyd, 1919, XII. 191. oP. 
5 The usual function of the bullroarer spirit. Mudjegong — = 
Daramulun. Schmidt, Ursprung, 365. De aa Sertich So 
6 R. H. Mathews, ‘‘ The Burbting of the Wiradthuri Tribes.” 
XXIV. 299, 301. ee hg ee ee 
7 Mathews, ‘‘ The Bora, or Initiation Ceremony of the Kamilaroi Tribe.” 
JA Ts 1894) 407. ; 

The Eucla tribe have the following tradition on the origin of 
the rite of circumcision: A long time ago the Blacks were very 
numerous and much troubled with two birds of prey, considerably 
larger than eagle-hawks, which devoured large numbers of the 
tribe. There was a small group consisting of three men and one 
woman, and two of these men attacked and killed these monster 
birds, and then went up into the sky, where they still dwell in 
the dark patches of the Milky Way. The remaining man and 
woman were attacked by a neighbouring tribe, but finally they 
also ascended into the Milky Way and were lost sight of. 

An ascent of this sort is called walyeyooroo.t During circum- 
cision the lad has to keep his eyes fixed on the two spots where 
dwell the slayers of the gigantic birds. According to another 
account the lads are left lying on the ground after circumcision 
till the Milky Way is seen in the sky. Then the lad is asked, 
“Can you see the two black spots?’ When he has seen them he 
is allowed to go to his camp, and then the medicine men tell him 
the following legend : 

A very long time ago, a great bird came and devoured all 
the people excepting three men and one woman. These were 
one Budera (root), one Kura (dingo), one Wenung (wombat) 
and a Kura woman. The men fought the bird and killed it, 
but after it was dead only two spears were found in the body, 
one belonging to the Kura and one to the Wenung man. 
Then they went up to the Milky Way, and the name given 
to the two black spots to which they went is ‘‘ far-away-men.”’ 
After the Budera man, who remained behind, had grown old, 
he also went up to the stars; but he is only seen when he 
walks across the moon (explanation of an eclipse or of the 
interlunary days?) and then he is angry.3 Budera’s children 
were boys, and they went inland a great distance and were 
absent a long time. On their return, each boy brought back 
with him a captured wife. The Budera, before he died, 
marked them with their class marks.4 

t Wilyaru means initiation ceremony in various South Australian languages. 
Is this a mere coincidence ? 

3 E. M. Curr, The Australian Race, 1886, 1. 403. Two black spaces in the Milky 
Way are two old men who were speared at a Bora near the Taldora, on the Saxby 
River, by a race who owned this country a very long time ago. They were trans- 
lated to heaven. The Milky Way is the road to heaven.—E. Palmer, ‘‘ Notes on 
some Australian Tribes,” J. A. J., 1883, XIII. 293. 

3 For the account of a lunar eclipse, A. J. Peggs, ‘“‘ Notes on the Aborigines 
of Roebuck Bay, Western Australia,’ Folk-Lore, 1903, XIV. 340. H. Klaatsch, 
“ Schlussbericht tiber seine Reise nach Australien,” Z. E., 1907, 668. 

¢ Howitt, lc., 665, 666. Cf. ibid., 129. Sub-classes (animal-named) which 
seem to be localized totems at the same time; ibid., 745, 746. (These sub-classes 
or totems are distinguished by various scars.) It is remarkable that the only other 
trace of what looks like totemic or tribal crests should be found in the far north 

Not only the initiation ceremonies, but also—as is to be expected 
in accordance with Atkinson’s theory of social evolution—the 
origin of exogamy is by this legend connected with the death of 
the Eagle-hawk, the tyrannous father. Another version is given 
by Williams : 

Long ago an immense bird larger than the brown Eagle- 
hawk killed and devoured all the tribe except two men and 
one woman, who killed the bird. Afterwards they were 
attacked by a hostile tribe but could not be speared because 
they would jump up and appear somewhere else. Finally they 
jumped so high that they never came down again, and the 
two men are dark spots in the Milky Way. 

The Nauo version contains many important traits. The tribe 
was once entirely cut off by a great and powerful warrior styled 
_ “Willoo’”’ (Eagle-hawk), who attempted to possess 

deed heroes’ himself of all the women (nucleus of the Father-Son 
conflict) and destroyed every man except two who 

escaped by climbing into trees. Their names were Karkantya and 
Poona (‘‘two smaller species of hawks’’). Willoo climbed after 
them, but they broke off the branch upon which he sat and he fell 
to the ground. That instant a dog deprived him of his virility, 
whereupon he immediately died and was transformed into an 
Eagle-hawk.2, The two heroes who kill the monster thus appear 
in their true light: they are smaller hawks, which in the language 
of myths and dreams means that they are the sons of the larger 
one. The reason of the conflict is the intention of the large Eagle- 
hawk to possess all the women of the tribe: his punishment 
(castration) the usual neurotic aspect of incest as wish-fulfilment. 
The next version, in common with the Nauo myth, contains the 
motif of the small hawk who is instrumental in vanquishing the 
large one, whilst it is nearest to the Yircla variant as it is also 
explanatory of body-scars. In the Dieri tribe the initiation cere- 
mony that comes next to the Karaweli-Wonkana is called Wilyaru. 

in conjunction with paternal descent, and with traces of the myth of the vanquished 
Eagle-hawk. (As to the latter, see above, the myth of the two old men translated 
to the Milky Way at a Bora.) W. E. Armit tells us that many tribes have crests 
or totems, and gives the following instances: ‘‘ Ngarra—a tribe on the Leichardt 
River, whose crest is a shell on each cheek; the Eugoola, Nicholson River, hooks 
on each arm; Myabi, on Saxby River, snake painted on shield, etc.’”’ Curr, 16s 
II. 300, 301. We shall see below that the Urabunna and Dieri also connect the 
myth of the Eagle-hawk-monster with the custom of cicatrization. 

t Howitt, N. T., 744. : 

+ G. F. Angas, Savage Life and Scenes in Australia, 1847, 1.109. The bull-roarer 
hero is torn to pieces, or his head is cut off by two wild dogs. Spencer and Gillen: 
Nor. T., 1904, 420, 421, 434, 435, 493, 500, 501. Tearing asunder and decapitation 
are both symbolical equivalents of castration; the initiation ritual is but a miti- 

gated castration. Cf. above on Mudjegong the Eagle-hawk, who is also the bull- 
roarer. 

— troche 

The old men let streams of their own blood flow on the young 
man, and then make incisions on the nape of his neck with a sharp 
flint. These, when healed into raised scars, denote that the person 
wearing them has passed through the Wilyaru ceremony.t We 
find the same ceremony combined with a fire ordeal amongst the 
— © Urabunna, who account for the scars by an aetiological 
myth: 

In the Alcheringa there lived two hawks, Irritja and Wantu- 
wantu. The latter was a cannibal and compelled the former 
to hunt blackfellows for him. Irritja always let as many 
natives escape as he could, and gave usually only one to Wantu- 
wantu. Once on coming home from a hunting expedition 
they found a small hawk Kutta-kutta in their camp, who, to 
escape from Wantu-wantu, changed himself into a piece of 
bark and was put on the fire by Wantu-wantu in this shape. 
Kutta-kutta was badly burnt, but he managed to flutter out 
and run away chased by the old bird. Kutta-kutta escaped 
to the camp of the bell-bird, who had married his sister. The 
bell-bird (Oveoica-cristata) led the attack and succeeded in 
killing Wantu-wantu. 

The cuts now made on the bodies of the Wilyaru men are sup- 
posed to represent the marks on the back and on the neck of the 
bell-bird. The natives will not eat the hawk Irritja because it 
helped their ancestors to escape from the Wantu-wantu.2 The 
seemingly meaningless detail about the burning of the Kattu-kattu 
contains the key to the whole myth. In the Wilyaru ceremony 
“the novice is taken and placed in a doubled-up attitude upon 
a steaming and smoking mound. In this position the man remains 
for a short time, but sometimes long enough to burn him severely, 
and is then assisted off by the older men,” who then make the 

cuts on his body.3 

t Howitt, N. T.,658. Gason in Curr, l.c., II. 58. Another phase of the initiation 
rite, the extraction of two front teeth, is also brought into connexion with the 
Eagle-hawk. The teeth are smeared with fat and kept for about twelve months, 
because, if thrown away, the Eagle-hawk would cause larger ones to grow in their 
place. Gason, l.c., 55. The wild-cat seems, probably for historical reasons (enmity 
with a group of wild-cat men), to have replaced the Eagle-hawk in the Arunta tribe 
Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T. 336. 

a Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 1907, 751-54. The episode of “ breaking off 
branches”’ is found here as in the Nauo variant. Boys are often struck on the 
leg with the leg-bones of the Eagle-hawk (irritja), to pass strength from the bone 
into the boy. Both this species and the Brown Hawk (irkalangi) are taboo to 
novices. The latter is also “ ekirinja”’ (taboo) to young women; if one of them 
is suckling a child and she sees one of these birds, she turns so that her breast 
cannot be seen by the bird, because if this should happen, or if the bird’s shadow 
should happen to fall upon her breast, the milk would fail and the breast would 
swell and burst. Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 472, 473. As to the carrion-eating 
habits of the eagle, see Fountain and Ward, Rambles of an Australian Naturalist, 
1907, 17. 3 Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 641. 

BhApAao40 comev PN8Og 0 8 \asarer 

II. 

Iii. 

LV. 

VI. 

VIE, 

VIII. 

IX. 

le 
XII. 

XIII. 

XIV. 

XV. 

XVI, 

XVII. 
XVIII. 

XIX. 

1. THE PROTO-TOTEMIC COMPLEX 

. THz EAGLE-HAWK AS ALL-FATHER, CREATOR, CULTURE HERO. 

a 
52 (p. 57), 110, 111 (H. 555), 112 (H. 564), 261, 262, 263, 264, 
265, 266, 267, 339-348 (p- 38), 321 (H. 563), 328 (p. 38)- . 
BuNDJIL. 
(a2) Word denoting man. ; i 
217, 218, 276, 280 (Anthropos, 1914, 991. P. W. Schmidt: Ur- 
sprung dey Gottesidee, 1912, 285). ; ; 
(b) Means eminent man, elder, 108. Fison and Howitt: Kamilaroi 
and Kurnai, 1880, 210. 
(c) The Master in Heaven. 
94, 95, 97, 98, 99, 100, IOI, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107 (H. 484-86). 

EAGLE-HAWK AS PHRATRY NAME. 
100, 109, II0, I12, I2I, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128, 132, 

133, 135, 136, 140, 141, 142, 143, 321, 328 (Thomas, 48, Howitt: 

N.T., 97, 100, 126). 

MAGICIAN OR DEMON AS EAGLE-HAWK 
88 (C. G. Teichelmann and C. W. Schiirmann: Ovélines of a 
Grammar, Vocabulary and Phraseology of the Aboriginal Language 
of South Australia, 1840, 9). 211 (W. E. Roth: Superstition. 29), 
297 (C. II, 475), 352 (Sp. I, 533). 

. EAGLE-HAWK AS CANNIBAL MONSTER VANQUISHED AT INITIATION. EAGLE- 

HAWK AND CIRCUMCISION. 
52 (p- 55), 76 (p- 54), 77 (P» 55), 82 (Pp. 55), 84 (Pp. 55), 85 
(Pp. 57), 130, 139, 150, 153 (P- 51), 217 (P- 53), 272 (P- 53), 326 

bas 
Widietwe Tindo to NovIcEs. 
(a) 47 (Sp. II, 61r), 48 (Sp. II, 612). 
(6) Taboo for women. 
25; ~ 31, 32, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 47, 49, 50, 51, 52, 55, 222 (Sp. Il, 
T2); 
(c) Childbirth taboo. 
47, 48 (Sp. II, 614). 
EAGLE-HAWK AND Crow. CONFLICT MYTHS. 
too (p. 38), 108, 114, 115 (p. 38), 159, 160, 196 (p. 38), 232 
(P- 40), 328 (p. 38). 
IDENTICAL WoRD FOR EAGLE-HAWK AND MAN. 
156 (C. III, 231, 240). 

EAGLE-HAWK AND CROW REPRESENTED IN INITIATION RITES. 

90, 91, 94, 95, 96 (p. 50), 102, 106 (p. 268), 111 (pp. 50, 268), 114, 
115, 116, 117 (p. 268), 119, 12%, 122, 123, 124 (pp. 51, 268);-Fao 

(p. 268), 163 (p. 50), 328 (p. 50, 268). 

. CRow As TRIBAL SYMBOL, 

108 (H. 134, 374). 
Emu AS MoOTHER-WIFE TO ALL-FATHER, HUNTED By HIM. 

89 (Pp. 45), III (Pp. 44), 130, 153 (P- 44)- 
ALL-FATHER HAS EMU-FEET. 

52, 56, 130, 153 (pp. 48, 49). 

Emu Taboo. 
(a) Novices. 
35 (Sp- II, 612), 47 (p. 44), 48 (P. 44), 52 (P- 44), 89, 130, 150 
(PP. 44, 49), 163 (H. 606), 235 (Pp. 44), 337 (P- 44). 
(6) Childbirth. a: 
35> 41, 47, 77 (Sp. I, 614), 229 (p. 44). 
Emu IN OTHER-WORLD. neha 
I2I, 125 (p. 49), 351 (Folk-Lore, XIV, 362). 
KANGAROO AND EMU CONNECTED WITH CONCEPTION. 
(a) 232, 234, 237 (P- 47), 264 (p. 47). 
(6) Magical use of emu fat. 
65, 89 (p. 49). 
KANGAROO AS CLASS NAME, 
48, 130, 135, 138, 139, 148, 149, 150, 153, 154, 157, 158, 159, 163, 
179, 314 (Thomas, 42, 43). 
KANGAROO CONNECTED WITH SUPREME BEING OR CULTURE HERO. 
88 (p. 48), 139 (p. 48), 152, 249, 350 (p. 109). 
IDENTICAL WORD FOR KANGAROO AND MAN, oR SyMBOLIC EQUIVALENT. 
30 (C. I, 277), 108 (H. 515), 261, 263, 264, 270, 339, 340, 341, 
342, 343, 344, 345, 346, 348 (p. 47). 
KANGAROO TABOO. 
(2) Novices. 

35 (Sp. I, 612), 52 (Sp. I, 471), 235 (Brown: J. R.A.I., 1913, 174). 

(6) Childbirth. 
35, 41, 77 (Sp. 1: 614). 

Gult of 

Carpentaria 

Grenar Austracian Biant 

Map No. tf. 
The Proto-Totemic Complex. 

i) Sep eas: Lae 
pe aps ee §O8 GRERAS fe o 
nial eS WLBRARY ies, | 

\ 

The small hawk instrumental in bringing about the death of 
the larger one stands for the novices, the generation of sons. The 
two larger hawks may be identified with the two currents of 
feeling represented in the Baime and Daramulun (Mudjegong, 
Gayandi) type, the benevolent and the malevolent elements in the 
father-complex, Possibly the explanatory turn of the legend, 
connecting the scars made on the novices with the defeat of the 
Eagle-hawk, may have something to do with the castration suffered 
by the Eagle-hawk in the Nauo variant, as scars and other mutila- 
tions (circumcision, tooth extraction, etc.) form one complex with 
castration in the unconscious.: It is also worthy of remark that 
the scars are made in imitation of the marks on the body of the 
Bell-bird who is the conqueror of the Eagle-hawk. Thus the novice 
is identified with the hero who kills Eagle-hawk, with the Son who 
conquers the Father. Both myth and ritual seem to have a more 
general significance than is visible at first sight. The name of the 
rite Wilyaru is certainly connected with the Willoo (Eagle-hawk) 
of the Nauo legend. The third stage of the Parnkalla and Nauo 
initiation ritual with blood-letting and scarification, thus corre- 
sponding exactly to the Wilyaroo, is called Wilyalkanye. In 
Maroura, Bilara means Eagle-hawk.3 The Nimbalda tribe has the 
word willyaroo for circumcision,4 and according to Arunta tradition 
the “little hawk’’ men are responsible for the introduction of 
circumcision and class names.5 

We are approaching the end of the first part of our investiga- 
tions. This part has been devoted to the survivals of what we 
have called the proto-totemic complex; that is, the 
projection into the environment of those unconscious 
concepts and feelings which have arisen out of the situation deter- 
mined by the so-called ‘‘ Cyclopean’”’ family, thus making certain 
animal species symbolically representative of the father-mother-etc. 
comp’cxes. These proto-totemic organizations must have been local, 
were ..either patri- nor matrilineal in the sense these terms are now 
understood, one animal species representing the horde and more 
especially its leader. Later on this species must have been dupli- 

Summary. 

t Th. Reik, ‘‘ Das Kainszeichen,” Imago, 1917, 31. 

2 Ch. Wilhelmi, Manners and Customs of the Australian Natives, 1862, 18-20. 
G. F. Angas, Savage Life and Scenes in Australia and New Zealand, 1877, I. 115. 

s R. W. Holden, ‘‘ The Maroura Tribe,”’ in G. Taplin, F. L., etc., 1879, 21. 

«4 H.O. Smith, ‘“‘ The Nimbalda Tribe,” ibid., 87. Cf. also Ch. Provis, ‘‘ Kukatha 
Tribe,’’ ibid., roo. On the legend in general, cf. N. W. Thomas, ‘‘ Baiame and the 
Bell-bird,”” Man, 1905, 52, who identifies Baiame with the Bell-bird. 

5 Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 394, 418, 421. A tribe of Waljuks exists (Eagle- 
hawks) near York. Daisy M. Bates, ‘‘ The Marriage Laws and Customs of the 
West Australian Aborigines,” Victorian Geographical Journal, XXIII, XXIV. 47. 
Frazer, T. & E. I, 563. Bilyara, Eagle-hawk as totem always in the Mukwara class. 
Howitt, l.c., 98, 99. Probably the name of the Wilja Tribe is connected with the 
same root. 

cated, as the gradual check of uncontrolled impulses made it 
possible for the old and the young generation of men to go on 
living in the same horde. Now we have two totems for each horde, 
Eagle-hawk and Crow probably representing those of the parent 
horde from which a number of south-east (and south-west) Aus- 
tralian tribes branched off.t The Kangaroo, the Emu, and probably 
other animals may have been introduced at the same time. 

We regard the animal-named marriage classes that extend over 
many of the modern totem clans and even tribes as the survivals 
of these ancient hordes and their beliefs.» This is further corro- 
borated by the animals figuring in initiation ritual and by the 
myths which can only be comprehended in conjunction with this 
ritual. Reik’s explanation gives the key to many often-noticed 
features in initiation rites which connect these with totemism ; 
and we find the same animal species prominent in these as in the 
class names. 

Whilst the Eagle-hawk and Crow symbolize the horde or any- 
other collective unit made up out of men, women and children, 
and must be derived from the parent-complex, the origin of the 
sex-totems is to be searched for in a not very distinct source. A 
variant of the Welu legend may serve to connect the two complexes. 

1 The assumptions put forth in the text are partly modified in the final chapter. 
I would now suppose that the Hawk was the original Father-substitute, later dupli- 
cated by making a smaller species of hawk represent the Son, but this phase has 
been obliterated by introducing a darker bird (Crow), the representative of another 
race, as opponent of the national or racial totem (Eagle-hawk). To-day the Crow 
is a condensed symbol of the Eagle-hawk’s opponents and subsequent allies, 
representing both the Younger Generation and an Alien Race. 

3 In South-West Australia the names of the marriage classes have totemic 
meaning. See Frazer, T. & E., I. 563. Amongst the Mukjarawaint and other 
tribes it is difficult to decide whether we have to do with totems and sub-totems, 
or marriage classes and totems. See Frazer, l.c., I. 462. 

—

SEX-TOTEMS 
An aboriginal named Welu, celebrated for being a furious 

watrior as also a great woman-lover, made the resolution to 
exterminate the whole tribe of Nauos. He suc- 

Th h hh s eee 
cathe Aner ceeded in killing all the males by throwing one 
eis 4). Spear through all of them as they stood in single 

file. Two young men, however, escaped, having 
sought refuge in the top of a tree. Welu followed them to 
kill them likewise, but they broke the branch upon which their 
enemy had climbed; he fell to the ground and was attacked 
and torn to pieces' by a tame dog. Thereupon Welu was 
changed into a bird called in English the ‘‘ curlew’”’ and the 
youths who had escaped his wrath were transformed into little 
lizards, the male of which is called Ibirri and the female 
Waka: this is said to have occasioned the distinction between 
the human sexes. 

This procedure did not seem to have been approved of by the 
aborigines, as each sex formed a fruitless hatred against the opposite 
sex of this little animal, the men amidst jokes and laughter striving 
to kill the Waka and the women the Ibirri.2 

1 Symbolical substitute for castration. Cf. the myth of Osiris torn asunder 
and his missing phallus. See Frazer, Adonis, Attis, Osiris, 1907. 

+ Ch. Wilhelmi, ‘“‘ Manners and Customs of the Australian Aborigines,” R. S. T., 
1862, 37. Cf. Angas, Savage Life and Scenes in Australia and New Zealand, 1847, 
I. 109. ‘‘ A small lizard is supposed to be the originator of the sexes. The men 
distinguish it by the name of ‘ ibirri,’ the women call it ‘waka.’ The men destroy 
the male lizards, and the women the females.’”’ As to the last detail, the account 
given by Wilhelmi is the correct one, as it is corroborated by Schiirrmann and by 
the general evidence on sex-totems. C, W. Schiirrmann, ‘“ The Aborigines of Port 
Lincoln in South Australia,” in T. D. Woods, The Native Tribes of South Australia, 
1879, 241. Cf. Tarrotarro—a species of lizard. A fabulous person who divided 
the sexes. C. G. Teichelmann and C. W. Schirrmann, Outlines of a Grammar, 
Vocabulary and Phraseology of the Aboriginal Languages of South Australia, 1840, 45. 
In the version we gave above, thecannibal bird’s name was translated as Eagle-hawk, 
but both Wilhelmi and Schiirrmann (followed by N. W. Thomas in the article quoted 
above) render Welu as curlew. Cf. A. L. P. Cameron, “‘ Notes on a Tribe speaking 
the Boontha Murra language,” Science of Man, 1903, 91. ‘‘ They are very much 
afraid of the curlew.’’ However, Schtirrmann tells us that the conquerors of the 
monster were two kinds of hawks, as in the version quoted above. Probably the 
curlew is a later local innovation for the rite ha 

We have demonstrated by comparative analysis of this type 
of myth that the conquerors of Welu represent a later generation 
and thus the legend might be taken as markedly exemplifying the 
relative antiquity of the human complexes projected into totemism 
(Eagle-hawk) and sex-totemism (small hawks, son-hero). 

The function attributed to the lizard reappears in Central 
Australia, where Mangarkunjerkunja, the Alcheringa hero of the 
Arunta lizard totem, transformed the “inapertwa”’ into real 
human beings. (He was the originator of subincision, fire-making 
and marriage regulations.!) The transforming of the ‘‘ inapertwa ”’ 
is also the subject of a myth of the Yuin, the eastern neighbours 
of the Kurnai. Before there were men there were creatures some- 
what like human beings but without members. Muraurai, the 
Emu-wren, turned them into men and women by splitting their 
legs, separating the arms from the sides, and otherwise perfecting 
them.? The originator of sexes is at the same time their personi- 
fication. There are two birds which the Kurnai reverence: the 
Emu-wren and the Superb Warbler, which are the sex-totems, and 
no man would think under any circumstances of injuring his “‘ elder 
brother”’ Yiirung or any woman her “elder sister’’ Djiitgun. 

In the Kurnai tribe sometimes ill-feeling arose between the 
men and the women, and then some of the latter went out and 
killed one of the men’s “‘brothers’’ to spite them. 

The fights : ee 
between the On their return to the camp with their victim the 
or men attacked them with their clubs and they defended 

themselves with their digging-sticks. Or the men might go out 
and kill a “‘ woman’s sister,” whereupon the women would attack 
them.3 Heavy blows were struck, heads were broken and blood 
flowed, but no one stopped them. Only those young men fought 
who might get married, not the newly initiated; these were sup- 
posed to stand back, not liking to see the women’s blood. One 
fight follows the other, each party beginning the quarrel by killing 
the other’s “sister’’ or “ brother.’”” In a week or two the wound 
and bruises were healed, and then, when one of the eligible young 
men met one of the marriageable women, he looked at her and 
said “ Djiitgun,” and she said “ Yiirung! What does the yiirung 
eat? ’’ The reply was, “‘He eats kangaroo,” etc. Then they 
laughed, and she ran off with him without telling anyone.4 

The horror the younger men feel at the women’s blood may 
serve as a starting-point of interpretation. A well-known infantile 

« C. Strehlow, A. & L., I. 6. They stand in awe of the lizard. Strehlow, l.c., 
II. 73. The sky would fall down upon the earth if somebody were to kill the Man- 
gakunjarkuna. W. Planert, ‘“‘ Aranda Grammatik,” Z. E., 1907, 566. The large 
lizard is taboo to the novices, the penalty being an abnormal craving for sexual 
intercourse. Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 471. 

2 Howitt, N.T., 484, 485. 3 Howitt, l.c., 1904, 149. 

¢ Fison and Howitt, Kamilaroi and Kurnai, 1880, 203. 

; concept of coitus is that this is an attack, a murderous attempt, 
» upon the woman, the vagina being a bleeding wound that marks 
the feminine sex as the victim of masculine aggression. Menstrua- 
| tion, the sexual purport of which is, if not consciously known, at 
least unconsciously felt by the savage, is accounted for in this way. 
- At the first menstruation of a Chiriguano girl old women run about 
| the house with sticks, “ striking «at the snake which has wounded 
her.’’2 In Saibai and Yam the moon is held responsible for the 
_ appearance of the catamenia, the first period at puberty being due 
to actual connexion during sleep with the moon in the shape of 
-aman.3 In the Aru Islands the evil spirit called Boitai takes the 
_ semblance of the woman’s husband and has intercourse with them 
. whilst traversing the forest, shown afterwards by bleeding from 
the vagina. This infantile and sadistic concept of coitus is 
_ demonstrated in the brutal treatment to which women are fre- 
quently subjected previous and preparatory to marriage (usually 
| called “‘ marriage by capture’’5). It is perhaps not an illegitimate 
conjecture if we think the symbolic equation murder-coitus found 
_ by psycho-analysis in dreams and other products of the unconscious 
is also valid in the case of the Kurnai custom. Thus we should 
have a veiled, that is symbolic, coitus as the magical preliminary 
to actual coitus (marriage),6 conforming to the general rule in the 
realm of magic and the unconscious that like produces like. In 
an Australian tribe all the eligible men are the woman’s “ hus- 
bands ’”’ according to the classificatory system ; these men recipro- 
cally use the term “ brother’’ when speaking to each other. 

If the woman has symbolical connexion with the bird as “ elder 
brother’’ of the man, we may say that the sex-totem stands for 
The sex-torem tae whole marriage-class or age-grade; it may be 
represents the regarded as an eject of a group of “‘brothers,” as 
pporher. potential husbands, into nature. At present, of 
course, the “‘ brothers’’ of a woman in the classificatory sense are 
non-eligible as husbands, but the sex-totem probably belongs to 
a state of social organization in which something like brother and 

1 Cf. S. Freud, “Tabu der Virginitat,’’ Sammlung kleiner Schriften zur Neuro- 
senlehve, Vierte Folge, 1918, 229. 

2 E. Crawley, The Mystic Rose, 1902, 192, quoting Lettres édifiantes et curieuses, 
VIII. 333. E. Nordenskidld, Indianerleben, 1912, 210. 

3 Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torves Straits, 1904, 
V. 206. “ The girl dreams it is a man, but really it is the moon, who embraces 
her.” On the connexion of the moon with dreams see W. H. R. Roscher, Selene 
und Verwandtes, 1890. The part played by the moon is determined both by the 
monthly recurrence of the catamenia and by the erotic dreams of women at this 

time. Cf. Henning, Dey Traum, 1914, for recorded cases of these dreams. 

4 Riedel, De Sluik en Kroeshaarige Rassen tuschen Selebes en Papua, 1888, 252. 

5 The resistance of the bride must be conquered by force. Edward M. Curr, 
Recollections of Squatting in Victoria, 1883, 143. On marriage by capture, see 
Avebury, Westermarck, Crawley, Kohler, Post, etc. 

6 I have given the same explanation for the love oracles of European folklore. 

Réheim, Spiegelzauber, 1919,'136. 

sister group-marriage prevailed. We suppose this phase of society 
to have existed for a time after the breaking down of the Patri- 
archal Horde, but before the Dual Division was developed; we 
must leave the details of this question for another essay. 

The representatives of the proto-totemic complex stand for the 
Sire in onto- and phylogenetic evolution, the sex-totem, the “ elder 
brother ”’ of the men (the “‘ elder sister’ of the women) represents 
the secondary fixation of the infantile libidinal impulse in the 
family circle ; the parents being the objects of the first fixation, it 
personifies the (elder) brother or sister. 

The Loritja call the plant belonging to the men and the youths 
mulati, and that belonging to the women and girls okara, and 
both tease each other with the words “‘ This is thy twin brother ”’ 
(‘‘ sister ’’).t The Yuin sex-totems are the Bat and the Emu-wren 
as the men’s brother, and the Tree-creeper as the women’s sister.? 
These sex-totem fights arose in the Wotjobaluk tribe in a similar 
way as among the Kurnai. The men would kill an owlet-nightjar 
and boast about it in camp. The women in their turn would 
kill a bat, and carry it to the camp on the point of a stick with 
a piece of wood to keep its mouth wide open. This was held up 
in triumph to the men and proved sufficient provocation for a fight. 
These sex-totems were called yaur (flesh) ngirabul or mir, just 
like the totems proper. The bat was the brother of all the men, 
the owlet-nightjar the sister of all the women: the “ Bat” was 
the man’s brother and the “ Nightjar’’ was his wife.3 Speaking 
of the Western districts of Victoria, Dawson says that the grey 
bandicoot belongs to the women and is killed and eaten by them, 
but not by men and children. The common bat belongs to the 
men, who protect it against injury, even almost killing their wives 
for its sake. The fern owl, or large goatsucker, belongs to the 
women, and although a bird of evil omen, creating terror at night 
by its cry, is jealously protected by them. If a man kills one they 
are as much enraged as if it was one of their children and will 
strike him with their long poles. At Port Stephens the Bat and 
the Tree-creeper are the Gimbai or “friends” of the men and 
women respectively. The men took the bat under their protection 
and woe betide any woman who dared to injure one. The bat was 
also called Kuri, that is ‘“‘man.’’5 In the Ta-ta-thi tribes and 
Wathiwathi, if a woman killed a bat there used to be a great row, 
in which the women sometimes got hurt. Similarly, the women 
reverenced a species of small owl and attacked the men if they 
tried to kill one of these birds.¢ 

* C, Strehlow, 4.& L., IV. 1. Abt. 1913, 98. 2 Howitt, N. T., 150. 

3 A. W. Howitt, “ Further Notes on Australian Class Systems,” J. A. I., XVIII. 
£889, 57. 1d., .N.:T., 150; 

4 James Dawson, Australian Aborigines, 1881, 52. 5s Howitt, N. T., 150. 

6 A. L. P. Cameron, ‘‘ Notes on some Tribes of New South Wales, J. A. I 
XIV. 1885, 350. 

of 

_ The Ta-ta-thi call the bat ‘‘Rakur” and the small owl 
_ “ Dhrail,” and men and women speak to each other as “ Rakur” 
and “Dhrail” respectively: The Wathiwathi call this pair 
“Benalongi’”’ and “‘Yeraleri.’ In the Turrbal tribe it was 
said that the small bat made the men and the night-hawk the 
women. The men would kill a woman’s sister out of mischief, 
and then there would be ‘‘a sort of jolly fight like skylarking.” + 
Amongst the Dieri both the men and women have a plant as 
“ Ngambu,”’ that is ‘‘ Protector,” and when they wish to tease each 
other the men root up the protector of the women and the women 
the protector of the men; showing it to the other sex they say, 
This is your “‘ Ngambu.”3 The Arunta and Loritja have a small 
black bird as symbol of the men, and a small pigeon as symbol 
of the women. If an Arunta kills a pigeon he will show it to a 
woman, saying “nana unkwangatuja”’ (this belongs to you). 
_ There is also the flower worrakaljialjia as symbol of the men and 
the kwarakaljikaljia as symbol of the women; its milky juice is 
rubbed by girls on their breasts to make them grow quickly. 
The teasing goes on here just as in all the other cases.4 The sex- 
totems are, as we have already seen, connected with the creation 
of sex in mankind: a function natural enough for beings who 
are themselves the personifications of the libido. Amongst the 
_ Awabakal the bird tilmun (a small bird the size of a thrush) is 
supposed by the women to be the first maker of women, or to be 
a woman transformed after death into a bird. These birds are 
held in veneration by the women only, and the bat is held in 
veneration on the same ground by the men.s The Wotjobaluk 
account of the creation of man says that long ago Ngunung-ngunnut 
the bat, who was a man, lived on the earth, and there were others 
‘like him, but there was no difference between the sexes. Feeling 
lonely, he wished for a wife, and he altered himself and one other 
so that he was the man and the other the woman. Then he made 
fire by rubbing a stick on a log of wood.6 W. Schmidt very aptly 
remarks that the fire-making can, under these circumstances, 
mean nothing other than the sexual act.7 
Our knowledge of unconscious symbolism makes it possible to 

: Cameron, “‘ Traditions and Folklore of the Aborigines of New South Wales,” 
Science of Man, 1903, 46. Sex-totems occur as far as the Buandik on the coast, 
_and the Wonghibon northwards. Howitt, N. T., 150. 
» Howitt, N. T., 150, 151. 
s O. Siebert, ‘‘Sagen und Sitten der Dieri und Nachbarstamme in Zentral- 

Australien,”’ Globus, 97, 1910, 49. 4 Strehlow, A. & L., IV. 98. 
- 5s A. L. Threlkeld, An Australian Language as Spoken by the Awabakal, 1892, 
79. Cf. R. H. Mathews, E. N., 1905, 137. 6 Howitt, N. T., 484. 

7 W. Schmidt, Ursprung, 289. A variant of the fire-myth is found among the 
Wathi-Wathi: they say that Rakur (the bat) was the first to put fire in the wood, 
and he was also the first to show them how to makeit. A. L. P. Cameron, “ Tradi- 
tions and Folklore of the Aborigines of New South Wales,” Science of Man, 1903, 46. 

discover the same meaning underlying another myth of the sex- 
totems also referred to by this author. The Dhiel is a small night- 
jar which remains in the hollow sprouts of the trees during the 
day and comes out at night. This bird was a woman, a being of 
mystery, in the far-away past, and the soldier-ant and the leech 
were her dogs.t She superintended the initiation of women and 
was friendly to all the beings of her own sex, but would kill and 
eat boys and men. This she managed to do by means of her 
magical water-trough : 

When the men came for a drink of water she said there was 
very little water in the trough so they had better put their 
heads in to drink. As soon as they did this the trough closed 
around their necks and made them fast: then she would 
dispose of them with her dogs and eat them. At last the 
crow came with a charmed shield, and when he bent his head 
in the trough he held the shield in front of him and prevented 
it from closing. Now he chased the nightjar till he overtook 
her as well as her dogs and killed them, breaking the magic 
trough. Her voice went into all the trees round which she 
was chased, and it is heard in the small bullroarer, the 
‘‘munibear,” at the initiation ceremonies. When the old 
women hear the small bullroarer they say, “‘ That is our play- 
mate calling to us! ’’3 

We may begin the interpretation of this myth with that part | 
of it which is quite evident. Dhiel personifies woman as such. 
Her water-trough, then, must stand for the vagina, the men who 
put their heads into it perform a coitus symbolically expressed by 
a displacement upwards. The fear of Dhiel is the fear of the 
vagina with its corollary, the castration-complex and the mythical 
hero, the crow, personifies the psychical process by which this fear 
was overcome at the successful performance of the first coitus. 
The meaning will be made quite clear by the parallel ‘‘ vagina 
dentata’’ motive of north-west American mythology: the woman 
with teeth in her genitalia kills all her would-be lovers till the hero 
inserts a stone wedge instead of his penis and breaks the charm.3 
The castration-complex is usually found to be derived from an 
incestuous complex as a talion-punishment on account of the 
fulfilment of these unconscious wishes; we may comment on the 

res Dogs” frequently accompany supernatural beings, and these are usually 
dangerous animals. They are just the reverse of man’s dogs. Bahloos dogs are 
snakes. K. L. Parker, Australian Legendary Tales. Ci. S. T. Rand, Legends of 
the Micmacs, 1894, 5, 6. : 

2 R. H. Mathews, E. N., 153-55. 

3-Ci. FE: Boas, Indianische Sagen von dey Novd-pazifischen Kiiste, 24, 25, 66, 76, 
77. R. H. Lowie, “ The Northern Shoshone,” Anthvopological Publications of the 

Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., Vol. II, P. II, 1909, 237, 238. B. H. Chamberlain, ‘‘ Aino 
Folk Tales,” 1888 (Folk Lore Soc., XXII), 37-39. 

fact that Dhiel is the sex-totem, the “elder sister,” and also the 
~ ancestress, the mother, of the tribe. 
A myth of the Koko-minni is of very great interest in this con- 
_ hexion, because it shows the libidinal setting of the castration- 
complex as a punishment for incestuous desire, and at the same 
time confirms our interpretation of the wound on the leg as a 
_ symbolic castration : 

A very long time ago the Bat used to be of a very amorous 
disposition, and as he got tired of his wife (the bandicoot) 
he began to press his attentions first upon the iguana and 
then upon the frilled lizard. But these, instead of satisfying, 
seemed only to inflame his passions. He subsequently asked 
the Eagle-hawk for the loan of his sister. (Here the idea of 
sexual intercourse between the Bat—who represents the Son— 
and a woman belonging to the Eagle-hawk-Father, connects 
the myth with the proto-totemic complex.) Finally returning 
home, the Bat turned his wife out. Meeting his mother-in- 
law soon after, he proved himself guilty of incest, and feeling 
at last a bit tired and hungry, proceeded to look for some 
honey. In peering up a hollow tree, he struck his eye against 
a projecting piece of bark and so got his eye damaged.! 

The Bat, whose blindness is here attributed to a similar reason 
to that of Oedipus, is really blind, and this must have been an 
additional reason for riveting the incest and castration-complex 
on this animal, whilst it also determined its choice as a male 
sex-symbol. Here, as well as in the Boulia District, the develop- 
ment of blindness, when not explicable by visible traumatic causes, 
is accounted for as a punishment for continued persistence in 
raping married women when alone and unprotected in the Bush. 
Anybody can inflict this punishment (except a woman), and it is 
generally of course the men injured by the rape committed on his 
wife who, by binding opossum claws to his little fingers and clawing 
the air in the direction of the offender’s eye (magic of the “ pointing 
bone” type), gets his revenge. The culprit is totally unconscious 
of what has been done to his visual organs and yet gets blind and 
can see no more women to assault.? 

On the Bloomfield River, if somebody has sore eyes, this is 
because he has cut down the upper branches of a certain tree where 
a special kind of honey is found which has been made taboo. The 

hollow tree seems to be a symbol of the mother’s womb3; this 
would account for these trees being sacred to the All-Father, Baiame,4 
and for the part played by the bees in the Euahlayi paradise.s 

t W. E. Roth, S. M. M., 5, 1903, 15. 2 Roth, 1.c.,:22. 
s Cf. Réheim, Spiegelzauber, 1919, 497. Id., “‘ Das Selbst.”” Imago, 1921, 11. 
4 K. L. Parker, Move Australian Legendary Tales, 1898, 84, 85. 
5 Parker, Euahlayi Tribe, 114. 

The legend which attributes the origin of death (see below) to 
breaking the taboo set on trees (mother-symbol) and causing the 
Bat (masculine libido) to fly away, thus becomes intelligible. In 
one variant (Murray. River) the woman sets out collecting fuel, 
in another (Euahlayi) the woman who disturbs the Bat is after the 
honey found in the hollow tree (see below). The account of the 
numerous amorous adventures of the Bat, which end in incest, 
illustrates Freud’s theory of series-formation (Reihungbildung) 
as a flight from and a search after the incestuous object. The 
mother-in-law is of course a representative of the mother-imago, 
a substitute for the mother. The whole series of avoidance- 
customs may perhaps have been transferred to the mother-in-law 
at a time when the exchange of sisters was substituted for the 
marriage with a man’s own sister, and thus the person of the 
mother-in-law became separate from that of the mother. 

In its older form the avoidance of the mother (who was also 
mother-in-law) would come into operation only after having 
married the sister and thus relinquished all claims to the mother. 
At any rate, in our myth we find that the Bat peers into hollow 
trees after having committed incest with his mother-in-law and 
thus repeats the same thing in a symbolic fashion. The blindness 
is of course castration displaced upwards. 

To return to Dhiel, it must be noted that there is a corresponding 
myth for the male. Dhuramoolan also killed all the initiates till 
he was killed and his voice put into the larger bullroarer by Baiamai. 
Now Dhuramoolan had a wife named Moonibear, who watched 
over all matters relating to women, and at the ceremony of the 
Burbing she is represented by the small bullroarer.t The concept 
of the ancestral pair who in their turn are generally represented as 
the children of the All-Father and are personified inthe two bullroarers 
at initiation, is intimately bound up with that of the sex-totems. 
The Kurnai perform the ceremony of initiation as handed down 
by their ancestors, the mystic pair Yiirung and Djiitgun.2 This 
pair is evidentlyidentical with the “man Tundun” and the ‘“‘woman 
Tundun,”’ the former of these bullroarers being the larger one, 
also called Wehntwin (Grandfather) or Muk-brogan (Arch-Comrade). 
Brogan means those who are initiated at the same time.3 We 
here get a clue to the fact that the libidinal complexes are generally 
personified in Australian religion and mythology by a separate 
‘‘ Abspaltung,”” who appears by the side of or as created by 

« R. H. Mathews, ‘‘ The Biirbiing of the Wiradthuri Tribes,” Dae: 8 qe 
1895, 298. : 5 
* Fison and Howitt, Kamilaroit and Kuynai, 1880, 194. ; 
s Howitt, N. T., 628-30. Cf. the remarks and data of P. W. Schmidt, “ Die 
Stellung der Aranda,” Z. E., 1908, 893. The reference to Mathews, E. N .» 176, isa 
misprint for p. 116. Schmidt, Ursprung, 262. 

_ the All-Father, although the same unconscious elements are at 
the bottom of both complexes: this is the first Man, the Elder 
ein of Brother, the Sex-Totem. The creation of this 

© libidinal concepts “Abspaltung”’ is the consequence of a_ general 
in connexion tendency, corresponding to the infantile negation of 
pe hineey sexuality towards the parents; since all erotic ele- 
return of ments undergo a repression in connexion with the 
eal person of the All-Father? they must by the law 

of the return of repressed elements (Wiederkehr 
des Verdrangten, Freud) create a new libido object in the person 
of the first Man. 
_ Eun-newt, the Bat, was the only one of the primeval race that 
stopped on the earth when the others climbed to the sky, he is 
the ancestor of humanity.? Pallian the Bat was the brother, or, 
as some say, the son, of the creator Bundjil. Bundjil made every- 
thing excepting women; these were fished out of the water by 
the Bat with his crooked stick. The stick symbolizes the penis, 
the water refers to the intra-uterine position of the embryo. It 

- was also the Bat who told the Blacks to marry.3 

Further traces of the sex-totems are also connected with sym- 
bolical representations of the sexual functions. According to the 
Niol-niol, who also have the two bullroarers and say that these 
are connected with sexuality, the Bat and the Duck were the first 
to be circumcised. As the larger bullroarer is called Mirnbor 
(Duck-Man), the smaller is probably the Bat. This function of 

- the Bat, its connexion with sexuality on the one hand, death on 

_ the other (for the sex-totems are the external souls of the men), 
may help to explain the following myth of the Murray River 
natives. 

The first man and woman were forbidden to go near a certain 
tree where the Bat lived. Once the woman was collecting fuel 
(see above on the unconscious symbolic meaning of fire) and 
approached the tree. The Bat flew away, and this is how death 
came into the world. 

The evident similarity with the Biblical legend © does not seem 

_ to be the consequence of a native adaptation of missionary teach- 
ings, but rather to have been developed independently on corre- 
sponding lines of sex-symbolism. The Bat who ought not to be 

t This is the psychological explanation of the “‘ ethical” nature of the All-Father, 
which is undeniable, and has been justly emphasized by Father Schmidt. 

2 R. Brough-Smyth, The Aborigines of Victoria, 1898, I. 462. 

3 Id., ibid., I. 427. Howitt, 1.c., 484. Wurunjerri. 
4 H. Klaatsch, “‘ Schlussbericht ueber seine Reise nach Australien,” Z. E., 1907, 
652, 654. : : 
. 5 Brough-Smyth, Aborigines of Victoria, I. 428. For the Euahlayi version, see 
K, L. Parker, The Euahlayi Tribe, 1905, 98. fic 
6 See the analytical interpretations as given by Levy, “‘ Sexualsymbolik in der 

biblischen Paradiesgeschichte,”’ Imago, V. 16. 

II, 

Ill, 

IV. 

Ve 

Wilk 

VII. 

VIIl. 

IX. 

XI. 
XII. 

XIII. 

XIV. 

XV. 
XVI. 

2. TABOO, SEX-TOTEM AND INDIVIDUAL TOTEM 

. TABoo TO KILL AND EAT THE TOTEM. 

7 (Sp. III, 194), 41, 42, 43, 50 (p. 75), 89 (H. 135, 146), 108 
(H. 135, 176), 111 (p. 73), 171 (Pp. 73), 180 (p. 73), 283 (C. Il, 
366), 318 (p. 73), 323 (P- 77): 

Taspoo To Kitt AND Eat ToTEM IN A RELAXED STATE. (KILL AND Eat 
ONLY UNDER CERTAIN CONDITIONS, APOLOGIZE FOR KILLING, ETC.) 
48, 50, 52, 56 (p- 74), 146 (Pp. 74), 192 (P- 74), 261, 262, 263, 264, 
265, 266, 267 (p. 73), 344, 345, 346 (p- 73)- 

THE TABOO ONLY REFERS TO THE KILLING NOT TO EATING OF THE TOTEM, 
24 (Sp. IIL, 197), 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 228° (ps 63)erge 
(Brown: J.R.A.I., 1918, 248). 

THE TABOO REFERS ONLY TO EATING AND NOT TO KILLING. 

47 (Sp. II, 327), 77 (P- 74), 193, 194, 196, 204, 210, 223, 224 (p. 74). 

ABSENCE OF THE ToTEMIC TABOO; EATING AND KILLING PERMITTED. 
76, 150, 232, 235, 236, 319 (p. 76, Parker: Euahlayi, 20), 89 (Brown: 
J.R.A.I., 1918, 229, 248-50). 

A NATURAL SPECIES IS RESERVED TO THE USE OF A HUMAN GROUP. 
170, 171, 183, 188, 299, 325 (pp. 88, 89, Curr, III. 27), 264 (Brown ; 
Description of the Natives of King George’s Sound, Journ. Geog., 

I, 43). 
THE TOTEM SACRAMENT. 

24, 45, 48, 50, 52, 56, 222 (pp. 244-254). 
ABSENCE OF ToTEMiIc ExoGamy. 
4, 6, 13, 17, 18, 19, 20, 48, 50, 51, 52, 55, 56 (Sp. I, II, III, Strehlow). 
The existence of the totemic taboo among the Narrinyeri (89) is 
sometimes affirmed, then again denied by our authorities, 
Sex ToTEMs. ; 
52, 56, 76 (pp. 62, 63), 84, 85 (p. 59), 92, 93 (Pp. 62), 95 (p. 62), 108, 
109 (p. 60), I11 (pp. 60, 62), 118 (p. 63), 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126 
ee 7 130 (p. 63), 137 (P- 64), 150 (p. 67), 155, 157 (p. 63), 202 
. THE BaT. ; 
93 (Pp. 62), 95 (p. 62), 100 (Howitt: N.T., 150), 111 (p. 62), 118 
(p- 63), 121, 125 (p. 63), 150 (p. 65), 155 (Pp. 63), 209 (p. 324), 21% 
(p- 65), 229 (p. 67), 331 (p. 62). 
THe Lizarp. 
52 (p- 60), 84, 85 : 9). 
FIRE AND SEx Totem. eae 
95, 121 (p. 63). 
MALE AND FEMALE BULL-ROARER. 
85, 100, 106, 108, 114, 115, 116, 117, 129, 132, 140, 141, 142, 156, 
157, 229 (pp. 66, 67), 232 (Brown: J.R.A.I., 1913, 168). 
INDIVIDUAL ToTEMS : CONGENITAL 
89 (p. 80), 163 (p. 80), 180 (p. 80), 198 (p. 80), 261 
piptiee oe; ios (P. 80) (Pp. 80), 261, 262, 263, 264, 
INDIVIDUAL’ ToTEM RECEIVED AT INITIATION, 
24 (Pp. 91), 111 (p. 80), 208 (p. 80). 
INDIVIDUAL TOTEM OF SHAMAN. 

89, 118 (p. 80), 150 (p. 81). 

a a 

Grear 

ii 

wannaoc 2 : (Grete ‘ Gul 
: St a OR 5 BB ft of 

_ Carpentaria 

Austratian Bicnt 

Map No. 2. 
Taboo, Sex-Totem and Individual Totem. 

disturbed is the male sex-totem (a woman is responsible for letting 
it out !), the masculine impulse, the libido. It is the life-impulse 
which results in death.: 

The part played by the Bat in Australia is in a certain sense 
similar to its function in European folklore. It is nailed to the 
door as an amulet against witches and is used in love-charms.? 
If an unmarried person chances to see one flapping its wings he 
will be married within a year.3 Cutting off its head with a piece 
of silver and burying it is a charm to get rich.4 Its bones are used 
as a talisman.s It figures as a love-charm, together with the frog 
(masculine and feminine symbols).6 In both Continents we find 
the Bat as a symbol of the sexual functions and an ambivalent 
attitude (killing in Australia, nailing to the doorpost in Europe) 
_ towards this animal. As to the owlet, which is the sex-totem of 
the women, ‘‘in several villages of North and South Wales, when 
an owl hoots in the midst of houses, a maiden inhabitant will loose 
her chastity.” 7 

The fear of the bat often observed in women is probably 
analogous to the reactions they show at the sight of other uncon- 
scious sex-symbols, such as frogs, toads, mice. The choice of the 
Bat as a phallic symbol is determined by its flight as well as its 
connexion with twilight, with the psychic twilight of the fore- 
conscious and the unconscious, the twilight opening the gates of 
dreamland, the land of a relatively uncensored wish-fulfilment for 
reality-stricken humanity. 

The phobia of the bat getting entwined in the long hair of 
women is a repressed wish, the head being substituted for the 
female genital organ (displacement upwards) and the bat for the 
penis. The beliefs regarding conception are, as we shall see below, 
merely veiled representations of the sexual functions. The natives 
at Cape Bedford say that babies are made where the sun sets and 
in their original condition are full-grown, but in their passage 
into their maternal homes take the form of the curlew if a girl, 
of a pretty snake if a boy. Bird and snake are both symbolic 
of the penis that effects the passage of the baby into its mother’s 
womb, and may be paralleled by the Crow, who inserts the girl 
babies, and the Lizard, who inserts the boy babies, into their Euah- 
layi mothers.9 The identity of the sex-totems with the spirits of 

1 For similar myths, see Réheim, Spiegelzauber, 1919, 122, 123. 

s Wuttke, Der Deutsche Volksaberglaube, 1900, 124. 

3 M. Trevelyan, Folk Lore and Folk Stovies of Wales, 1908, 108. 

4 P. Sebillot, Le Folk Love de France, 1906, III. 45. 

s F. S. Krauss, Volksglaube und religidsey Brauch dey Siidslaven, 1890, 147. 
G. F, Abbott, Macedonian Folk Lore, 1903, 110. 

6 Wlislocki, Volksglaube und veligidser Brauch der Zigeuner, 1891, 133. 

? Trevelyan, l.c., 83. 8 W.E. Roth, S. M. M., V. 23. 

9 Parker, Euahlayi Tribe, 1905, 50, 61. Both are assisted by the moon, who 
is responsible for the origin of the sexes on the Proserpine River. Roth, Lc., 16. 

initiation, their rdle as ‘‘ Arch-comrades,” calls attention to a 
further unconscious current of feeling represented by them; as 

demonstrated by the battles fought between the 
The sex-totems sexes, they stand for the solidarity of those of the 

as representa- : ip 10 
tives of the same sex, for sexual antagonism.t The Dieri call 
i hg the sex-totems Ngambu, ‘‘Protector,’’ the same 

term being applied to the men who are entrusted 
with the novices during initiation.2 That this period in the life of 
the Australian aboriginalis often not free from manifestly homo- 
erotic tendencies is amply proved,3 and we must remind the reader 
of Freud’s conjecture that after the murder of the primeval Sire 
the cohesion of the clan must temporarily have been upheld by the 
homoerotic feelings of the brothers. Now the sex-totem is the 
“brother,” and if it stands for the feelings that are, if not utterly 
repressed, at least rejected by the moral code of the aboriginals, 
we may understand the element of “‘ tease ’’ evinced in the pointing 
out of the sex-totem.5 
The following are the explanations usually given by the 
aboriginals themselves as to the possible origin of these concepts. 
At Gunbower Creek on the lower Murray the natives 
ihe sextoem | called the bat “ brother belonging to black fellow,” 
Soul and and would never kill one; they said that if a bat 
yas ees were killed one of their women would be sure to die.§ 
The Wotjobaluk say that the life of a bat is the life 
of a man, meaning that to injure a bat is to injure some man, while 
to kill one is to cause some man to die. The 'same saying applies to 
the owlet-nightjar with respect to women.7 The sex-totem is, then, 
an external soul; it must be here noted that psycho-analysis finds 
the origin of the animistic duplicate of man in the narcissistic 
phase of psycho-sexual evolution.’ It is also a specific development 
of the narcissistic fixation which lies at the bottom of the homoerotic 
attitude.9 Thus we may agree with Father Schmidt, who sees a 
similarity between sex-totems and soul-birds,'° the part played by 

* See W. Heape, Sex Antagonism, 1913. 

* O. Siebert, ‘‘Sagen und Sitten der Dieri und Nachbarstammen in Zentral- 
Australien,” Globus, roto, 97, 49. 

3 Strehlow, A & L., IV, vol. I, 1913, 98. W. E. Roth, ‘“‘ Notes on Govern- 
ment, Morals and Crime,’ N .Q. Bull., No. 8, 1906, 7. Hardman, “‘ Habits and Cus- 
toms of the Natives of the Kimberley District,” Proc. Roy. Soc. Aust. I., Sec. II. 
74. Cf. for New Guinea, T. Chalmers, “‘ Notes on the Bugilai, British New Guinea,” 
J. A. I., 1903, XXXIII. roo. ¢ Freud, T. & T., 1910, 2309. 

S$ Pointing out, or referring to, the sex-totem is the beginning of a row or quarrel. 
Nothing similar is found in connexion with the clan-totem. . 

6 Frazer, T. & E., 1919, I. 18. Quoting Trans. Phil. Soc. N.S.W., 1862-65, 959. 

7 Howitt, N. T., 149-51. 

® Cf. Rank, ‘‘ Psychoanalytische Beitrage zur Mythenforschung, 1919,” Dey 
Doppelganger. Rodheim, Spiegelzauber, 1919; id., “ Das Selbst.,”” Imago, VII. 

9 Freud, “ Zur Einfiihrung des Narcissmus,”’ Jahrbuch V1. tor4. 

0 Schmidt, Ursprung, 293. 

__ small birds in these complexes indicating the possibility that the 
sex-totem also stands for the child as a narcissistic duplicate of 
the Self.* 

* Cf. above, Dawson’s remark, ‘“‘ They are as much enraged as if it was one of 
their children,” and also, on the snake and curlew as prenatal incarnations of the 
boy and girl infant. On the connexion between narcissism, animism and the 
beliefs with regard to children see Roheim, Spiegelzauber, 1919.

THE NEGATIVE T OTEMISM OF THE SOUTH- 
EASTERN TRIBES 

IT lies in the nature of all human attitudes and modes of behaviour 
to create and recreate others after their own image: the proto- 
totemistic complex that is the psychical reaction to 
environmental stimuli? as embodied in the ejection 
of the father-complex 3 into an animal species,4 con- 
tinues to produce offshoots under varying social conditions ; 5 these 
offshoots always retain the salient features of the parent type: 
unity with the totem ® and the animal projection of the father 
imago. It is these offshoots that we actually find amongst the 
various stocks of humanity and that are classifiable as the various 
types of totemism. 

In Australia we find the two main types of totemism as classified 
by Wundt with various intermediary and mixed forms; we will 
call negative, the type of totemism found in the southern and 
eastern tribes and embodied principally in a series of taboos; 
positive totemism, the type found in the central, northern and 
western areas and embodied in the reincarnation belief and the 
intichiuma ceremonies. We begin our analysis with the former, the 
negative type. 

The main difference between the state of society found in these, 
an Australian tribe, and in that I suppose to have existed in the 

Various types 
of totemism. 

1 Cf. Freud, Beyond the Pleasuve Principle, 1922, on the principle of eternal 
repetition; or Baldwin, Mental Development in the Child and the Race, 1911, on 
circular reaction. With regard to totemism, we have here what Goldenweiser has 
called the “‘ pattern theory.”’ 

» The psychical reaction being, as emphasized above, merely the human and 
super-organic survival of animal tropism. 

3 And other components of the family complex which are, however, of secondary 
importance. 

4 The father being the ontogenetic root of the concept of society. See Durk- 
heim, Les formes élémentaires de la vie religieuse, 1912; and also, for a similar but 
biological theory, Trotter, The Herd Instinct in Peace and War, 1919. 

5 The varying social conditions play the same part as the variety of individual 
and accidental experiences in the determination of the “‘ Neurosen-wahl" (the 
specific form the neurotic content takes in any particular case). 

6 As the endopsychical apperception of the life-unit which man forms with 
his environment. 

+) 

primeval horde, is the existence of a double organization:: the 
tribe and the clan. The ejective representative of the former is 
Totemism of the t© be found in certain modified forms of the totemic 
se aed the complex as embodied in the tribal ceremonies of 
: initiation, in the tribal belief in the All-Father, in the 
animal named matrimonial classes, while the clan as the smaller 
unit conserves certain traits of the proto-totemic complex in clan 
totemism. When exogamy begins to prevail in the original horde 
totemism may either originate as a copy of the proto-totemic 
complex that distinguishes the various groups of children who 
are born from the same extra-tribal mother, or again, the idea 
of fatherhood underlying the totemic complex may continue to 
prevail, and then we get the patrilineal and local totemic groups.? 

(a4) THE ToTEMIC TaBoo 

In these patrilineal clans the taboo aspect of totemism is 
especially prominent. Amongst the Boontha Murra a person may 
never on any account eat of his own totem.3 Among 
the Yuin a man might not kill or eat his ‘‘ Yimbir’’ 
(or Budjan). The Narrinyeri might not kill or eat 
their (patrilineal) totem, although another person might do so.4 
In other cases the taboo is not absolute. In south-western 
Australia (West Australia, 30-35° southern latitude) a certain 
mysterious connexion exists between a family and its kobong 
(matrilineal, exogamic totem), so that a member of the family 
will never kill an animal of the species to which the kobong belongs 
should he find it asleep . . . indeed, he always kills it reluctantly 
and never without affording it a chance to escape. . . . Similarly, 
a native who has a vegetable for his kobong may not gather it 
under certain circumstances and at a special period.s When a man 
is out hunting (Thurrawal and perhaps Thoorga tribe) he will not 
kill his totemic animal or plant, no matter what opportunity he 
may have of doing so. It is believed that by thus allowing the 
animal to escape or by leaving the plant unplucked, he will 

It is taboo to 
Rill the totem. 

t Not reckoning further complications. 

2 Cf. the “‘ major” and ‘‘ minor’”’ totems; the former is nearer to the original 
form. A. Lang, The Secret of the Totem, 1905, 144, 145. For instance, in the 
Goolwa clan of the Narrinyeri, the clan totem is the pelican (this the major totem), 
every family having its own symbol (the minor totem). T. Moriarty, in G. Taplin, 
Folklore, etc., 1879, 50. In Western Victoria, ‘“‘ Every individual in the community 
claims some animal, plant or inanimate object as his own special totem, which he 
inherits from his mother.” R.H. Mathews, E. N., 1905, 89, whilst in all the tribes 
of Eastern Victoria boys and girls alike inherit the father’s totem, ibid. 99. 

3 A. L. P. Cameron, “‘ Notes on a Tribe speaking the ‘ Boontha Murra,’ ’’ Science 
of Man, 1904, 180. 

4 Howitt, l.c., 147. But Taplin says: ‘‘ No man or woman will kill her ngaitye, 
except if it happens to be an animal which is good for food,” Taplin, Narrinyert 
Tribe, 1879, 63 

5 G, Grey, Journal of Two Expeditions, 1841, Il. 225. 

augment the supply or increase the fruitfulness of the game or 
vegetable. 

The Wotjobaluk would not harm his totem if he could avoid it, 
but at a pinch, in default of other food, he would eat it.2 In the 
Buandik tribe a man would not kill or use for food any of the animals 
of the same subdivision as himself, excepting when compelled by 
hunger, and then he expresses his sorrow for having had.to do so. 
A Kurnai will not kill or injure his thundung, nor willingly see 
another do so; but there are exceptions to this rule.3 

Again, the taboos to kill and to eat may be separated from each 
other. The Tatathi, Keramin and Wathi-wathi will not kill their 
own totem, but they have no objection to eating it when killed by 
someone else.4 In the Waduman tribe the objection is only against 
killing the totem, but not against eating it if killed by a member 
of another totem.s In Queensland we have one report on a system 
of taboos associated with marriage classes that may be a separate 
type of totemism,® whilst another observer lays stress on the duty 
of the members of a clan to protect their totem animals from being 
killed.7 Cases of the taboo-attitude are not totally lacking in the 
incarnation area either. Amongst the Urabunna no member of any 
totemic group eats the totem animal or plant, but there is no objec- 
tion to his killing it and handing it over to be eaten by men who 
are not members of the totem group. An Arunta will eat only very 
sparingly of his totem and even if he does eat a little of it he will not 
eat the best parts, for instance the fat. The fat and the eggs of 
, rags the emu are more ekirinja (taboo) than the flesh.9 The 
Central taboos are not enforced as strictly as in the southern 
inadictiek area, the inhibition has been transferred from the 
“what ’’ to the “how.” A man of the kangaroo totem may kill 
a kangaroo, but not brutally by hitting it on the nose and making 
the blood splash about, but he must deal him a stroke on the nape 
of the neck. He can only eat the less valuable parts of the animal 
and must distribute the rest to his friends. A man of the Emu totem 
who has killed an emu must carefully wipe the blood away, as the 
sight of it is supposed to make him sad. A member of the Fish 
totem may only eat a little of the fish unless they are stinky, then 

« R. H. Mathews, E. N., 59. * Howitt, N.T., 145. 

3 Howitt, l.c., 146. 

¢ A. L. P. Cameron, ‘‘ Notes on some Tribes of New South Wales,” Jn Ads 
1884, XIV. 350. 

5 Spencer, N. T. N. T. A., 1914, 199. 

6 Roth, Ethnological Studies, 57. Id., ‘‘ Social and Individual Nomenclature,”’ 
Bull. of N. Q. E., No. 18, 102. 

7 E. Palmer, ‘‘ Notes on some Australian Tribes,” Ja A. To XT sao: 

§ Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 1904, 149. Cf. Id., N. T., 467, and Frazer, T. & 
E., 1. 185. ‘For example, an emu man or woman must in no Way injure an emu, 
nor must he partake of its flesh, even when he has not killed it himself,’’ Spencer 
and Gillen, N. T., 467. 9 Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 202. 

he may eat as much as he likes. A member of the Water totem 

‘may not drink much water and is not allowed to seek shelter in the 

hut when it rains, but must stand out in the storm with nothing 
but his shield to protect him. A Mosquito man may drive the 
mosquitoes away with his hand if they sting badly, but he must 
not kill them, and a member of the Moon totem may not look at 
the full moon for a long time or he is liable to be killed by an enemy.* 
These facts taken together with the ceremonial eating of the totem 
in these tribes point to some relaxation of the inhibitory aspect of 
the totemic complex. In the Kaitish (and Unmatjera) tribes, 
under normal conditions a man does not eat his totem except 
ceremonially ; if he were to do so freely he would be stoned by the 
men of the other moiety, as this would prevent him from successfully 
performing intichiuma.? In the case of the Water totem we again 
have a restricted taboo: men of this totem are not allowed to draw 
water for themselves, but they must have it drawn for them by 
men of the other totem.3 When we come to the tribes north of 
the Kaitish, that is the Warramunga, Tjingilli, Umbaia and Gnanji 
Parallelion tribes, we again find the absolute taboo in force.4 
between the two Lhe parallelism between the two essential taboos of 
oer totemism, not to marry a woman belonging to the same 

: totem and not to eat (kill) the totem animal is quite 
remarkable if we remember that amongst the Arunta the totems 
are not distributed between the moieties; among the Kaitish the 
division of the totems between the moieties is nearly complete, 
whilst amongst the Warramunga, Wulmala, Walpari, Tjingilli and 
Umbaia the same division is absolutely complete.s Thus class 
exogamy implicitly involves totemic exogamy in these tribes. 
The two principal taboos (exogamy and not eating the totem) 
behave so far like concomitant variations, which proves that they 
are at least intimately bound up with one another, or perhaps that 
they are one and the same thing. But if we follow the path of these 
taboos to the north and the north-west this seeming harmony 
comes to an end; we have a group represented by the Larakia, 
Worgait and Wulwullam, with patrilineal totem groups divided 
between the two moieties, a second group consisting of the Djauan, 
Mungarai, Warrai, Yungman, Mara and Nullakun, with patrilineal 
totems divided between the sub-classes, then the Waduman, Mud- 
burra, Ngainman and Billianera, with matrilineal totems found on 
both sides of the tribe. In all these tribes and among the Iwaidji 
and Melville Island tribes who have female descent the totems 
are strictly exogamous.® We are insufficiently informed as to the 
extent of the totem food-taboo amongst these tribes. In the 

1 Strehlow, A. & L., 1908, II. 58, 59. 2 Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 3. 
3 Id., ibid., 325. 4 Id., Nor. T., 326. 
$s Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T , 475. 6 B. Spencer, N. T. N. T. A., 179. 

Worgait tribe until a child has successfully teethed it must on no 
account partake of the particular food to which it owes its con- 
ception.t In the Warrai tribe, when their old customs were in force, 
they never killed their own totemic animal ; were they to see anyone 
else killing it they became angry and asked: ‘‘ Why have you killed 
my mumulbuk?”’? In the Waduman tribe a man will not kill 
his totem, but will eat it freely if given to him by another man.3 
In the North-Western Territory we have, for instance, the Kariera 
tribe with totem exogamy but with absolutely no eating and 
killing taboos, and the same obtains as to the Mardudhunera, and 
probably also as to the Ngaluma tribe. We come to the conclusion 
that there certainly does exist a connexion between the two principal 
taboos of totemism, but that the more real of the taboos (exogamy) 
tends to overlap the boundaries of its more symbolic derivative 
(eating and killing taboo). 

The Dieri, amongst whom the extension of clan solidarity in 
the form of the second taboo is lacking, but who preserve it in a 
very stringent form amongst the human members of the same totem 
clan (exogamy, solidarity between the members of the totem clan), 
are a case in point.5 

After this geographical survey we shall try to apply the principles 
of psycho-analytic interpretation to these taboos. 

As a starting-point, we may consider that every taboo is an 
inhibited wish-fulfilment,® and then the two taboos would correspond 
to the wish to kill and eat the totem and to marry women of the 
same clan. Or again, we may begin with what the savages them- 
selves say: that the totem is a father symbol. Not to kill the 
totem means not to kill the Primeval Father, the Head of the Horde, 
and not to marry the mother, both being inhibited forms of the 
Oedipus complex.7 

We will next turn to the reasons assigned by the savages them- 
selves for the respect they show to the totem and see how far these 
fit in with the psychological theories. In the Wakelbura tribe the 
totem animal is spoken of as ‘father.’ A man of the Frilled 
Lizard totem holds that reptile sacred, and he not only refrains 

' H. Basedow, ‘‘ Anthropological Notes on the Western Central Tribes of the 
Northern Territory of South Australia,’ Trans. Roy. Soc. S. A., XXXI. 1907, 4. 

* Spencer, N. T. N. T. A., 194. $s Spencer, l.c., 197. 

¢ A. R. Brown, “ Three Tribes of Western Australia,” J. A. J., 1913, 160, 172, 189. 

5 A. W. Howitt, ‘‘ The Dieri and other Kindred Tribes of Central Australia,” 
J. A. I., XX. 1891, 41. S. Gason, ‘‘ Of the Tribes, Dieyerie, Auminie, Yandra- 
wontha, Yarawuarka, Pilladapa,” J. A. I., XXIV. 169. O. Siebert, “ Sitten und 
Sagen,”’ Globus, 97, 48. 

6 Cf. Freud, T. & T., 113. Réheim, Spiegelzauber, 6. 

7 “Tf the totem animal is the father, then the two main commandments of 
totemism, the two taboo rules which constitute its nucleus—not to kill the totem 
animal and not to use a woman belonging to the same totem for sexual purposes 
—agree in content with the two crimes of Oedipus,” Freud, T. & T., 219. 

vail 

ae 

_ from killing it, but would prevent others doing so in his presence. 

He goes so far as to seek revenge for the killing of his own totem 
by killing the man’s “ father”’ who did it.t George Bennett tells 
us: “In one instance a native of the Béran Plains (Bathhurst District) 
desired a European not to kill a ‘ gunar’ which he had been chasing, 

_ but to catch it alive as it was ‘ him brother.’ The animal, however, 

was killed, at which the native was much displeased and would 
not eat of it, but unceasingly complained of the ‘tumbling down 
him brother.’’’? In North-Western Queensland the aboriginals 
have a great reverence for the particular animal symbolizing their 
respective classes, and if anyone were to kill a bird belonging to 
such a division in sight of the bearer of the family name, he might 
be heard to say, ‘““What for you kill that fellow? That my 
father!” or “‘ That brother belonging to me you have killed; why 
did you do it?’’3 In Western Australia the respect paid to the 
totem arises from the belief that some one individual of the species 
is their nearest friend, to kill whom would be a great crime and 

_ to be avoided with all care.4 The Buandik express their sorrow for 

having to eat his ‘‘ Wingong ”’ (friend) or Tumung (his flesh). When 
using the latter word the Buandik touch their breasts to indicate 
close relationship, meaning almost a part of themselves. Nor is 
the death of a ‘‘ part’ without dire results for the ‘‘ whole.” One 
of the tribe killed a crow and three or four days afterwards a man 

_ of the Crow clan died. He had been ailing for some days, but the 

killing of his wingong hastened his death.s A Wotjobaluk would 
kill the person’s totem whom he wanted to injure.6 Amongst the 
Kurnai the men are the “ younger brothers,” the women the 
“younger sisters,” of the totem.7 Among the Yuin the identity 
of the totem and the man is expressed forcibly by the totem being 
in the man. A member of the Lace-lizard totem changes into his 
totem animal, goes down the throat of a member of the Black Duck 
totem, and nearly kills him by attacking the Black Duck in his 
inside. Again, amongst the Arunta the totem is the elder brother 
of the man,9 and the tjurunga (own secret one) is regarded as the 

1 A, W. Howitt, N. T., 147. 

» G. Bennett, Wanderings in New South Wales, 1834, I. 131. Bennett’s opinion 

is that this taboo is due to a belief in the transmigration of souls. 

3 E. Palmer, “‘ Notes on some Australian Tribes,” J. A. I., XIII, 1884, 300. 

4 G. Grey, Journals of Two Expeditions, Il. 228. 

s Howitt, N. T., 146. Cf. the expression “ flesh” for totem, 145. 

6 Id., l.c., 145. : 
7 Id., ibid., 146. There has been a lively discussion on the subject of Kurnai 

_ totemism between Schmidt, ‘‘ Die soziologische und religiés-ethische Gruppierung 

der australischen Stamme, Z. E., XLI. 330, and Graebner, “‘ Zur australischen 
Religionsgeschichte,” Globus, XCVI , 341, with a rejoinder by the former. Schmidt, 
“Die soziologischen Verhaltnisse der stidostaustralischen Stamme,” Globus, XCVII. 
158. But since the “ thundung ”’ are inherited and localized, we can see no reason 
to doubt their totemic character. 

§ Howitt, l.c., 147. 9 Strehlow, l.c., IT. 1908, 58, 60. 

common body of the man and the totem ancestor. It represents 
the spirit whose reincarnation its owner is,? and we may thus defer 
the analysis of these concepts till we come to the beliefs about 
child-birth. The reasons given for abstaining from killing and eating 
the totem fall under three distinct headings—(z) because the totem 
is the father, (2) the totem is the (elder) brother, (3) the totem is the 
external soul, a part of his own self. The second of these concepts 
is perhaps the most frequent, although its ontogenetic origin is later 
than that of the first: the (elder) brother being the first to displace 
the father in childish imagination. The relation of a savage to his 
totem is usually more that of a brother to a brother, whilst the 
father-complex is projected back into the abyss of time and finds 
its embodiment in those semi-human, semi-animal creatures of the 
Alcheringa, who are regarded as the progenitors of the present human 
and animal members of the clan. There is a natural tendency in 
the child to identify itself with its father, and this superadded to 
the original feeling of psychical and biological unity with environ- 
ment leads to the identification with the totem.3 This idea of 
similarity finds yet more adequate expression for the childish 
mind in the person of the brother, who is the true riveting-point 
of the narcissistic tendencies. The concept of the animal “‘ brother ” 
overflows into the narcissistic animal ‘“‘double”’ or “wraith” of 
the third concept. This third concept, at the same time, shows the 
double structure of these beliefs. 

The death the totemite fears as the consequence of the death of 
his totem animal, is really the punishment for his own unconsciously 
aggressive tendencies, primarily against the father, and then against 
the whole totem species, including himself. Killing the totem animal 
is an ‘‘ Erzsatzunghandlung’’ (a vicarious action) for killing the 
person and thus equivalent to it from the standpoint of the Uncon- 
scious which, as already noticed, is sometimes not very far removed 
from the conscious ideas of an Australian. 

The totem or external soul is thus simply the symbol of the man ; 
this is especially evident from the part played by it in dream-life. 
According to the Euahlayi, for instance, one of the greatest warnings 
of coming evil is to see your totem in a dream; this is a herald of 
misfortune to the dreamer or one of his immediate kin.4 According 
to the Arunta and Loritja the animal in the dream symbolizes a 
human member of the clan.5 

To dream of his own totem means to a Wotjobaluk that someone 
is doing something to it for the purpose of harming the sleeper or 
one of his totemites. If he dreams it a second time, it means himself, 

t Strehlow, A. & L., II. 76. + Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 643. 
3 For the importance of these identifications, cf. Freud, Group P. 

the Analysis of the Ego, 1922. P Psychology and 
4 Parker, Evahlayi Tribe, 28, 29. 5 Strehlow, l.c., IT. 58, 61. 

_and if he thereupon falls ill, he will certainly see the wraith of the 
person who is trying to “catch” him.t The explanation of this 
vision will be found in the autosymbolical category of phenomena 
as described by Silberer:* the vision really originates from an 
endopsychic knowledge of his own unconscious will—will against 
the person in question projected in a “‘contrary”’ form as the 
“dooming” intention of his adversary into the outer world. 
According to the Arunta and Loritja the totem ancestor’s apparition 
in a dream means that his guardian spirit is warning him or fore- 
telling his future. If a man of the kangaroo-totem dreams of a 
kangaroo with broken legs, he expects soon to break his own legs, 
and if he sees a kangaroo covered with blood approaching him he 
believes that death at the hands of an enemy is his doom ; a concept 
that can hardly be explained in any other way than as unconscious 
self-punishment for aggressive tendencies (Wendung gegen die eigene 
Person) for the attempt to kill the father-kangaroo. Similarly, 
when a Moon-man looks at the full moon for a longer time than he 
ought (see above) it is in consequence of his own unconscious aggres- 
sive tendencies against his totem,3 that he dreads death at the 
enemies’ hands. Again, the eating of the totem at the intichiuma 
is a victorious outbreak of the repressed aggressive tendencies 
followed by neurotic feelings of compulsion, as clearly shown in the 
fear of the Arunta head-man at the intichiuma that eating too 
much of their totem animal might cause the extinction of the whole 
species: 4 this being the unconscious intention of the rite. 

(6) Tue INDIVIDUAL TOTEM 

We must here branch off into a discussion of the individual 
totems, for these show the greatest similarity, in their psychical 
content, to the clan totem in what we may term the narcissistic 
and brother-concept phase of its evolution. 

t Howitt, N. T., 147. 

2 Cf. Silberer, “‘ Lekanomantische Versuche,” Zentralblatt fiy Psychoanalyse, 1. 
383, 438, 518, 566. - 

s On the taboo against looking at the full moon, cf. Th. Harley, Moon Love, 
1885, 125, 149, 207. A. Goodrich-Freer, “ Folk-Lore from the Hebrides,” Folk- 
Love, XIII. 190, 233- A. Strausz, “ Bolgar Néphit,”” Bulgarian Folk-Beliefs, 1897, 
252. H. Ankert, “‘ Der Mond im Glauben des nordboéhmischen Landvolkes,” 
Zeitschrift fiir Gstevreichische Volkskunde, 1, 1889, 137. K. Schwenck, Die Mytho- 
logie der Slawen, 1850, 432- RR. Fr. Kaindl, Die Huzulen, 1894, 97 (Looking at 
his own shadow by moonlight as a method of overcoming fear). B. W. Schiffer, 
“ Alitagglauben galizischer Juden,” Am Urquell, 1893, 118. F. J. Wiedemann, 
Aus dem Inneven und Aeusseren Leben dev Ehsten, 1876, 458. Toth, “ Kiskunfel- 
egyh4za vidéki néphiedelmek” (Popular Beliefs from Kiskunfélegyhaza), Ethno- 
graphia, 1906, 231. (If anyone looks into the moon for an hour a string will snap 
on the violin of King David—who is supposed to be the man in the moon—and 
strike out the eyes of the impolite starer. Here the aggressive tendency of the 
gazing is still preserved in the destroyed string, for which the talion-punishment 
instantly follows.) ¢ Spencer and Gillen, Noy. T., 322, 323 

To avoid misinterpretation, I may say that I‘do not regard the 
narcissistic current of feelings as derived from the feelings with 
regard to the father and brother, but rather to be independently 
derived from autoerotic sensations, and as such to be represented 
in primitive consciousness by the concept of the soul, which also 
develops into “individual totems’ or “ guardian spirits.” The 
tender side of the ambivalent attitude towards the father and 
brother consists in the transference of the narcissistic attitude 
to these nearest kin.? : 

In the tribes fifty miles of Maryborough each boy has a totem 
called ‘‘ Pincha,” which is given to him by his father and which 
he calls Noru, that is ‘‘ brother.’”’ A man does not kill or eat his 
Pincha. Moreover, he is supposed to have some particular affinity 
to his father’s Pincha and is not permitted to eat it.2_ In the Boontha- 
Murra. tribe every native has, in addition to the ordinary totem, a 
‘‘brother,’’ which might either be a bird, animal or fish.3 The 
Narrinyeri applied the same term of ngaitye, meaning friend, to 
their personal totems and to their clan totems, which shows how 
closely the two different sorts of totems were associated in their 
minds. The Yuin also called both budjan.s Especially medicine 
men amongst the Kurnai® and Narrinyeri? have personal totems 
acquired in dreams by the former. 

In the Yaraikanna tribe, when an old man dreams of anything at 
night, that object is the ari of the first person he sees next morning, 
the idea being that the animal is the spirit of the first person met on 
awakening. The ari of a lad is usually determined by the resemblance 
to a natural object of the clot of blood formed when the tooth is 
knocked out at the initiation ceremony.’ Thus the lad’s own blood 
spilt at the symbolic castration ceremony of tooth-expulsion corre- 
sponds to the blood of the totem that he ought to be reluctant 
in spilling, and it is submittance to this symbolic castration that 
brings him the protection of the ari that is the fathers and elder 
brothers.) On the Tully River we have the calling upon “ name- 
sakes "’ before going to sleep that leads to their warning their human 

« Cf. Réheim, “ Das Selbst,’’ Imago, VII 1, 192. 2 Howitt, N.T., 147. 

3 A. L. P. Cameron, ‘‘ Notes on a Tribe speaking the Boontha-Murra,” Science 
of Man, 1903, 91. 

4H. E. A. Meyer, ‘“‘Manners and Customs of the Aborigines of the Encounter 
Bay Tribe,” in Woods, Native Tribes of South Australia, 1879, 197. 

5s Howitt, N. T., 147. 

6 Id., “ On Australian Medicine Men,” J. 4. I., XVI. 34. Id., N. T. 347 

? Taplin, Narrinyeri, 63. Meyer, l.c., 197. : ; 

§ A. C. Haddon, Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torves Straits, V. 193 

9 The totem obtained at the initiation ceremony in exchange for the foreskin 
(or tooth) must be equivalent to the object for which it is exchanged—that is, a 
libido symbol. Like all unconscious concepts, it is adequately explained only b 
eae praise it means both the relinquishing of certain libidinal ppm 

e protection gained by this sacrifice from the “‘ f xu 

gratification of these PR, — 

namesakes of approaching danger in dreams or by body-sensations, 
whilst again on the Proserpine River it is the animals of the 
particular groups division that are thus called on.: 

Whilst these statements correspond to an infantile projection 
of the brother concept, we see the purely narcissistic element pre- 
ponderating in the yunbeai of the Euahlayi. Some people, princi- 
pally wizards or men intending to become such, have an individual 
totem or yunbeai. This they must never eat or they will die. 
Any injury to his yunbeai hurts the man himself, and when in danger 
he has the power to assume its shape. The yunbeai is a sort of 
alter ego ; a man’s spirit is in his yunbeai and his yunbeai is in him.3 
A wizard often keeps his in his ‘‘ minggah,” that is, spirit stone or 
tree. This spirit gives extra strength and extra danger, for any 
injury to the animal hurts the man too.4 

On the whole, the individual totem in Australia may be regarded 
as a hypostasis of the clan totem that branched off at the above 
indicated phase in the evolution of the concept. Whilst the 
libidinal components of the narcissistic stage together with the 
homoerotic tendencies involved therein, found an adequate form 
of ejection in the sex-totem, the personal totem seems to be rather 
the representative of the egoistical elements (help, warning in danger 
and so on) of the narcissistic attitude (self-preservation) together 
with the auto-symbolic corollaries of this stage of evolution.s 
From the latter point of view the personal totem may be regarded 
as a sort of projection of the “ personalité double,”’ and it is significant 
that it should be especially found amongst medicine men whose 
vocation evidently depends upon the neurotic or hysterical traits 
in their character. In the southern and eastern area with which 
we have been hitherto chiefly concerned, the prominent features of 
totemism may be characterized as checks upon individual action, 
both of the egoistical (food taboo) and the libidinal (matrimonial 
taboo) type. This second regulative function is common to totems 
and matrimonial classes, and this is certainly more than a 
coincidental agreement of these two institutions. 

(c) MARRIAGE CLASSES, TOTEMS AND SUB-TOTEMS 

The Narrang-ga of Yorke Peninsula are divided into four classes, 
called Emu, Red Kangaroo, Eagle-hawk and Shark, and the 

t W. E. Roth, S. M. M., N. Q. Bull. V. 1903, 20. 

2 In this connexion it may be remarked that the absence of any taboo in 
connexion with the clan totem amongst the Euahlayi points to the transference 
of the taboo from the ‘‘ Dhe” (clan totem) to its late offshoot, the yunbeai. 

3 Parker, Euahlayi Tribe, 21. « Id., ibid., 29, 30. 

s The individual totem represents what Freud has recently called the ‘‘ Ego 
ideal,”” as contrasted with the Ego. Freud, Group Psychology and the Analysis of 
the Ego, 1922. Ferenczi has described the relationship between narcissism and the 
auto-symbolic functions (Hungarian Psycho-analytic Society, January 1920). 

peninsula is divided into four parts between them. The Emu 
people have the north, the Red Kangaroo the east, the Eagle-hawk 
the west, and the Shark the south of the peninsula. There cannot 
be the slightest doubt in this case that the localization is the result 
of a secondary process, which was perhaps aided by the tribe 
inhabiting a limited area with natural boundaries.t Without the 
localization we should have a normal four-class system with animal- 
named subclasses. Another report gives us a two-class system 
(Eagle-hawk and Seal), with a number of totems for each class.? 

The four localized totems of the Yercla-Mining have also a 
certain resemblance to matrimonial classes.3 Dawson gives five 
matrimonial classes: Long-billed Cockatoo, Pelican, Banksian 
Cockatoo, Boa-Snake, and Quail,4 but closer investigation proves 
this to be a mistake, and the usual four-class system to obtain 
here also.s Anyhow, we have here a second matrimonial institution 
besides the clan-totems that is named after animals. 

As to the Wotjobaluk, Buandik, Gournditch-Mara, and all the 
tribes who have the Krokitch-Gamutch system, it is in general 
difficult to distinguish between classes, subclasses, totems and 
subtotems. They are all animal-named and merge into one 
another. 

The object of the matrimonial classes is to prevent marriage 
between those who are of “‘ one flesh.”” The first ‘‘ Great-great-grand- 
father ’’ was called Kuurekeetch (Long-billed Cockatoo) : his wife’s 
name was ‘“‘ Kappatch”’ (Banksian Cockatoo). Their children were 
Banksian Cockatoos. As the laws of consanguinity forbade marriage 
between these, it was necessary to introduce “‘ fresh flesh”; the 
sons and their sons got wives from a distance and thus the Pelican, 
Boa-snake, and Quail were introduced.7 The number (five) of 
these groups, and the fact that the children take the mothers’ group- 
name, points to totems. On the other hand, Cameron got four 
groups from the natives near Mortlake within the boundaries of 
the same territory: White Cockatoo (Krokage), Pelican, Black 
Cockatoo (Kubitch), and Whip Snake. He says that Pelican is 
supplementary to White Cockatoo and Whip Snake to Black 
Cockatoo, This would give us the same state of things as that 
reported by Dawson: Krokitch and Gamitch as the names of the 
primary divisions, the same names again as the names of the sub- 
classes, Pelican and Whip Snake as the two others. The subclasses, 

* Howitt, N. T., 67, 129, 130. In the Warramunga tribe, who have also male 

descent, the north of the country belongs to the Kingilli, the south to the Uluuru. 
Spencer and Gillen, Noy. T., 26. 

2 T. Kuehn, in Fison and Howitt, Kamilaroi and Kurnai, 285. 

ASHORE ONS So Pte6 4 J. Dawson, Australian Abovigi 
wi T : ' : , ; 11, S, 1881, 26, 
5 Howitt, N.T., 125. gines, 1881 

6 Cf. Howitt, l.c., 121-26. Frazer, T. & E., 451-72. 
7 Dawson, Australian Aborigines, 1881, 26. 

- again, were arranged in pairs, as White Cockatoo could only marry 
Black Cockatoo or Whip Snake, but not the supplementary Pelican. 
Following the lead of the two primary subdivisions we come to 
the Gournditch-Mara. Here we have the White Cockatoo (Krokitch) 
and the Black Cockatoo (Kaputch), these as class-names with only 
this totem, but a number of subtotems in the respective classes. 
Moreover, amongst the subtotems, we find the Pelican in the White 
Cockatoo class (or totem) and the Whip Snake in the Black Cockatoo 
division. Passing on to the Buandik, we have corresponding 
classes (White Cockatoo, here called Karaal, and Black Cockatoo, 
called Wila) as totems, besides a number of others. Each totem 
again has its own subtotem: for instance, the White Cockatoo 
has the Summer and the Sun, the Black has the Moon and the 
Stars,3 and a similar system exists among the Wotjobaluk.4 

The Karingbool on the Mackenzie River and the Wuku-wuku 
on the Burnet River have four classes: (1) Binjoo, with the totems 
Wood-duck and Gum-tree; (2) Kiarra, totems Black Duck and 
Coolabah-tree ; (3) Bunyart, totems Porcupine and Short Brigalow- 
tree; (4) Thadbine, totems Yellow-beaked Eagle-hawk and Tall 
Brigalow-tree.5 Again, in Queensland we have four exogamous 
divisions, and each of these has interdictions regarding certain 
animals forbidding its members to eat, kill or touch these animals ; 
if by totemism pure and simple is to be understood a certain relation- 
ship between an individual and an animal or group of animals, 
then these divisions must certainly be called totemic.6 The taboo 
animals vary with each locality, and the same class has not always 
the same taboos. Every individual, as soon as he or she arrives 
at the necessary age, is forbidden to eat—but not necessarily to 
kill—certain animals, each subclass having its own particular group 
of things that are tabooed. Upon this point the aboriginal seems 
to be extremely particular, he is firmly convinced that sickness 
probably of a fatal character would overtake him and that the 
tabooed thing would certainly not satisfy his hunger. Should 
the delinquent be caught red-handed he would probably be put to 
death ;7 these animals ‘‘ symbolizing the classes ’’ are called the 
“ fathers ’’ and “‘ brothers ’’ of the class members.® 

Hitherto we have dealt with totemic subclasses in the area in 
which the inhibitory aspect of the totemic attitude is more 

* Howitt, N.T., 125. ‘‘ Children belong to the mother’s totem”’ probably means 
that they belong to her class, but to the supplementary subclass. 

Gs EC. 124. $Id 2-65 523: 

aad 1c. 121, 

s A. L. P. Cameron, “ On two Queensland Tribes,” Science of Man, 1904, 27. 

6 W. E. Roth, “ Social and Individual Nomenclature,’ North Queensland Ethn. 
Bull., No. 18, 1910, 102. W.E. Roth, E. S., 57. 

7 W. E. Roth, l.c., 1897, 57. 

8 E. Palmer, “‘ Notes on some Australian Tribes,” Journ. Anthy. Inst., 1884, 
XIII. 300. 

prominent, but analogous phenomena can also be shown to exist 
amongst the central and western tribes. In North-West Australia 
the intichiuma ceremonies are connected with the subclasses: if, 
for instance, the head-man of the Kangaroo tarlow may be a Ballieri, 
it is the other Ballieri men that help in the intichiuma. Should the 
head-man die, the control over the Kangaroos passes with his son 
into the next subclass.t In the Mungarai tribe the totem groups 
are associated with the subclasses. A remarkable feature of the 
totemic system of this tribe is that, while, as usual, a man must 
marry a woman belonging to a totemic group different from his own, 
the children pass into one which is not the same as that of either 
their father or mother, but is associated with the subclass to which 
they belong on the father’s side of the tribe. The same system 
seems to be practised by the Yungman tribe In the Djavan 
tribe the totems are divided between the subclasses in such a way 
that those to which parents and children belong have them in common 
and the descent of the totem is strictly paternal.3 

The Mara, Anula and Nullakun system is not quite easy to 
comprehend. We are told that in the Mara tribe the totems are 
divided between the four classes, as follows: (1) Murungun: Eagle- 
hawk, Yellow Snake, Hill-kangaroo, etc. ; (2) Mumbali: Whirlwind, 
Poisonous Snake, White Hawk, Crow, etc.; (3) Purdal: Blue- 
headed Snake, Big Kangaroo, Crane, Wallaby, etc.; (4) Kuial: 
Emu, Turkey, Goanna, and others. A Mara man of the Mumbali 

class who had a snake called Daual as totem (perhaps the poisonous ~_ 

snake mentioned above), inherited it from his father, as his children 
will inherit it from him. His wife was a Purdal woman, with the 
Euro as totem.5 The remarkable thing in these tribes, however, is 
that they do not have the usual indirect system of descent, that is, 
the son does not belong to the subclass which is complementary to 
his father’s subclass ; here we have direct male descent ; the son 
belongs to the same class as his father. These are, therefore, 
not subclasses at all as we understand the word, so that the idea of 
the same totems remaining in the same divisions all through presents 
no difficulty. 

But that there is some connexion or assimilation between totem 
and class is evident from what follows: the wife is a Purdal woman 
of the Euro totem, his mother a Kuial woman of the Goanna totem. 
His son will be like himself, a Mumbali of the ‘‘ Daual”’ totem, 
but he must marry, like his father did before him, a Kuial of the 

* E. Clement, “ Ethnographical Notes on the West Australian Aborigines,” 
Internat. Archiv fiiy Ethnographie, 1904, XVI. 6, 7. A. R. Brown, “ Three Tribes 
of Western Australia,” J. A. J., 1913, 172, 191. As to inherited rights to certain 
ceremonies, cf. Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 278. Id., Nor. T., 750. 

2 Spencer, N. T. N. T. A., 205-7. 3 Id., ibid., 208. 

4 Spencer and Gillen, Norv. T., 172. 5 Spencer, N. T. N. T. A., 208. 

Goanna totem. The Anula? and the Nullakun3 have the same 
system. 

Sometimes, as mentioned above, it is not quite clear whether 
we have to do with subclasses and totems or totems and subtotems. 
The Kaiabara have the classes Kubatine and Dilebi and the sub- 
classes Bulkoin, Bunda, Baring and Turowain, with two or three 
totems for each subclass. But according to an earlier report of 
the same author, Kubatine means flood-water and Dilebi lightning, 
which in the second report are given as totems in the Kubatine 
class (Baring subclass) respectively. Again, in the first report we 
have Bulkoin rendered as ‘‘ Carpet Snake,’ Bunda as “ Native 
Cat,”’ Baring as ‘‘ Turtle,’ Turowain as ‘“‘ Bat,” all of which figure 
in the second report as totems in the respective subclasses.5 It 
is not quite certain which of the two reports is correct, for in South- 
West Australia we have the classes Wordung-mat (Crow) and 
Manytchmat (Cockatoo), with the subclasses Ballaruk (Pelican), 
Nagarnook (Emu), Tondarup (Fish-hawk) and Didarruk (The Sea). 
The Nagarnooks are also called Wejuks, which seems to be the 
ordinary word for emu, and are supposed to be able to transform 
themselves from men to emus at will. In the Annan River tribe 
we have two classes named after different sorts of bees, and sub- 
classes in these meaning Eagle-hawk, Bee, another sort of Bee, 
and Salt-water Eagle-hawk.7 The boundaries between class, subclass 
and totem tend to become confused. In the Wiradjuri tribe we 
have Red Kangaroo (Murri) as a totem, in the Red Kangaroo 
subclass, Black Duck as a totem in the class Black Duck.8 
Amongst the Kamilaroi and Buntamurra we have a division of 
the totems between the subclasses. As this contradicts the general 
tule since the subclasses alternate with the generations, whilst the 
totems do not, critics have found a difficulty in allowing that the 
totems which follow either the father or the mother should be 
fixed in one subclass. However, we do not like to doubt the accuracy 
of our native informants, and Spencer’s detailed statements in his 
last book, quoted above, make it clear how such a system can 
operate. Either we must suppose that the Kamilaroi and Bunta- 
murra had the same system, the totems being arranged in corre- 
sponding lists under the headings of the various subclasses, so that 
“a Ngapalieri man of the Water-plant totem marries a Nakomara 

x Spencer, NV. 7. N. T..A.,; 208. 

2 Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 172, and Mara, cf. id., ibid., 119. Cf. these 
systems with the southern Arunta. However, these four classes are again sub- 
divided into two each, thus giving an eight-class system, in which every second 
class is anonymous, and in which the normal rule of indirect male descent prevails. 

3 Spencer, N. T. N. T. A., 208, 209. 

4 Howitt, N. T., 115. 5s Howitt, J. A. I., XIII. 336. 
6 Daisy M. Bates, l.c., XXIII-XXIV, 47, 58, quoted by Frazer, T. & E., 
I. 563, 565. 

7 Howitt, N. T., 118. 8 Id., ibid., 107. 

woman of the Paddy-melon totem and their children are Ngabullan 
and Poison-snake, etc.,”’ or it is possible that there was no such 
system in these southern tribes. The subclass may have changed 
without the totem changing and, nevertheless, there may have 
been a misty idea that certain totems belonged to the animal-named 
subclasses in the same sense as the subtotem “ belongs’’ to the 
totem. 

The path of inquiry into Australian sociology is beset by a number 
of difficulties at this point.. Why do the classes in all the tribes 
correspond to each other?? Why do we find the right totem in 
the right class and never find one totem in both classes?3 The 
first question is settled if we attribute the origin of the dichotomy 
to the father-son conflict, when each tribe would unconsciously 
feel which of the two primary divisions was the son and which the 
father division. But probably the dichotomy took place before 
the separation of the tribes, and we have here survivals of the 
totemic complex as it existed in the Primeval Australian Horde. 
This proto-totemic complex was transferred to the subclasses 
(originating out of a further splitting of the original classes) that 
perhaps in a certain measure corresponded to local divisions. The 
development of the present totems, the transference of the taboo 
to these from the original class and subclass totems, has in all 
probability been reached through the medium of those primitive 
efforts at classification that probably set in in the two-class phase 
and reached their full development in the four-class phase of society : 
in the so-called subtotems. The unconscious meaning 
underlying the division of society into two primary 
classes is fraught with such a preponderant importance for primitive 
man that this division is extended beyond the bounds of society 
and is projected into the universe, the “ discharge’”’ of this over- 
tension being attained by an introjection of all natural phenomena 4 
into one of the two divisions. The World is divided between the 
Father and the Son; that is, Man can only perceive Nature from 
the dominating attitude of the Family complex. 

The Euahlayi have a considerable number of subtotems for 
each totem. The Bohrah (Kangaroo), which is “ friends”? with 
the Emu, has Top-knot Pigeon, various parrots and trees and the 
north-east wind as subtotems. All clouds, lightning, thunder, and 
rain that is not blown up by the wind of another totem belong to 

The subtotems. 

* Howitt, N. T., 104, 226, 227, The Kuinmurburra have the Barrimundi 
Hawk, Good-water and Iguana as sub-classes. Howitt, ibid., 111. Cf. Peares 
T. & E., I. 408, 409, 433. Spencer, N. T. N. T. A., 1914, 207. 

* Cf.N. W. Thomas, Kinship Organizations and Group M arviage in Australia, 1906. 

3 Cf. A. Lang, The Secret of the Totem, 1905, 154, 171. 

¢ The primary attitude of repulsion (hatred and fear) towards the outward 
world in general is only overcome by the psychic process of identification. Nature 
is dangerous, except so far as it enters into the social system. 

Bohrah. The Black Snake totem claims the Sun amongst its 
subtotems, the Opossum totem has, besides many others, the 
Moon.t A man of the Maira (Paddy-melon) totem will never be 
drowned, for the rivers are one of his subtotems. Some of the 
totems which appear as subtotems in one part of the country are 
original totems in other parts, and all totems are divided between 
the two moieties of the tribe.2 Amongst the Wotjobaluk, who, as 
mentioned above, have animal-named classes, the totems are dis- 
tributed between these classes, and each totem again contains a 
number of subtotems. in the Ngeumba tribe, not only the people 
themselves but everything in the universe belongs to one or other 
of the two phratries Ngurrawun and Mumbun.3 The subtotems 
amount to a complete subdivision of the universe between White 
and Black Cockatoo. A man who belongs to the Krokitch moiety 
and the Sun totem claimed the kangaroo as belonging to him, 
another claimed Bunjil. ‘‘ The true totem owns him, but he owns 
the subtotem.’’4 The system of “ mortuary totems’”’ shows how 
space as such is divided between the clans; every clan claims a 
portion of the compass.5 The same phratry names, with the same 
subdivisions of the universe, exist along the coast from the Glenelg 
River to Geelong, reaching inland approximately to the main 
dividing range. Amongst the Ta-ta-thi, Wathi-wathi and allied 
tribes the universe is divided between the different members of 
the tribe ; some claim the trees, others the plains, others the sky, 
stars, wind, rain, and so on. The same subdivision of the universe 
is also reported from the tribes of North-Western Queensland,§ 
and from the Chingalee.7 According to the Port Mackay tribe ’ 
(Queensland), everything in Nature is divided between the classes. 
The wind belongs to one class and the rain to the other. The Sun 
is Wutara and the Moonis Yungaree. The stars are divided between 
them, and if a star is pointed out, they will tell you to which division 
it belongs. Amongst the natives from Cape Julien to Esperance 
the terms noyyung and ngunning 9 are applied to every tree, shrub, 
root, to every thing in Nature. For instance, the Red-gum is a 

t According to the Arunta, the Moon is a man of the Opossum totem. Spencer 
and Gillen, N. T., 564. Opossums are usually hunted by moonlight. 

2 K. L. Parker, The Euahlayi Tribe, 1905, 16-20. 

3 Mathews, E£. N., 6. 

¢ Howitt, N. T., 121-23. R. H. Mathews speaks of clans, each having a list 
of totems, consisting of animals, plants, the heavenly bodies, the elements, and so 
on. In other words, all creation, animate and inanimate, is divided between 

Gurogity and Gumaty. R.H. Mathews, E. N., 1905, 84. 

s Howitt, N. T., 454. 
6 Edward Palmer, ‘‘ Notes on some Australian Tribes,” J. A. I., XIII. 300. 
7 R. H. Mathews, ‘‘ The Wombya Organization of the Australian Aborigines,”’ 

American Anthropologist, 1900, 494. 

8 F, Bridgeman and Rev. H. Bucas, Port Mackay and its Neighbourhood. Curr, 

The Australian Race, III. 45. Brough-Smyth, The Aborigines of Victoria, 1878, 

I. gr. 
9 These are the relationship-terms which denote the two primary divisions: 

male and belongs to the Manytchmat division, it.is ngunning for a 
woman of the Wordungmat division. The White-gum is female 
and belongs to the Wordungmat. “In fact, the primary classes 
Wordungmat and Manytchmat divide all natural objects between 
them, and every living thing and every tree, root and fruit is noy- 
yung or ngunning.”! At Mount Gambier not only mankind but 
things in general are subject to these divisions. No reasons are 
assigned for the arrangement, but the divisions evidently originated 
out of a specially fixed chain of associations. When a native was 
questioned to what division a bullock belonged, he replied, after 
a pause, that, as it eats grass, it must belong to the Wirie (Tea-tree) 
division.2 Man begins to take possession of Nature conceptually 
before he does so actually; the ‘‘ (platonic) idea ’’ precedes its own 
realization. This is evidently confirmed by the fact that in some 
of these primitive efforts at classification the wish-fulfilment attitude 
has not yet been inhibited and become negative in the totemic 
taboo; a “ totem”’ is not the object a man must avoid, but a part 
of nature reserved for his own and his group’s use. Certain animals 
are the especial game of each class. Obu, for instance, claims as 
his game emu and wallaby, and if he wishes to invite his fellows 
of the same subclass in a neighbouring tribe to hunt the common 
game, he must do this by means of a message stick made from the 
wood of a tree which is, like himself, of the Obu subclass.3 Like the 
tribe itself, game is divided into two divisions—Mallera and Wutera, 
and certain classes are only allowed to eat certain sorts of food. 
The Banbey are restricted to opossum, kangaroo, dog, honey of 
small bee, etc. The Wongoo have emu, bandicoot, black duck, 
black snake, brown snake, etc.; the Oboo have carpet snakes, 
honey of the stinging bee; the Kargilla, porcupine, plain turkey, 
and so on. The latter division also possesses water, rain, fire and 
thunder, and they enjoy a reputation of being able to make rain 
at pleasure.‘ 

The Karingbool on the Mackenzie River have four classes: 
Binjoo, with the totems Black Duck and Coolabah-tree; Kiarra: 
Wood-duck and Gum-tree; Bunyart: Porcupine and Short 
Brigalow-tree ; Thadbine: Yellow-backed Eagle-hawk and Tall 
Brigalow-tree. Birt says: ‘I believe that among the Central 
Queensland tribes the aboriginal’s totem is held sacred by him, but 
here the opposite seems to be the case. For instance, Black Duck 
or Wood-Duck can only be killed by either a Binjool or a Kiarra 
to which they belong, and must be held sacred by Bunyart or 
Thadbine. In like manner, the Porcupine and Yellow-backed Hawk 

1 Daisy M. Bates, Victorian Geographical Journal, XIII. XXIV. 1905, 1906, 
48, 49. Quoted by Frazer, T. & E., I. 567. 

2 Fison and Howitt, Kamilaroi and Kurnai, 1880, 168, 169. Howitt, N. T bea. 

3 Howitt, l.c., 113. ¢ Curr, lc., III. 27. 

— 

are exclusive property of Bunyart and Thadbine, and the same 
thing applies in the case of the trees of each class: Brigalow-trees 
are the best and the most generally used for making weapons, and 
should Binjoo or Kiarra want a spear from that tree, he has to 
apply to Bunyart or Thadbine to get it for him; whilst with regard 
to the gum, coolibah or box-tree, from which the bark used in 
making their camps is generally stripped, Bunyart and Thadbine 
would have to go without it unless it were given to them by Binjoo 
or Kiarra. Opossums are seldom found in a Brigalow-tree, and may 
not be taken unless it can be done without cutting the tree or 
injuring bark in any way. Thus Bunyart and Thadbine are often 
under obligation to Binjool and Kiarra for the opossums they need 
as food. It is obvious that, while the former couple have the 
advantage in obtaining weapons, the latter hold the balance of power 
in getting bark and catching opossums.”’ 

These systems correspond exactly to that reported by W. E. 
Roth on the distribution of animals between the subclasses, only 
here we have possession instead of avoidance. The fact that the 
members of the one moiety had to ask for permission to use the 
natural objects classed under the heading of the other moiety 
reminds us of the “‘liberation’’ ceremonies in Central Australian 
intichiuma. It seems that the possession-aspect survives in cere- 
monies after the inhibition-aspect has become dominant in reality,? 
but this might be an additional reason to ascribe an archaic 
character to the totems of the dual organization.3 However, the 
inhibition on the animals of the man’s own phratry must have 
originated before clan totemism existed in the dual phase of society 
as a direct consequence of the inhibition to phratry incest, that is, 
of the existence of phratries as such. In Western Victoria every 
thing in the universe is divided between the phratries Gurogity and 
Kappaty.4 A hunter carries weapons made from the wood of 
each phratry. If he throws at a Gamaty animal he uses a Gurogity 
missile and vice versa.5 The multiplex totems of the phratries 
seem to be the material of which the multiplex subtotems of the 

tA. L. P. Cameron, “On Two Queensland Tribes,’ Science of Man, 
1904, 28. 

2 ‘It is understood that when a certain dance is being performed, for instance, 
the Tortoise dance, the members of that clan are in the position of hosts to the 
others, taking pride in having them dance the dance to their totem.—Speck, 
Ethnology of the Yucht Indians, 1909, 113. 

’ $ We are substantially in agreement both with A. C, Haddon, Proceedings of 
British Assoc., 1902, who thinks that the totem was originally the principal food- 
animal of the clan, and with Werner, ‘Ich werde anderwarts die Auffassung 
begriinden dass jedenfalls eine Art des Totemismus aus dem Tabu desjenigen 
Tieres hervorgegangen sein diirfte das urspriinglich Jagdtier einer Stammesgruppe 
von Jagern war” (H. Werner, Die Urspriinge der Metapher, 1919, 216). As to 
the relation of the primitive positive aspect of totemism to the secondary inhibition, 
see below in connexion with the Alcheringa myths of the Arunta. 

4 R. H, Mathews, E. N., 94. 51d. le: 92 

clans were formed, and these again may develop into real totems 
if the process of fission lasts long enough. 
The Wotjobaluk have subtotems that are in the process of 
gaining a sort of independence : a man who belongs to class Krokitch 
and totem Hot-wind claimed all the five subtotems of Hot-wind 
(three snakes and two birds), yet of these there was one which he 
especially claimed as belonging to him, namely carpet-snake. Thus 
his totem Hot-wind seems to have been in process of subdivision 
into minor totems, and this. man’s division might have become 
hot-wind-carpet-snake had not civilization rudely stopped the 
process by almost extinguishing these tribes. 
Besides the subtotems, we must mention some similar variants 
of Australian totemism, in which the systematic character of the 
subtotems (the division of the universe) is lacking, although they 
may possibly represent similar systems in a nascent state. To 
begin with, we have the linked totem system of the Melville 
Islanders, where the totem groups are divided into three pairs 
and the totems belonging to the same “‘ pukui”’ (skin) regard each 
other as ‘‘ mates”’ and do not intermarry. So that from the point 
of view of marriage, this amounts to a certain number of clans, 
with more than one totem for each, only these totems are co- and 
not sub-ordinate to each other.» Something similar is found amongst 
the Arunta, although as their totems are not co- but sub-ordinate to 
each other, their system may be regarded as an intermediate one 
between the Melville Islanders in the north and the tribes with 
subtotems in the south and the east. Around each of the Ilthurra 
or sacred holes of the Witchetty Grub totem, at which a part of 
the intichiuma ceremony is performed, there are certain stones 
standing on end which represent special birds called Chantunga. 
These birds are looked upon as the “ ilqualthari,’”’ or the mates of 
the Witchetty people, because certain grubs in the Alcheringa 
changed into these birds. The Witchetty men will not eat this 
bird.3 This food taboo is absent in the other cases mentioned by 
Spencer and Gillen; all the mates they give are birds, excepting the 
“ Big Lizard”’ people, who call a smaller variety of lizard their mate. 
Strehlow gives a fuller list of these associated totems in which 
the number of plants seems nearly to equal that of birds, whilst 
mammals, reptiles, fishes, insects and other natural phenomena 
are comparatively rare. 
Leonhardi thinks that this system is nearer kin to the “ linked 
totems’”’ of New Guinea and the Melanesian cases than to the 
subtotems of the southern tribes. But it must be remarked that 

* Howitt, Smithsonian Report, 1883, 818. Frazer, T. & E., 80. Cf. Howitt, 
N¢Ty 222% 2 Spencer, N. T. N. T. A., 1914, 200. 

3 Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 447, 448. 

4 C, Strehlow and U. von Leonhardi, A. & Z., vol III.; Die totemischen Kulte, 
IQIO, 12, 17. 

_ the characteristic features of this ‘‘ linked totem ”’ system are absent 
in Central Australia. 

The members of each clan have as totems (amongst the Massim) 
a series of associated animals belonging to different classes of the 
organic kingdom; ordinarily these linked totems are a bird, a 
fish, a snake and a plant, but a four-footed vertebrate (such as the 
monitor lizard or the crocodile) may be added to each series of 
linked totems. 

Less systematic representatives of the same idea are found 
in Melanesia and Polynesia.? 

Mammals are conspicuous by their absence, whilst they have 
the dominant position in Central Australia. Possibly we may 
have to do with the fusion of two different systems in the case of 
the Arunta; normal totemism with mammals, on the one hand, 
and, superadded to it a system like the New Guinea one, which 
was relegated to a subordinate position and gave rise to the ‘‘ mate”’ 
totems. In this case the predominance of birds amongst the “‘ mate” 
- totems would correspond to the first place occupied by them in New 
Guinea and elsewhere. The Waduman have a different system. 
In addition to the main totem, each individual has one or more 
accessory totems. The main one is that associated with the totemic 
group into which he is born, whilst the others are given to him when 
he is initiated. He is first of all, during the initiation ceremonies, 
told his main totem, which is that of his mother, and at a later period, 
the accessory totems.3 This looks like a combination of the ideas 
of “‘accessory’’ and “individual” totem. In the Worgait tribe 
each individual may be associated with more than one totemic 
group. A man may, for instance, belong to the Frog, Shark and 
Sugar-bag totems. The first was his main totem and the others 
came afterwards.4 

In these facts I think we have the answer to the second question,5 
and we can try to account for the fact why the totems are divided 
between the classes or subclasses. If we imagine the Eagle-hawk 
phratry to be in possession of a tract of hunting grounds and to have 
a number of subtotems, a time must come when over-population 
compels a group to leave the restricted boundaries of the phratric 
hunting grounds. Assoonas the group that thus swarms off becomes 
conscious of a new collective life it will project this new unity into 
nature in the form of a new totem. But as all psychical processes 
run in preformed channels the new symbol will be chosen from the 
natural object previously introjected into the original phratry- 
concept, that is, it will be one of the subtotems of the phratry. 

t C. G. Seligmann, The Melanesians of British New Guinea, 1910, 9; cf. 439. 
: W. H.R. Rivers, The History of Melanesian Society, 1914, Il. 338. 

3 Spencer, N. T. N. T. A., 196, 197. 4 Id., ibid., 204. 

5 “ Eagle-hawk totem regularly in Eagle-hawk class.” 

erp PrP PC 

OWNS 

3. ANIMAL NAMED CLASSES, PHRATRIC TOTEMS AND SUB-TOTEMS 

I. AnrimMAL NAMED LocaAL ORGANIZATION, 
87, 272 (pp. 81, 82). 
II, ANIMAL NAMED PHRATRIES. 
(a) White and black cockatoo. 
92, 93, 94, 95, 96 (p. 82). 
(b) Cockatoo and crow. 
261, 262, 263, 264, 265, 266, 267 (p. 85). 
(c) Eagle-hawk and crow. 
98, 99, 100, IOI, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107 (H. 126), r09, I10, 
II2, I21, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128 (H. 97-100), 131 (C. 
Richards: ‘‘ The Marran’ Warree’ Tribes,’’ Science of Man, 1903, 
126), 132, 133, 135, 136, 140, 141, 142, 143, 321, 328 (H. 97-100) 
(cf. Thomas : l.c. 48). 

pe (d) Two species of bees. 

332 (p. 85). 

III, ANIMAL NAMED CLASSES. 
92, 93, 94, 95, 96 (p. 82), 98, 99, 100, IOI, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 
107, 112 (H. 111), 130, 138, 139, 148, 149, 150, 153, 154, 157, 158, 
159, 163 (Thomas: l.c. 42) 174 (H. 111), 179 (Thomas: l.c. 42), 
261, 262, 263, 264, 265, 266, 267 (p. 85), 314, 315 (Thomas: 
loc. 42), 321 (H. 111), 332 (Thomas: l.c. 42). 

IV. ToTEMS OR ANIMALS TABOOS DISTRIBUTED BETWEEN THE CLASSES. 
21, 26,27, 28, 31, 32 (p. 84), 153 (p- 85), 158 (p- 85), 180 (p. 85), 193, 
ae yuh 210, 223, 224 (p. 83), 232, 235, 236 (p. 84), 324, 325 
p. 83). 

V. THE SAME WorD IN USE TO DESIGNATE BOTH THE CLASS AND THE TOTEM. 
67, 71, 74, 75, 76, 81 (H. 91), 92, 93, 95 (H. 122), 182 (H. 96, 97), 
317 (H. 93). 

VI. SuB-ToTEMs. 
43 (p- 87), 92, 93, 94, 95, 96 (pp. 82, 90), 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 
127, 128 (p. 87), 131 (Brown: J.R.A.I., 1918, 248), 138, 150 
(pp. 86, 87), 195, 215, 216, 217, 218 (p. 87), 261, 262, 263, 264, 265, 
266, 267 (p. 87), 300, 316 (pp. 87, 88). 

VII. LINKED ToTEMS. 
1 (Sp. III, 200). 
VIII. AssocrATED TOoTEMS. 

24, 52, 56 (pp. 90, 91), 319 (p. 91). 

ee ¢ ae 
! . 

bb Carpentaria 
iQ 

. 2 ee 
" ‘ OO mane ° Ty Gul + 
ma ae geeks: a8 LBB ie 
ry 

oi 1 

ee ae py 
Ti fs A - { 

: ! 

Great Austaatian 

Map No. 3. 
Animal-named Glasses, Phratric Totems and Sub-Totems, 

ae 

“er 

: ‘€ ny PAN 
bees) otntad smoeeste limnsd-iginank, 

) 

. ah 

Which of these subtotems is to receive an additional emphasis is 
probably determined by the new environment or perhaps the choice 
of locality is determined by the subtotem, and this is what we mean 
by our supposition that introjection of nature comes before pos- 
session, that man possesses nature in his collective ideas before he 
possesses it in fact. As Eagle-hawk phratry would only choose from 
Eagle-hawk, Crow from Crow subtotems,! evidently the same totem 
could not occur on both sides of the tribe. In the process of evolu- 
tion the individuality of the new groups would be more and more 
distinct and the totemic taboo and cult would after some generations 
be transferred from the phratry (or sub-phratric2) totems to the 
new clan totems.3 

1 The group which was the last to leave the original dwelling-place where the 
swarming began would retain the phratry symbol as its own clan totem, and this 
is why we usually find an eagle-hawk clanin the eagle- hawk phratry. Cf., forinstance, 
A. L. P, Cameron, ‘‘ Notes on some Tribes of New South Wales, J. A. I., 1884, 348. 

3 Phratric totems are recognized by Frazer in his original treatise (see T. & E., 
I. 76), but the idea seems to have been dropped by him later on. 

3 My views presuppose all totemic groups to have been originally localized : 
contiguity in space being the starting-point of the group-concept of contiguity in 
thought. On the subtotems in general, cf. E. Durkheim et M. Mauss, ‘‘ De quelques 
formes primitives de classification,” L’ Année Sociologique, VI. especially p. 67.

THE ALCHERINGA MYTH 

WE have already noticed the fact that the mental attitude which 
dominates the relation of an aboriginal to his totem-animal is 
Tis living cokwal characterized rather by the ‘‘brother’”’ or “ elder 
regarded brother’ complex than by the father-concept ; this 
sighs latter idea is projected into the past in the shape 
by the human of semi-human mythical heroes, the common ancestors 
bs eg of the present human and animal totem-brethren. 
projected intoa This is the myth by which many Australian tribes 
mythical period. a-count for totemism as well as for the rest of their 
social institutions, and this myth forms the connecting-link between 
the phenomena that are chiefly characteristic of the Negative and 
Positive Areas of Australian Totemism. There is a tradition very 
widespread among the tribes of New South Wales that the earth 
was originally peopled by a race much more powerful, especially 
in the magic arts, than that which now inhabits it. The Wathi- 
wathi call these people Bookomurri, and say they were famous 
for hunting, fighting, etc., and were eventually changed into 
animals by Tha-tha-pulli, who then created the present race. 
Others say that the Bookomurri effected the change themselves, 
and that as animals they felt an interest in the new race that 
succeeded them and imparted to it much valuable knowledge. 
A belief exists that the magical powers of the doctors, disease- 
makers and rain-makers has been handed down to them from the 
Bookomurri.t The Encounter Bay tribes have no story of the 
origin of the world, but they suppose nearly all animals originally 
to have been men who performed great prodigies and at last trans- 
formed themselves into different kinds of animals and stones. 
Thus the Raminjerar point out several large stones or points of 
rock along the beach whose sex and name they distinguish 
With the Kurnai certain animals, birds and reptiles are known as 

* A. L. P. Cameron, “ Notes on some Tribes of New South Wales, J. A. I., 
1884, 368. 
» H. E. A. Meyer, Manners and Customs of the Aborigines of the Encounter Bay 
Tribe. J.D. Woods, The Native Tribes of South Australia, 1879, 202. 

_ Mukjiak, that is, “‘ excellent flesh,’ while other creatures used for 
food are merely “jiak’’ (flesh). In all the tales in which a bird- 
man or reptile-man or animal-man takes part, in a twofold char- 
acter it is a Muk-kurnai. This may be translated as “‘ eminent 
man,’’ the Kurnai of the legend being thus distinguished from the 
Kurnai of the present time. Besides the Muk-kurnai the Muk- 
rukut (Rukut-women) figure in these legends, and as they are 
regarded not merely as the predecessors but also as the “‘ grand- 
fathers ’’ of the Kurnai, the term may be translated as ‘‘ eminent 
ancestors.’’' The Euahlayi have their legend of the golden age 
when man, birds, beasts and elements spoke a common language.? 
The legends of the Lake Eyre tribes relate to the Mura-muras who 
were the predecessors and prototypes of the blacks who believe in 
their former and present existence.3 At present these Mura-muras 
are supposed to inhabit trees, which are, therefore, sacred. Only 
the medicine men are able to see them, and it is from these Mura- 
muras that they obtain their magical powers.4 In some tribes we 
find special names to designate this mythical “‘ aurea aetas”’ ; 
the Waduman speak of the far past as the Yabulungu,5 the Warra- 
munga, Walpari and Wulmala call this period Wingara. In the 
Mungarai tribe we have the traditions of a mythic epoch called 
Kurnallan7; the Nullakun call the old times during which the 
ancestors walked about the country Musmus ;® the Mara myths 
refer to it as Djidjan,9 and the Anula call it Raraku,'° the Binbinga 
and Tjingilli call it Mungai.™ 

These names do not give us any clue to the interpretation of 
the myth as their meaning is unknown; but the Arunta whose 
«“ Dream times” Myths on this golden age are better known than 
and wish-fulfil- those of all the other tribes put together, afford us 
ig some information on the matter. They (and the 
Kaitish, Unmatijera) call the epoch in which these mythical ancestors 
lived Alcheringa, and as alcheri means dream this would signify 
“dream times.’’!2 Strehlow has his doubts as to this etymology, 
but his emendations hardly make much difference from a psycho- 
logical point of view. He says to dream is “‘altjirerama,” from 
altjira (totem or totem-ancestor) and “‘rama,” to see. The 

t Howitt, N. T;, 487. 2 Parker, Euahlayi Tribe, 83. 
3, Howitt, op. cit., 475. 4 Id., l.c., 482. 
5 Spencer, N. T. N. T. A., 1914, 315, 332. 
6 Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 427, 765. 
7 Spencer, N. T. N. T. A., 266. 8 Id;;l.c., 267. 
9 Id., l.c., 268. However, a previous account tells us that the Mara call the 
Alcheringa Intjitja—Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., II. 223. 
10 Spencer and Gillen, ibid., II. 223. 
11 Id., ibid.., 438, 754. In the Warramunga tribe the name mungai means the 
totem-animal and the local totem-centre. 
1 Id., ibid., 745. 

Loritja have the expression for dreaming tukura nangani: to see 
a tukura.t But altjira is not the own totem of the Arunta; it 
is his mother’s totem which he respects in addition to his own 
and which is supposed to warn him in dreams of impending danger.? 
This seems to show that there is a psychical relationship between 
the Alcheringa myths and dream-life. The Wichita myth tells us 
of the first man and woman and then says, “ After the man and 
the woman were made they dreamed that things were made for them, 
and when they woke they had the things of which they had 
dreamed.’’ 3 This is as much to say that the dream is to be viewed 
principally in the light of an infantile type of wish-fulfilment, and 
it is this regressive element which, to begin with, evidently connects 
the Alcheringa myths with dream-life. 

The two cardinal taboos of totemism are entirely absent in 
these traditions, so that we may be said to have here the original 
Fae wish-fulfilment type of this institution.s ‘‘ There is 
totemic taboos not a solitary fact which indicates that a man of 
in the | one totem must marry a woman of another; on the 
Alcheringa. a 

contrary we meet constantly and only with groups 
of men and women of the same totem living together, and in these 
early traditions it appears to be the normal condition for a man to 
have as wife a woman of the same totem as himself.’’5 This state of 
things, which, by the way, is nothing but a projection of custom as 
it actually exists in the Arunta tribe,6is rather sous entendu than 
emphasized in the legends ; not so with the positive aspect of the 
other taboo: the Alcheringa ancestors deliberately and syste- 
matically eat their own totem. 

™ Strehlow, 4. & L., I. 2, 4. As to the existence of the expression Alcheringa 
as a mythical period, I do not think that Strehlow’s negative evidence can 
outweigh Spencer and Gillen’s positive data, especially if we take the analogous 
terms of other central and northern tribes into account. As to the “ altjira,” this 
looks like a survival of matrilineal descent in a patrilineal tribe. Or, perhaps, 
we may have to do with two strata, one with uterine descent having been assimilated 
by a tribe which counted descent through the males. 

2 Id., Il. 58. 

3G. A. Dorsey, The Mythology of the Wichita, 1904, 25. The gods are spoken 
of as ‘‘ dreams,”’ ibid., 20. 

4 Cf. the discussion on this subject between Frazer, T. & E., I. 2 38, and A. Lang 
“The Historicity of Arunta Traditions,” Man, ro10, 120. : 

5 Spencer and Gillen,.N. T., I. 419. 

6 But “according to traditions of the middle Alcheringa there were no restric- 
tions to marriage such as now obtain.” ‘A Purula man and a Kumara woman 
are represented as having been found together.” ‘“‘ Groups of hawk men and women 
all of the Purula and Kumara classes, who may not marry one another, are repre- 
sented as living together.”-—-Spencer and Gillen, ibid., 418. ‘ The Achilpa men 
meet an Achilpa woman; they perform the rite of subincision on her, and then 
they cohabit with her.”—TId., ibid., 107. The present state of things in the Arunta 
tribe is that marriage is only regulated by classes, and as the totems are not distrib- 
uted between these, there is no reason why a man of the kangaroo totem should 
not marry a woman of the same totem. But in the Alcheringa totemic endogamy, 
which is still a possibility, seems to have been the rule. : 

The Witchetty men eat witchetty grub at their own totem- 
centre.t The Plum men eat plums?; the Snake women eat their 
Eavnr the wren °°? totem, the snake,3 and we hear of a man of 
in the traditions the Carpet-Snake totem who lived entirely upon 
ores Arunta _carpet-snakes.1 The Moon-man, who belongs to the 

2 opossum totem, hunts opossum.5 The Snake-Poison 
(ntjikantja) men kill and eat the mythical water-snake.6 Two big 
renina snakes are pursued by Renina-Snake men.7 The Grey- 
Kangaroo men kill and eat grey kangaroos. Kangaroo-Rat men 
hunt kangaroo rats.) The Euro men have a ‘“‘ mate’’ in the form 
of the painted finch, which in the Alcheringa was an Euro man. 
These Euro men are said to have been great eaters of euro, and 
their bodies were drenched with blood which dripped from the 
bodies of the euros which they killed and carried with them, and 
that is why the painted finch is splashed with red.1° 

The Wild-Cat men change into Plum men and henceforth they 
eat plums just as the woman who was a Hakea-flower, and later 
on is a Bandicoot, eats bandicoots.11 A man of the Euro totem 
eats euro and on changing his totem and becoming a Kangaroo 
man he eats kangaroo.%2 Plum women eat plums, Fish man goes 
fishing, Grub people feed on grubs.'3 The eating of the totem 
extends to the associated totems or ‘‘ mates’’: out of friendship 
the tnelja and mbangara bushes and the kemba-flower let them- 
selves be eaten by the Red Kangaroo in the Alcheringa, and hence 
these are now the ‘“‘ mates’”’ of the Red Kangaroo totem. The 
Grey Kangaroo feeds on the grass Triodia irritans, and we find 
this plant among the associated totems.15 Perhaps the grass seed 
eaten by the Pigeon man ought to be mentioned in this connexion.® 
The men of the Lizard totem (Varanus giganteus Gray) eat the 
grass seed ebalanga : this is their associated totem,'7 and the same 
applies to the Raven man feeding on latjia roots. A Grey Kangaroo 
man hunts the grey kangaroo (Macropus robustus Gould) but he 
cannot overtake it. Young men stop the animal in its flight and 
kill it. They try to roast it, but they cannot even move the corpse. 
The Kangaroo man lifts it easily. He keeps the tail and the fat, 
and gives the rest to the youths. He goes to a water-hole and on 
coming back he sees that flesh has again covered the bones of the 

t Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 430, 431. 2 Id., ibid., 208, 403, 404. 
3 Id., ibid., 4oo. 4 Id., ibid., 409. s Strehlow, I. 17. 

OUT Ge ly 23% 7 Id., I. 48. 8 Id., I. 29, 30, 40-42. 

9 Id., I. 63, 64. 10 Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 448. 

11 Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 208, 433. Frazer, T. & E., I. 238. 

12 Id., ibid., 208, 446, 449. Frazer, I. 239. 

13 Id., ibid., 208, 403, 404. Witchetty men eat witchetty grubs at a witchetty 
totem-centre.—Ibid. 430, 431. ¥ P 

14 Strehlow, III., xii, I. 36, 37, 39, 40. 1s Id., I. 40-42; III. xii. 

6 Id., I. 72, 73; II. xvi. 17 Id., I. 78, 79; III. xvi. 

18 Td., I. 76; III. xv. 

Kangaroo.t The Loritja tribe is not very far removed in social 
and religious organization from the Arunta, and we find the 
same episodes in its legendary lore. The two brothers 
Pigd Pighaee Neki (another name of the root wapiti) and Wapiti 
myths of the gather and eat wapiti roots. The Lizard men swallow 
pelea editing live lizards and snakes, after which they perform 
era, . p 5 
the lizard intichiuma.3 The Emu men eat emu.4 
Especially the Kangaroo men eat chiefly kangaroo flesh.s Among 
the northern neighbours of the Arunta, the Kaitish and Unmatjera, 
we find the same motive. There is a story of the Emu man Ululkara, 
who came to Central Mount Stuart in the Kaitish country and 
there found a lot of Emu men eating emu, after which he asked 
them to give him some.6 Some lubras of the Yelka (Cyperus 
rotundus) totem lived at a place called IJlipa in the Kaitish country 
and constantly walked about gathering the bulb to eat.7 A young 
Atnunga (rabbit-kangaroo) man travelling over the country came 
across an old man of the same totem who was too old and infirm 
to get about, and so the old man gave the young one an Atnunga 
Churinga, telling him to go and hunt for Atnunga all day and dig 
them out with his Churinga. He did so, and brought the animals 
which he caught back to the old man, who cooked and ate them.8 
The legend of the Opossum men finds it necessary to state in so 
many words that they did not eat opossum but allia, the seed 
of the gum tree, showing that opossum would be regarded as 
their natural and normal food. Similarly, the Kaitish legend tells 
us that the Eagle-hawk men hunted wallaby as they did not eat 
eagle-hawk for fear of turning prematurely grey if they did so.t0 
Now there is a tribal taboo on the eagle-hawk," and the legend 
seems to affirm the existence of this tribal taboo in the Alcheringa 
as the only reason for the Eagle-hawk men not eating eagle-hawk. 
Other legends are of interest, as they form the connecting-link 
between the present neurotic (taboo) aspect of totemism 3? and 
The neurotic the positive wish-fulfilment side of the same attitude, 
side of the wish-_ which, instead of being realized in practice, is partially 
fulfilment. realized in mythical phantasy and ritual.13 The 
Unmatjera tradition says : 

1 Strehlow, A. & L., I. 40-42. The legend proves that this class of myth is a 
projection of the ritual into the past: eating of the totem, and thus giving the non- 
totemites permission to feed on it with subsequent re-birth (multiplication of the 
animal) are all well-known features of the ritual. See infra. 

2 Id., II. 10. 3) 4d., 1T.°37; 38: 4 Id, sll 32: 

5 Id., Il. 23, 24. 6 Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 394. 7 Id., ibid. 

8 Id., ibid., 321, 322, 397. Cf. the existing custom in connexion with the emu 
totem in the Arunta tribe.—Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 202. ; 

9 Id., Nor. T., 413, 414. to Td., ibid., 398. 

11 Td., ibid., 611, 612. As to the meaning of this previous existence of the 
eagle-hawk taboo, see above on the eagle-hawk myths as representative of a proto- 
totemic complex. 

12 The term is used in comparison with the state of things in the Alcheringa. 
It is more positive than the totemism of the south-eastern area, 

13 As to the ritual, see below. 

that the ancestor of the Idnimita totem called Idnimita used 
to think within himself, ‘‘ What shall I eat to-day? I have 
no brother or son to get idnimita for me; I will gather it for 
myself. If I do not eat idnimita I shall die.” At that time 
there was nothing in the country but idnimita, and a little 
bird called Thippa-thippa. Idnimita said to another old man 
of the Idnimita totem, ‘‘ I have been eating idnimita.”’ Then 
another old man jumped up and said, “I have been eating 
idnimita also: If I eat it always it might all die.” After this 
Idnimita, who had been eating big grubs, performed the sacred 
ceremony of the Idnimita totem. Then he walked some 
distance away and performed another one, and then he went 
on and gathered idnimita and returned to his camp where 
once more he performed a ceremony and sent a man out to 
secure the grubs which arose after he had thus performed 
ceremonies. Later on he again painted himself with down, 
performed Intichiuma, and went out to collect the grubs. 
After this boils appeared on his legs. He went out and 
gathered more grubs, and then he became so ill that he could 
not walk and had to lie down all day in his camp. He grew 
very thin, his throat closed up, and before daylight he burst 
open and died. 

When the natives make Intichiuma at the present day they 
pass between the legs of the old Idnimita man, which are repre- 
sented by stones.t The Kaitish variant says that one of the two 
Idnimita men, when they had as usual been eating the Idnimita 
grub, said to himself, ‘‘ Suppose I eat more grubs, then perhaps 
they might all die.’ However, he went out and gathered some 
more and ate them, but again he said to himself, ‘‘ No good: 
suppose I go on eating too much, they might be frightened and go 
away to another country.”’ ‘‘ Then he again performed Intichiuma 
and sang the grubs, and went out and saw the young tdnimita 
rising out of the ground.” ‘‘ Very good, I have seen them.” 
Accordingly he continued to make Intichiuma and to eat the grubs 
produced from these ceremonies.? 

A third tradition that belongs to this group relates how a 
Kaitish man, called Murunda, continually gave grass-seed to 
another man who like him was called Murunda and also belonged 
to the grass-seed totem. He told him also that by and by, when 
he (the old Murunda man) was dead, the grass-seed was to be 
given to the men of the other moiety (and consequently other 
totemic group) of the Kaitish tribe. Accordingly, when the old 

t Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 324, 325. Evidently a rebirth-ritual (cf. Réheim, 
“Die Bedeutung des Uberschreitens,” I. Z. Pa., VI. 242), this would fit the 
general tendency of the intichiuma (see below). 

a Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 322, 323. 

Murunda died the younger man told the other mén to gather plenty 
of grass-seed and first of all to show it to him and then they might 
eat it. He was afraid that if he himself ate too much he might 
swell up.? 

These myths afford us some insight into the unconscious 
mechanism of Arunta ritual and tradition. The narcissistic doubles 
(‘‘ Abspaltungen ’’) of the same person (of the two men called 
Murunda of the same totem, evidently father and son) arise out 
of an ambivalent attitude towards a given complex: it is the 
neurotic doubt of the Idnimita man as to the fitness of his behaviour 
in eating idnimita. We also get a glimpse at the reason why 
totem-eating should be taboo. The neurotic doubt whether eating 
the totem may not lead to the extinction of the whole species 
points to the original meaning and intention of this action : eating 
the totem is an attempt to annihilate the whole totem-species, 
the sign of a hostile, revolutionary attitude towards the father.2 
In the Intichiuma ceremonies we have a reaction formation against 
the original tendency to kill the animal, for killing the animal is 
regarded as the right way to make it multiply. The ambivalent 
feelings connected with totem-eating find an abreaction in the 
narcissistic, imitative identification with the animal-ancestor ; the 
tendency of the totem to multiply in consequence of the ritual 
corresponds to the tendency to form doubles of the Ego which is 
characteristic of narcissism in general, as well as to a feeling of 
contrition for having killed the father.3 

The Idnimita man begins to perform Intichiuma when his 
doubts arise, but this does not prove a sufficient means for the 
repression of his scruples. The neurotic aspect of the totem- 
eating that creeps up into conscience as the “ atra cura”’ following 
the wish-fulfilment, seems somehow to be connected with the 
death of an old man of the totem: it is the young Murunda man 
who first performs the ceremonies and institutes the totem-taboo 
with the survival of the positive aspect in the ‘‘ showing ”’ of the 
grass-seed after the death and according to the command of the 
old one. This “ showing” is a survival of ceremonial eating, as 
we shall see below. In the Waduman tribe, if a man of any totemic 
group dies, the animal or plant is taboo to all members of that 
totemic group until after the performance of a certain ceremony. 
The brother of the dead person brings the totemic animal or plant 
into camp. A fire is made and the head man of the totem passes 

* Spencer and Gillen, Nov. T., 322. Another tradition mentions an old grass- 
seed man who always fed on grass-seed. 

2 It is when these aggressive impulses become inhibited that they turn against 
the subject (‘‘ Wendung gegen die eigene Person’’). The act may either lead to 
the extinction of the species or to the death of him who commits it. 

3 Many “ fathers ’’ arise in the place of the dead one. On the sexual significance 

of these rites, see below. The young idnimita grubs of the second legend may be 
compared to the idnimita man who “ jumps up ”’ in the first. 

the body of the animal or plant through the smoke arising from 
the fire, after which it may be eaten, All members of the totemic 
group must put their heads into the smoke of the fire in which the 
animal is cooked. The death of a totemite is a repetition of the 
Primeval Murder that necessitates a renewal of the Primeval Sacra- 
ment. Compare the sacramental eating of the totem animal in 
burial ceremonies.? 

Freud regards totemic cult as a post-mortem apotheosis of the 
murdered father, originating out of the feeling of contrition that 
followed the bloody deed and consequently produced the symptoms 
of a post-mortem or subsequent obedience (‘‘ Nachtraglicher 
Gehorsam ”’) shown towards the totem as a father-substitute. 

The Murunda myth contains an express statement of the latter : 
the cult is instituted in obedience to the bequest of the dying 
totem-father. Now we come to see a deeper meaning in the 
fact of the Alcheringa ancestors eating their own totem. They 
represent a phase of totemism prior to the contrition which followed 
the great prehistoric parricide: indeed, this can not well be other- 
wise, as they themselves are the ‘‘ Fathers’’ and their positive 
totemism is primarily but a psychical reflection of the physical 
feeling of unity with environment. 

Yet we cannot doubt that innumerable strata of human 
development are superposed on each other in these myths: the 
“ Fathers’ of the present race are also the “‘ Primeval Sons ’’ who 
have killed and devoured the “‘ Primeval Sire ” and who now con- 
tinue to repeat the deed in sacramentally 3 eating the totem. 

The various phases of the onto- and phylogenetic Oedipus 
complex are thus likely to be represented in these myths. 

In ancient times when all the kangaroos and wallabys were 
blind, two Grey-Kangarooo men lived in the Northern Mac- 
The Oedipus  _Donnel Ranges with an old blind ‘ goddess ”’ 
complex tn the whowastheiraunt. They lived on the kangaroos 
etre. they killed, but they only gave their aunt one 
meaning of bit of flesh from the ribs and a very little fat. 
totem-ealing- One day the younger brother gave her some of the 
caul-fat (ibarkna), she smelt it and whilst the men were asleep 
smeared it all over her face. This gave her eyesight: she began 
to blow and spit all over the kangaroo-bones that were lying 
about in the camp, with the result that they all became alive 
again and could see to run away. When the men heard all 
the kangaroos jumping away they knew what had happened and 

t Spencer, N. T. N. T. A., 1914, 198, 199. 

a J. G. Frazer, T. & E., Il. 590. Quoted in this connexion by Freud, T. & T., 
IgIQ, 232. 

3 As to the sacramental character of the eating see infra, and in connexion 
with the ceremonies, 

decided to kill their aunt. But next day she had intercourse 
with her two nephews, who gave her spears and she showed 
them how to use them so that they could kill kangaroos, 
although these could see now. Next night there was a hurri- 
cane that robbed the men of their senses so that they ran 
about on the top of their hill and howled like the storm. Their 
aunt ran after them and bound them together with a cord, 
whereupon all three were turned to stone.? 

The myth turns on the blindness and on the identity of the 
blind ‘‘ goddess’ and the blind kangaroo. She is evidently a sort 
of genius of the kangaroo species: an anthropomorphic symbol of 
the same complex. The blindness is the blindness of the embryo 
before birth: when the dead kangaroos are reborn they first 
obtain eyesight. As in many parallel cases killing is equivalent 
to coitus, the intended punishment equivalent to the means chosen 
for averting it. A rearrangement of the episodes according to the 
principles of dream-interpretation is needed to make the unconscious 
meaning of the myth apparent. As we have already seen, killing 
(and eating the totem) is equivalent to having intercourse with 
a woman of the totem class, with the “‘ aunt,”’ the “‘ mother” as 
representative of the whole species.2_ There is a reversal of cause 
and consequence in the myth: it is this incestuous intercourse that 
causes the dead kangaroos to be reborn and gives them their eye- 
sight. Nor in the unconscious is it the men who inflict punishment ; 
it is rather they who undergo punishment as a consequence of their 
incest : they go mad and howl about on the mountain-tops.3 The 
myth gives us a pregnant hint as to the meaning of the jumping 
about of the kangaroo after an intichiuma: it is probable that 
the same unconscious tendencies are present in the abreaction-form 
(the dancing) of the ceremony. 

That the eating of the totem animal is by the usual mechanism 
of the “‘ transposition upwards,” equivalent to endototemic incest, 
will be amply proved in the subsequent chapter. The interpreta- 
tion given to this myth may suffice for the present, and also 
facilitate the comprehension of ‘‘ The Wanderings of Three Wild- 
Dog Men” inasmuch as we here find the same motive in a less 
‘symbolic form : 

In the Alcheringa there dwelt at Chilpma three men of the 
Wild-Dog totem. One was an old Bulthara man and two 

t Strehlow, 4. & L., I. 29, 30. A variant of the myth in connexion with emus. 
—Ibid., 30, 31. 

* Grown-up children call their mother “‘ banga,” i.e. the old one, the blind one. 
—Strehlow, l.c., IV. 67. The kangaroo was originally blind—according to a myth 
of the Perth tribe—E. W. Landor, The Bushman, or Life in a New Country, 1847, 
210 (Armstrong in the Perth Inquirer). 

3 The howling of the storm is an eject of their own state of mind. 

were young men, both Panunga. The young men stole the old 
one’s bag with two Churinga in it and ran away, followed by 
The Wander- the old man with a great stabbing-spear. They 
. ings of ries ,, came to Uchirka, where they found an old 
NONE ME” oman of the Wild-Dog totem, with a newly- 
born child, both of whom they killed and ate, leaving 
some meat for the old man. They travelled on and came 
to Itnuringa, where they found some Oruncha men with 
whom they were afraid to interfere and camped at Ulkupira 
takima. Here they found another old woman of the Wild- 
Dog totem, whom they killed and proceeded to eat, and while 
thus engaged the old man came in sight. They gave him 
meat, but he only ate a very little of it, being sulky. That 
night they were afraid to sleep lest the old man should kill 
them, and before daylight they ran away and came to Pilyiiqua. 
Here they camped and found some small Wild-Dog men, some 
of whom they killed and ate. The old man again overtook 
them and again they gave him meat of which he would only 
eat a little, being still very sulky and on the lookout for the 
opportunity of killing them. Once more they ran away before 
daylight and came to Mount Gillen, where they camped on 
top of the range and found an old woman of the Wild-Dog 
totem, whom they killed and ate. The old man came up 
later on, but the two young men had hidden themselves. He 
saw, however, a lot of Wild-Dog men who originated here 
(this lies in a Wild-Dog locality at the present day), and thinking 
the two might be in their midst, he attacked them with his 
great spear and killed several, after which they all combined 
together and killed him. The local men were very angry, 
and so the two young men, being afraid to join them, went up 
into the sky, taking the bag with them.! 

The myth brings the two heroes down again from the sky, and 
it continues with a series of repetitions of the original motives. 
At Ulthirpa they found a man of the Wild-Dog totem (another 
representative of the father-imago in the light of the friendly com- 
ponent of the ambivalent attitude) who lived on wild-dog flesh, of 
which he consumed large quantities. He had a Nurtunja (a ceremonial 
implement) and a quabara undattha (a totemic ceremonial), which 
he showed to the two young men. They go on to Erwanchalirika, 
where they found a Bulthara Wild-Dog man, whom they killed 
and ate. (Open realization of the Oedipus wish.) After eating 
him their faces became suffused with blood, producing a most 
uncomfortable feeling, so that they relieved each other by sucking 
one another’s cheeks. (Hysterical conversion as a consequence of 
contrition: the bloody deed is symbolized in their faces.) 

1 Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 434. 

Now, according to the four-class system which still exists in 
the southern part of the tribe, and which must have preceded 
the present eight-class system in the whole tribe, a Bulthara 
man marries a Purula woman and their children are Pan- 
unga,? that is to say, the two younger men may be regarded 
as the sons of the old one. The theft they commit seems to be 
the Original Sin: they steal his Churinga—his other self, the 
symbol of his reproductive powers. He keeps the Churinga in a 
bag (uterine symbol) and pursues them, with his great spear (penis). 
The flight is a flight from the father-imago and the halting-places 
are a series of repetitions of the incestuous act (eating the old 
woman and children of the Wild-Dog totem: the human ones 
this time, not the animals). The truly infantile sulkiness of the 
old man in accepting only a little meat is very characteristic of 
the whole setting of the myth, while the ambivalent attitude of 
the youths who always repeat the incestuous act, and the futile 
attempts at reconciliation with the father, are also responsible for 
the repeated delay of the open conflict that is brought about by 
the dream-mechanism of repeated flights.3 When it does come 
to the conflict, which is a remarkably realistic description of what 
must have taken place between the injured Sire and the Brothers 
in the Primeval Horde (the victory of the brothers is achieved by 
their uniting their forces in their utmost need), the outbreak is 
hidden from consciousness (the two heroes hide themselves) in so 
far as the other Wild-Dog men who originated there ‘‘ are not at 
first recognizable ’’’ as so many duplications of the dual Son-Heroes. 
From the point of view of psycho-analysis the old Wild-Dog man 
is not deceived in his judgment when he charges the group, expect- 
ing to find his sons amongst them. After the parricide the con- 
trition felt at the deed is projected out of the personality of the 
Son-Heroes in the anger of their doubles against them, whilst 
the ascent to the sky, which appears a talion-punishment of the 
parricidal act, is really death veiled by a sort of apotheosis. The 
following myth shows the Son as the aggressor, and may serve 
to elucidate a further characteristic feature of the Alcheringa 
traditions : 

* Cf. N. W. Thomas, Kinship Organizations and Group Marriage in Australia, 
1906, 78. Strehlow, A. wu. L., IV. 632. Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 83. The move- 
ment which spread the eight-class system over Australia seems to have stopped 
mid-way in the Arunta tribe, for their northern neighbours all have eight classes, 
whilst the tribes to the south have only four. In Arunta tradition, all reforming 
movements come from the north. ; 

2 However, even in the southern part of the tribe each of the four subclasses 
is in reality divided into two divisions, but these divisions are nameless.—Spencer 
and Gillen, N. T., 71. As to nameless divisions, cf. A. R. Brown, “‘ Note on Systems 
of Relationship in Australia,” J. A. I., 1913, 193. 

3 The Oruncha men are, as usual, ejects of the inimical feelings of the actors of 
the drama and repetitions of the dreaded father-imago. 

A big grey kangaroo lived at a place near Finke George; 
it ate porcupine grass and slept in a cave. There came one 
a day from the west a man belonging to the totem 
and the initiates, Of the Grey Kangaroo who was called Lakalia 

(the Pursuer) ; and he came to kill the grey 
kangaroo with a big stick. The kangaroo ran away, hotly 
pursued by the Kangaroo man, who tried to kill it with his 
pointing-stick, but the kangaroo quietly turned round and 
looked his pursuer in the face. Both of them saw a demon 
in the shape of an Echidna that lifted its stone axe to 
kill the kangaroo, but the animal escaped and continued its 
flight. It ran on to the east, and everywhere where it stopped 
to feed or sleep there is a totem-centre at the present day. 
At last it came to Tanginta (Ironwood-tree place), where a 
rukuta (a young man after circumcision who must keep 
hidden) noticed the kangaroo and tried to stop its flight. The 
rukuta threw a stick at the kangaroo but missed it: the animal 
charged and squeezed the rukuta so that he remained there 
in a helpless state with broken bones. Lakalia came up and 
dressed his wounds. The kangaroo met a lot of women, 
stopped, and wanted to lie down there, but the women com- 
pelled him to continue his flight. He came to Tjuntula, where 

_ there were many rukuta. One of them stood in the way of 
the animal and broke the kangaroo’s legs with a stick. Then 
all the young men united to kill the kangaroo and take the 
Churinga from his head. They could not move the corpse 
when wanting to roast it: Lakalia, who had arrived in the 
meantime, managed this with ease. After consuming the 
flesh it reappeared again on the bones and was cut off a second 
time. Lakalia felt tired, and before the entrance of the cave 
he put his “ tnatantja”’ into the earth and both he and the 
Kangaroo Totem God are turned to stone Churinga.? 

In some respects this legend is a counterpart of the Wild-Dog 
myth: the demon as eject of the repressed aggressive tendencies 
and the flight being points in common. “ Pursuer,” a member of 
the Kangaroo totem, seems to stand in the relation of son to the 
“Old Man Kangaroo.”’ The legend would thus represent the 
flight of the Primeval Sire from the Horde. The inimical attitude 
between the Sire and the Sons is exemplified by the fights between 
him and the rukuta as typical of the younger generations: in the 
first instance he is successful but in the second, when a number 
of ‘ rukuta’’ combine in the attack (like the Wild-Dog men above) 
they break his leg (castration),2 cut him to pieces and take his 

t Strehlow, A. & L., I. 40-42. 

2 The appearance of the Echidna, who, as we shall see below, represents the 
castration complex, corroborates this interpretation. 

A I, 

 } II. 
Bes III, 

4. THE ALCHERINGA AND THE ALL-FATHER 

Cf. pp. 94-142, 434 for the data contained in this map, 
unless indicated otherwise below. 

THE ALCHERINGA. 
4,,6, 12, 13, 17, 18,19, 20), 24,.27,.28,.31,.35,747,.42,243,040,nage 
48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 55, 56, 67, 74, 75, 76, 77, 222 (cf. II, III, same 
map); 108, 12i,-122; 123, 124,;125;:126, 128 (cha V1), 261, 262, 
263, 264, 265, 266, 267 (Frazer: Totemism and Exogamy, I, 555), 
375 (R. H. Mathews: ‘‘ Some Mythology of the Gundungurra 
Tribe, N.S.W.,” Z.E., 1908, 203), 385 (R. H. Mathews: ‘ Notes 
on Some Native Tribes of Australia,’ Journ. Roy. Soc. N.S.W., 
1906, XL, 108). 

A SINGLE ALCHERINGA ANCESTOR FOR EACH TOTEM GROUP. 
35, 41, 42, 43, 46, 47, 48, 222. 

ALCHERINGA BEINGS TRAVEL ABOUT IN GROUPS. 

50, 51, 252)-55, 56, 671-74, 76; 77% 

IV. THe ALL-FATHER. 

VI. 
Wir, 

S 
| 
pew N 
xy, 
fs 1h: 
ed 
Se 

XI. 

(a) Baiamai, 130, 138, 139, 150, 152, 153, 349, 350 (pp. 48, 49). 
(a) Baimai as culture hero, 214 (The Australasian Anthr. journal, 1896, 

’ 19 i! 

(b) Daramulun, 110, 111, 112 (H. 564), 321 (H. 563). 

(8) Daramulun as bullroarer spirit, 130 (H. 587), 137 (H. 589). 

(c) Bundjil, 94, 95, 97 (Braim: l.c. 244), 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 
105, 106, 107. 

(d) Nurundure, 89. 

(e) Pirnmeheeal, 93. 

(f) Mungan-ngaua, 108. 

(g) Tha-tha-pulli, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 128. 

(z) Maamba, 156. 

(i) Koin, 155, 315, 329. 

(k) Birral, 163. 
Number IV without any letters refers to other Supreme Beings of 
the same type, 324, 325 (A. L. P. Cameron: “ On Two Queensland 
Tribes,” Science of Man, 1904, 27). 

. OTIOSE SUPREME BEINGS. 

3, 8, 48, 52, 56, 232 (John G. Withnell: The Customs and Traditions 
of the Aboriginal Natives of North-Western Australia, 1901, 1). 
THE ALL-MOTHER. 
4, 6, 13, 17, 18, I9, 20, 24, 45. 
SUPREME BEING IN CONFLICT WITH ALCHERINGA ANCESTORS. 
108; 121,122,123, I24,- 125,120, 328. 
PETRIFACTION. 
3, 4, 6, 8, 13, 17, 18, 19, 20, 24, 47, 50, 52, 56, 67, 74, 76, 77, 89, 
138, 139, 150, 153, 324, 325. 
THE FuGitTive WIvEs. 
84, 85, 89, 155. 

. THE Two HeErogs. 

24, 27 (Sp. III, 216), 45, 48, 50, 52, 56, 69, 7°, 71, 73, 74, 76, 81, 84 
(pp. 112-117), 85 (p. 59), 130 (R. H. Mathews: F.A.A,, 1899, 11, 
12), 150, 153 (Pp. 51, 52). 

INAPERTWA MyTH. 
48, 50, 52, 56, 74, 75, Tor. 

Gulf ot 

F 
Carpentaria 

Bicrt 

Rustaauan 

Great 

Map No. 4. 
The Alcheringa and the All-Father. 

mee 
nt - . 

peta 
etl 

magical power from him. In vain the Sire expects to find a resting- 
place with the women of the Horde; they, too, side with victorious 
youth. The “ Pursuer,” the ally of the rukuta, is a sort of 
functional personification of their wishes. The Father is reborn 
after the flesh has been taken from the bones in the totem sacra- 
ment: this event typifies the multiplying ritual to be performed 
at the totem-centre. The ritual must evidently be the result of 
a compromise between the Son and the Father aspect of the 
Oedipus complex, as both the Pursuer and the Old Kangaroo are 
turned into Churinga, from which the present human and animal 
members of the totem are re-incarnated. The Dieri legend on the 
origin of the Lake Eyre is a variant of the same theme. 

Once a pregnant woman caught sight of a kangaroo and 
said, “‘O! if I could only have that kangaroo for food.” 
The child in her womb said, ‘“‘H’m!” This is repeated three 
times and then her son is born. He immediately jumps up 
and pursues the kangaroo with his mother’s digging-stick. 
The kangaroo runs away and comes to a place where a number 
of men are holding a circumcision ceremony. They kill him 
with their boomerangs, skin him and distribute his flesh 
among all who are present. The boy comes up in breathless 

_haste, but they all say that nobody saw the kangaroo. He 
says it must be there: they are at least to give him the skin. 
He gets the skin and says, ‘‘ What shall I do now? I will 
peg the skin out.’’ One back leg he made fast towards the 
south-east, the other to the south-west, tail to the south, the 
forelegs, head and neck to the north-west, north and north- 
east. This is the origin of the hill called Duturunna.: 

The end of the legend looks as if it had once been meant to 
account for the origin of the sky-vault: at any rate the Arunta 
and Loritja call the blue sky the “‘ flesh,” the night sky with the 
stars the “‘ bones,” the vault the ‘‘ stomach ” of the sky and behind 
these they believe in the existence of a “ back”’ of the sky.? 

The legend is thus connected with a class of myths in which 
the universe is fashioned out of the body of the dead father or 
mother. But the legend professes to account for the origin of 
Lake Eyre, called Kati-tanda (Kati = rug made of kangaroo or 
opossum skin ; Tanda, a Tirari word meaning to spread out),3 so 
that it is related to other legends of this area which explain the 
origin of lakes. 

In another legend the kangaroo hunters are the dual heroes 
who institute circumcision. When they have finished skinning the 

1 Siebert, ‘‘ Sagen und Sitten der Dieri und Nachbarstamme in Zentral-Austra- 

lien,” Globus, 97, 1910, 46. 
» Strehlow, A. & L., II. 11, 8 Siebert, lc., 46. 

kangaroo they fasten the edges of the skin to the ground and raise 
it up in the middle, thus forming the sky-vault. Having done 
this, they said with satisfaction, ‘‘ Now from this time people 
can walk upright and need not hide themselves for fear of the 
sky falling.” * The heroes who separate the First Parents, Heaven 
and Earth (cf. the well-known Greek and Polynesian myths) are 
the same people who kill the kangaroo-father and introduce circum- 
cision—all these motives meaning one and the same thing, the 
Victory of the Brother-Horde over the Jealous Sire and the state 
of society which followed that event. 

However this may be, the interpretation must take that feature 
of these myths as a starting-point which it has in common with 
the former variant : again we have a kangaroo pursued by a hunter 
and killed as a part of an initiation ceremony. The youthful 
Oedipus tries, from the very minute of his birth, to “ kill his 
father,” but he can only succeed as an initiate who has conquered 
the infantile attitude within himself, who has become a man. 
Western Australian beliefs contain the retribution form of this 
myth: the father must kill the youth in the shape of a kangaroo 
and give the mother some kangaroo flesh before the youth can be 
born. Moreover, this makes it possible to interpret the craving 
of the mother for kangaroo flesh, as a displacement upwards of the 
desire for intercourse with the kangaroo father. This is the reason 
of the child’s birth, whilst the talking of the child in the mother’s 
womb is paralleled by his pre-natal existence in animal shape in 
the west. 

In the Arunta myth of ‘‘ The Three Wild-Dog Men,” it is the 
young men of the Wild-Dog totem who commit the parricidal act 
of killing the Old-Man Kangaroo, and the initiates are responsible 
for the same thing in the myth of the Pursuer. We think that 
this is only telling the same tale in other words. According to 
a Kaitish legend two men called Tumana arose in the country of 
the Luritja.3 They heard Atnatu in the sky, and wanting to 
imitate him, they took a piece of bark, but that was not the right 
noise. At length one made of mulga wood was a success. Two 
wild dogs, living not far, heard the Tumana twirling it all day. 
They came and chased them, and then cut their heads off.4 
According to the Warramunga variant of the same theme 

A man named Murtu-Murtu came out of the earth in the 
Wingara and made a noise in the sacred ceremonies like the 

? Howitt, N. T., 649. : 

* Cf. A. R. Brown, “ Three Tribes of Western Australia,” J. A. I., 1913, 168 
If women eat a lot of kangaroo flesh they will bear children. R. Brown, “ Description 
of the Natives of King George’s Sound (Swan River Colony),” J. R. G. S., I. 30. 

3 The name Tumana is given to the sound made by the swinging of the bull- 
roarer, and the two men had originally emanated from churinga (see below). 

4 Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 426, 421. 

murtu-murtu or bullroarer. His body was as round as a ball, 
his head had only a single tuft of hair on the top of it as if it 
had been shaved, and his feet had only toes and _ heels.: 
There lived two wild dogs who were very big and therefore 
called Wumtilla. Their excrement produced a mass of red 
ochre. They began to perform sacred ceremonies and then 
stopped hearing the noise of the murtu-murtu. They sneaked 
up quietly and saw the man making the noise with his mouth, 
and then they rushed at him, biting pieces of flesh out which 
they threw about in all directions. As the flesh flew through 
the air it made a sound like that of the murtu-murtu and 
trees called nanantha (Grevilla sp.) sprang up where they fell 
on the earth. Out of these trees the natives now make their 
bullroarers. When the dogs had torn the body to pieces, 
they saw trees springing up all round. This made them 
angry, and they ran about biting the trees in the hope that 
they would thus be able to kill the muntalki—that is, the 
spirit of the murtu-murtu man which had gone into the 
trees.? 

The next variant of the theme is found among the Manning, 
Hastings and Macleay tribes. 

There were two brothers called Byama, each had a son 
and these boys were named Weerooimbrall. One day these 
two boys, who had voices just like the sound of a bullroarer, 
were left together in a place like the kackaroo ring of the 
keeparra ceremony. Thoorkook, a bad man, who had some 
animosity towards the brothers Byama, had some large and 
savage dogs, and when the little boys were alone these dogs 
came and killed them both. The two brothers Byama and 
their wives bewail the fate of the boys. Byama and his 
brother changed themselves into big strong kangaroos and 
killed all the wild dogs. Then they killed Thoorkook and 
changed him into ‘‘ mopoke,’’ who can only go about at night. 
The mothers of the two boys (the wives of the two Byama) 

t The description tallies with that given by Strehlow of the Murramurra of 
the Arunta (Loritja Murrumurru—Dieri Murra-murra). The buzz of the bullroarer 
is the voice of the spirit Murramurra. 

a Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 434, 435, 493, 500. Murtu-murtu is the Murra- 
murra of the Dieri—Howitt, N. T., 475. Siebert, ‘‘ Sagen und Sitten der Dieri und 
Nachbarstamme,” Globus, 97, 1910, 44. We find the same word murramurra 
as the name of a bullroarer as far north as the Anula tribe.—Spencer and 
Gillen, ibid., 373, 501. Cf. the Binbinga wata-mura, ibid., 50. “‘ Murramurra ist 
von hoher Gestalt hat einen spitzen Mund einen langen Zopf und nur einen Fuss.” 
He cuts the women’s breasts off (castration) if they don’t bow on hearing him, Girls 
feel a prick in their stomachs when they hear him, and say “Sh! thatis my husband.” 
—Strehlow, IV. 41. 

were changed into curlews.: Once a chip from the tomahawk 
of the younger brother flew through the air, making a noise 
like the bullroarer and fell near the elder brother. He at 
once noticed that the noise made by the falling chip resembled 
the voice of the boys killed by Thoorkook’s dogs. Then the 
elder brother made a bullroarer that gave out the voice of the 
little boys who had been killed. The two brothers then 
decided that all boys who should be born in the future must 
be shown this instrument to make them remember the boys 
who had lost their lives by Thoorkook’s dogs. At the Keepara 
ceremony some men personify Thoorkook’s dogs coming to 
kill the boys.3 

In all these legends4 the Spirit of the Bullroarer, the First 
‘ Ancestor,” is torn to pieces by the wild dogs, who seem to typify 
the Sons of the Horde. But we must not forget that the legend- 
cycle, as also the ritual of initiation is preserved in a form that has 
undergone a secondary rearrangement dictated by the feeling of 
retribution ; originally it was the Father who was killed by the 
Sons and reborn in their own conscience, whilst afterwards this 
drama was enacted by the elder generation on the younger as a 
means of warning against the realization of their Oedipus complex. 
This makes it evident that all these legends and rites can be—like 
dreams that underlie the law of reversal—read both ways. In 
the last variant it is the boys, the initiates, the sons of Byame, 
who are torn to pieces by the dogs, which we can identify as the 
representatives of Byame’s unconscious animosity against his sons, 
whilst the conscious part of his feelings is represented in the revenge 
he takes for their death. This part of the legend contains a sur- 
prising corroboration of our previous guesses as to the meaning 
underlying these myths. We have started with the supposition 
that the initiates in the myths given by Strehlow correspond to 
the wild dogs in Spencer and Gillen’s Arunta myth. Now, in 
this last version Byame, in the shape of a big kangaroo (or rather 
“two Byames ’’—-the dual is a sure sign that the legend is influenced 
by the concept of the Brother-Horde, although Byame is usually 

* At night when curlews are heard screeching around the camp it is the mothers 
crying for their children —R. W. Mathews, Folklore of the Australian Aborigines, 
1899, 24. As to the curlew as Byama’s wife, compare the part played by it in 
the sex-totem myths. 

2 Mathews, ibid., 23-25. Cf. Reik’s remarks on similar Australian myths. 
Th. Reik, Probleme der Religionspsychologie, 1919, 247. 

3 R. H. Mathews, “The Keepara Ceremony of Initiation,” J. A. I., 1896, XXVI. 
332. 

4 The legend of the dogs called “ Longsharp teeth,” littered by Byame’s dog 
on the flight from the first bohrah, who have the bodies of dogs, heads of pigs, and 
the fierceness of devils, whom not even Byame dare go near, seems to be a variant 

of the same theme in Euahlayi tradition—K. L. Parker, Australian Legendary 
Tales, 1897, 104, 105% 

_ the representative of the Primeval Father), is the avenger and he 
_ vanquishes the wild dogs who have killed the initiates in the shape 
_ of a big kangaroo—and the initiates of our first legend fight and 
finally kill an ‘“‘ Old-Man Kangaroo.” 

We previously took no particular notice of the feature of the 
Warramunga legend that the excrements of the wild dogs produced 
a mass of red ochre; but when we find that the novices in the 
Keepara ceremony where the scene with Thoorkook’s dogs is 
enacted are taken to a place called ‘“‘ excrement place,’’ where 
they are shown the quartz crystal as excrement of Goign, and 
that afterwards they come to “ urinating place ’’ and see the bull- 
roarer called “‘ excrement eater,’ ? it is hardly possible to disclaim 
the common psychic and historic origin of all these traditions. 
Thus it seems that the wild dogs signify the castration-complex 
in connexion with the Oedipus attitude: primarily as a wish- 
fulfilment of the sons against the father, secondarily as the dreaded 
retribution for their unconscious tendencies. The fact that Austra- 
lian lubras often suckle dingoes together with their own children 
may indicate the nature of the ontogenetic experience that led to 
the canine projection of this complex in Australian myth The 
myth connects the howl of the dogs with the sound of the bull- 
roarer, but both the initiates and those who tear them to pieces 
are ‘“‘dogs”’ in the sense of the complex. The initiates in the 
Kurbin-ai ceremony (who are called Kippu, cf. the Keepara above) 
make their bullroarers sound like the barking of dogs,3 and the 
original representatives of the bullroarer made a buzzing sound 
with their mouths.4 After this it will be no surprise to hear that 
in their secret languages the initiates call themselves “ dogs’’ after 
circumcision,’ here we have tangible proof for our identification 
of the Wild-Dog men and the “ rukuta” (novices) in the myths. 

If we regard initiation ceremonies, according to Reik’s exposi- 
tion, as the reflections of the primeval conflict for the mastery 
Etictiariaa of the Horde between the Father and Sons, it will 
heroes introduce be easy to understand why the Alcheringa heroes are 
circumcision. — sy often found as the originators of circumcision and 
subincision. Phylogenetically they represent the phase of evolu- 
tion after the Murder of the Father in which the victorious brothers, 
actuated on the one hand by the fear of retribution and on the 
other by tender feelings towards the younger generation, institute 
the ceremony of initiation as a compromise. The boys are killed 
(but revived afterwards), something is done to their member (but 

1 R. H. Mathews, “ The Keepara Ceremony,” J. A. I., XXVI. 329, 331. 

2 Cf. Réheim, Spiegelzauber, 1919, 155 N. 2. : 

3 Howitt, l.c., 599. 4 Cf, Reik, Le., 244. 

5 Strehlow, l.c., IV. 26. The Binbinga call the Churinga a watamura, and 
according to this tradition it was first made by two men of the Wild-Dog totem. 
—Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 50. 

not castration). From a functional (and ontogenetical) point of 
view the heroes may be called representatives of the repression 
of castration-fear by the endopsychic Censor: it is they who teach 
the boys to undergo the ceremony of subincision or circumcision, 
According to the Yaurorka, the eastern Dieri and the Yantru- 
wuntha, the first to be circumcised were two Mura-Muras, the usual 
dual heroes of Australian myth, called Kadri-pariwilpa-ulu.t| They 
threw their boomerang at a pelican that was swimming about in 
Lake Perigundi. As they were wading into the water to secure 
their prey, the boomerang swept past them, almost striking one 
of them on its return. The boomerang fell into the water and 
one of the men dived for it but struck against the boomerang, 
which had become sharpened by its flight through the air. Thus 
it circumcised him, and on rising out of the water he saw to his 
great joy that he had now become a perfect man. He secretly 
informs the other one, who likewise dives and is likewise circum- 
cised.2_ As their father was still merely a boy, they determined 
to circumcise him and they did this with a stone knife while he 
slept in the camp. The great loss of blood weakened him and 
as, notwithstanding the unhealed wound, he continued to have 
access to his wife, he got an inflammation and died. As soon as 
they had circumcised their father, they set out on their journey, 
everywhere circumcising youths and men. Coming to Kunauana 
(‘‘ Excrement-light ’) 3 they found a number of people who had 
collected to circumcise some young men by means of fire. They 
showed them the use of the stone knife, saying “‘ Fire is death and 
the stone is life.” They admonished the youths not to have access 
to women till their wounds healed, and were everywhere honoured 
as the benefactors of mankind.¢ In the first place the myth, 
which is evidently typical of a whole group of variants, is an 
infantile reversal of the real situation—instead of the fathei initi- 

: Kadri in Yaurorka, or Kaiari, in Dieri, is “ river course.’ Wilpa is the sky, 
Ulu the dual form: “ both,”’ Kadri-pariwilpa-ulu, is also a name of the Milky Way. 
Howitt, 645. Another version gives Kaiari (creek) and Kariwilpa-Jelu (sky : 
Jelu—“ till’’)—as the names of the two heroes, and Gregory translates the names 
“one creek till up the sky.’-—J. W. Gregory, The Dead Heayvi of Australia, 1906, 229. 
But the former is probably right, as it conserves the usual dual ending (ulu), and 
as other dual heroes are also found in connexion with the Milky Way.—Howitt, 794. 
Besides this, we know that the Milky Way is found in connexion with initiation 
in other tribes. The two black spacesin the Milky Way are two old men who were 
speared at a Bora near the Taldora.—E. Palmer, ‘‘ Notes on Some Australian 
Tribes,” J. A. JI., XIII. 293 (see above). 

* A water ceremony frequently forms part of the initiation ritual.—Howitt 
lc. 636. J. Fraser, The Aborigines of New South Wales, 1892, 24. 1: Spencer, 
N.T.N.T.A., 1914,99. J. Mathew, Two Representative Tribes of Queensland 1910, 
104. That the heroes of the legend are made men in the water is evidently connected 
with the intra-uterine symbolic meaning of water and the element of re-birth 
contained in these ceremonies, 

s An element of initiation ritual in the legend, cf. R. H. Mathews, l.c. JeAat 

1896, 3293 ¢ Howitt, l.c., 645, 646, 

ating his sons, it is the sons who initiate the father. But we must 

_ remember that the initiation ritual as such owes its origin to a 

_ similar reversal, the Elder Generation retaliates on the Younger 
for its own unconsciously aggressive tendencies against the Father. 

_ This double reversal gives us the original situation back again by 
means of a return of repressed elements; the originators of circum- 
cision are the heroes who killed (and castrated) their father because 
he had intercourse with their mother. It is only natural that 
those who have killed their father should prevent the repetition 
of the bloody deed against their own persons by instituting the 
puberty ceremonies. The legend regards the circumcision with 
the stone knife as a mitigation of a more savage and frequently 
deadly ritual performed with fire: which tallies well with our 
view that the initiation ritual as we have it at present originated 
in a compromise between the originally purely aggressive feelings 
of the elder generation and the feelings of love and tenderness 
which came afterwards in the course of evolution. This explains 
the origin of this mitigated attack on the genitalia which must 
have been outright murder of the youths. 

In the Karanguru and the Ngameni variant the heroes are 
characteristically called Malku-malku-ulu (the Two with the Pubic 
Tassel), and a kangaroo-hunt is substituted for the parricide which 
in this case (together with the creation of the sky-vault from the 
skin of the dead kangaroo) precedes the episode of circumcision 
in the water, thus justifying our conjectures as to the unconscious 
meaning of the previous myth. The dual heroes are also spirits 
of fertility, for their camps can be recognized by the luxuriant 
growth of the Moku, which is tabooed as their special food3 In 
the Urabunna and Kuyani legend the Yuri-ulu rise out of the earth 
and cut the foreskin off with their knife, when the men are pre- 
paring to circumcise the boys with fire, and sink back into the 
ground invisibly. In the astonished questions of the men, “ Didst 
thou do this or thou?” we may recognize the Yuri-ulu as the 
personificators of an unconscious impulse, projections of the inten- 
tion of the elder generation to mitigate the attack upon the boys 
into a mere symbol.4 

1 The secondary rearrangement of materials changes the course of events, 
and instead of intercourse, then circumcision and death, gives us circumcision and 
then intercourse, using the whole according to the tendency of rationalization as 
a precedent to enforce a rule of hygiene 

2 Th. Reik, lic., 82, 89. Reik says that circumcision is not the mitigation of 
human sacrifice (murder), but only came to be connected with the simulated 
death of the novices (as punishment for their unconscious wish to kill their fathers), 
as it was the mitigation of castration, the talion-punishment for incestuous desire 
However, the legends show the crude, barbaric situation: a violent attack on the 
genitalia of the young by the jealous elders, a condensation of castration and murder 
in the same act. So, after all, the old interpretation of circumcision as a redemption 
of human sacrifice is right enough. 

3 Howitt, N T., 646-50; ¢ Howitt, Le., 650, 651. 

The same movement is represented in Arunta tradition by 
Ulpmurintha, a great man of the “ Littlee-Hawk’’ totem, who first 
performs the operation of circumcision with a stone knife instead _ 
of a fire-stick.t According to the variant given by Strehlow, 
circumcision was first introduced by Mangar-kunjer-kunja, the 
spirit of a lizard totem, but afterwards fell into disuse and had to 
be taught again by the Black Hawk and the Grey Hawk, who 
first circumcised each other with their stone knives and then the 
men of all the other totems. Some totems did not perform the 
rite at all, others, like the Podargus people, were doing it with 
the burning bark of the gum-tree, whilst the Echidna men cas- 
trated the boys so that they nearly all died in consequence.? The 
Hawk men told the others that if the ritual of circumcision were 
not performed on the boys these would become erintja, that is 
demons who would kill and eat man, woman and child,3 and as 
the ritual is the means of sublimating the youth’s Oedipus complex, 
we can see the truth of this admonition. Another Arunta variant 
coincides with Atkinson’s views as to the mothers who might have 
been the means of the reconciliation between the Fathers and the 
Sons of the Horde.‘ 

The southern Arunta tradition says that one day the men were 
as usual circumcising a boy with a fire-stick when an old woman 
rushed up, and telling the men that they were killing all the boys, 
showed how to use a sharp stone so that the fire-stick was dis- 
carded.s According to an Unmatjera tradition, a Crow man 
wanted to circumcise the people with his churinga lelira (sacred 
stone knife), but in the meantime two old Parenthie Lizard men 
came from the south and they both circumcised and subincised 
the men with their teeth.6 Two Wild-Cat men are the heroes of 
the Warramunga myth. They initiated each other with their 
stone knives and then wandered about till they came to people 
who were crying for water. The younger brother cut the ground 
with his left hand and a great stream of water flowed out, and 
with it came a big snake which stood up so that its head reached 
the sky and ate every one up except the two wild cats. They 
go on and find out the means of making fire by twirling instead of 
rubbing two sticks together. Next they show the people how to 

x Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 394. 

> A striking confirmation of the psycho-analytical theory that circumcision is 
a symbolic castration. The castration complex projected to the Echidna on account 
of his spines is the reason why he is called “‘ bad” all over Australia. This is why 
the Echidna is an old woman who feeds on young men (castration complex and 
fear of the vagina), and why only an initiated man can deal with these animals.— 
Roéheim, ‘“‘ Zwei Gruppen von Igelsagen,”’ Z. d. V. f. VR., 1913, 411, 413. 

3 Strehlow, lc., I. 8. Cf. Reik, op. cit., 77. 

4 Atkinson, Primal Law, 1903, 231, 232; 

5 Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 401, 402. 

6 Id., Nor. T., 399. Cf. 405: 

_ circumcise with stone knives instead of with fire-sticks, and then 
_ they perform subincision on each other. They feel sorry and lose 
much blood, and both of them are at last swallowed by a snake in 
a water-hole.t 
The invention of the twirling method of making fire that is 
attributed to the dual heroes of the stone knife is certainly to be 
interpreted as a hint at the libidinal (homoerotic) nature of the 
friendly current of feeling which softens the original tendency, 
castration and murder of the boys, to a mere symbolic rite. On the 
other hand, it also corresponds to the general tendency of Australian 
myth that represses the libidinal symbolism with regard to the 
representatives of the Father-Imago and allows it to become mani- 
fest in the representatives of the second generation, the Brothers, 
the Dual Heroes. It is more difficult to interpret the part played 
by the snake in this myth. The Kaitish have a myth, like the 
Arunta, 

of two Ullakepera men who introduce circumcision with a 
stone knife (thrown down from the sky by Atnatu). Creeks 
originate from the blood that flows from their subincision 
wounds. When they come to a water-hole near Aniania they 
see a big snake casting its skin, and as they are afraid of being 
bitten by it, they walk away and soon afterwards both are 
tired and sink into the earth. 

According to the Binbinga tradition two boys were circumcised 
at Akuralla. 

They went to an old woman and asked her for food.3 She 
said, ‘I have no food for you!’’ So being angry, they tear 
off their pubic tassels, throw them at her and run away. After 
going a little way they make a fire, carrying a fire-stick with 
them. At Narulunka they make a water-hole. They go on 
and kill a female kangaroo, make a hole in the ground to cook 
the body and thus give rise to another pool of water. The 
snake Bobbi-bobbi hears the noise they make with their 
stones and sends flying-foxes to find out what they are doing. 
They kill the flying-foxes, but when they open the earth oven 
in which the foxes are being cooked, the foxes jump out and 
fly away screeching. The snake who is watching underground 
takes out one of his ribs, transforms it into a boomerang and 
throws it up on to the plain. They kill more flying-foxes. 
At last the snake drags them underground by means of the 
boomerang. 

* Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 424, 426. 2 Id,, ibid., 345, 346. 
3 We shall see later on that food given or accepted between man and woman 

is equivalent to a marriage ceremony in Australian custom, 
4 Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 436. 

One of the two heroes is Paliarinji and the other Tjamerum, 
these being the names of the two moieties of the Binbinga tribe. 
The food asked from the old woman, the pubic tassels thrown at 
her, the fire made and the female kangaroo killed all mean the 
same thing: intercourse with the mother. The old woman refuses 
the request for food, and this non-attainment of the libidinal wish 
leads to a series of symbolic repetitions that mark the unconscious 
struggle between the libido and repression. After the incest we 
should expect the struggle with the father as the other element 
of the Oedipus complex, and we get the episode of the killing and 
revival of the flying-foxes. Now the flying-fox is said by the 
Warramunga to have been the first man to knock his teeth out ; 
this is a more symbolically repressed form of castration-ceremonies 
(as compared with subincision).2 As he is sent by the Great Snake, 
this might mean a fight with the brother, a slightly altered form of 
the original complex. 

In the Warramunga myth of the two Wild-Cat men we have 
a somewhat muddled account of the struggle with the monster: 
the great serpent destroys all the people and only the two Heroes 
escape, which amounts to the same thing as if the two Heroes 
were the dragon-slayers. Nor does the origin of the serpent from 
their own blood alter the interpretation given: it merely points 
to the aggressive aspect of the Father-Imago being in close con- 
nexion with the various symbolic forms of the castration-complex. 
The Anula variant of the myth tells us that one boy was a Roum- 
buria (the equivalent of the Paliarinji) and the other Urtalia 
(Tjamerum). First they killed birds with their boomerangs, then 
a snake and then an euro. Then follows the episode of the flying- 
foxes 3 and then their being pulled underneath by the snake-rib 
boomerang just like the Binbinga tradition.¢ We are reminded by 
this episode of the Lake Eyre legend, which ascribes circumcision 
to their own boomerang that strikes the hunters when they dive 
for their prey. The snake (phallic symbol) taking out its own rib 
performs a symbolic castration and thus the origin of the fatal 
boomerang from this rib means, translated from the language 
of the unconscious into that of consciousness, that the Castra- 
tion Fear of the youths is derived from their castration-wish 
against their Fathers.s It is the Boomerang (Castration-Dread) 
that leads to ultimate regression into the maternal womb symbolized 

* Cf. S. Pfeifer, ‘‘ Ausserungen infantil erotischer Triebe im Spiele,”’ Imago, V., 
1919, 243. 

a Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 427, 428. 

3 The snake Ulanji cut off the head of the flying-foxes in the Binbinga tradition. 
—Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 438. 

4 Id., ibid., 437. 

5 They begin with an aggression against the Father-Imago., They throw the 
boomerang up into the sky and make a great hole in it, 

_by being dragged underground by the snake. Here we see the 

_ difficulty that hindered us in instantly reading the symbolic mean- 
ing of the serpent episode: it is a condensed, an ambisexual 
symbol meaning both the Father and the Mother, both the Phallos 
and the Vagina, but both genital organs appear in the aspect which 
they gain in the attitude of the psyche, which is characterized by 
the castration-complex. 

The Anula tradition does not end here but goes on with a highly 
significant account of intra-uterine life as connected with the origins 
of totemism. The snake ate them but they remained alive in his 
stomach as he travelled along and at various places gave rise to 
mungai spots (totem-centres), Urtalia spirit individuals being left at 
some places and Roumburia ones at others. 

At length the snake is taken ill and throws the boys out of his 
stomach. In Binbinga tradition a man of the Dingo totem is the 
culture hero of the stone knife and itis the same person who 
introduces the twirling method of making fire.? 

These various manifestations of the Oedipus complex have been 
discussed to demonstrate the wish-fulfilment attitude embodied in 

the Alcheringa tradition as compared with present 
totemic custom. This wish-fulfilment attitude is 
manifested most strikingly in the absence of the two funda- 
mental totemic taboos. But both the absence or rather the 
deliberate breaking of the taboo and the wish-fulfilment attitude 
are equally characteristic of a certain ‘‘ set apart’”’ (sacré) aspect of 
native life, of the intichiuma ceremonies, and from this point of 
view we might regard the myths as projections of actual ritual 
into the dim past of the tribe. 

We have found that the Arunta, Loritja, Unmatjera and Kaitish 
Alcheringa heroes are reported to eat their own totemic animal or 
plant, and it is just in these tribes that we find the ceremonial eating 
of the totem as a feature of the Intichiuma ceremonies.3 Further 
north the traditions never refer to totem ancestors as eating their own 
totem and the ceremonial eating is equally absent from their practice. 
It is certain that we have to do with a double series of causation : on 
the one hand tradition is an exaggerated projection of the tendencies 
embodied in ritual into the phylogenetic past ; but on the other hand 
ritual itself is a reduced repetition of the tendencies that actually 
dominated the phylo- and ontogenetic past so that the traditions are 
history after all, but reflected through the double mirror of backward 
projection. 

Ritual and myth. 

t Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 437. s Id., ibid., 440. 

3 Id., ibid., 323. Strehlow, A. & L., 1908 sq. Verdffentlichungen aus dem 
stadtischen V6lker-Museum, Frankfurt-am-Main. 

4 Both the ritual and the myth are survivals of past events which are re-acted 
and re-told: but, besides this, the ritual helps to mould and give shape to the myth. 

The ‘‘ magical omnipotence of thought ” is equally characteristic 
of the traditions and of the ceremonies, the creative aspect of these 
Conca beings is prominent and their principal occupation 
between seems to be to produce things by intichiuma cere- 
Fis lad tae monies. The Kangaroo-Rat man performs a totemic 
intichiuma cere- ceremony, after which he sends two younger bandicoot 
pias cea brothers to hunt the kangaroo-rat. They feast on it 
together. He goes on performing the ceremony and then eating 
his totem animal, till after the ceremony they only find one totemic 
animal and then none at all;! which shows the dire results of 
unbounded indulgence in wish-fulfilment, or rather, the original 
tendency of the ceremony which is an act of aggression on the 
totem animal. 

The tradition of the Wild-Cat man, Malbanka, contains the 
essential features of the sacred ceremony ; it says that the Alcheringa 
hero was accustomed to perform these ceremonies day by day.? 
Another Wild-Cat man called Wontapare instructed the youths in 
various ceremonies: losing and stealing or giving tjurunga being 
an ever-recurring feature of these traditions,3 Various ceremonies 
are performed by the Duck men, the way they imitated ducks and 
their other doings are described. The Lizard People perform 
ceremonies 5 and the unmotivated episode that the Frog People 
strike their iwonba (small wands) against each other can only be 
understood as the rudimentary survival of ritual.6 A woman shows 
her Nurtunja and sacred ceremonies to the Achilpa men and these 
perform an Engwura at Ooraminna.? They find a man and a 
woman of the Unjiamba totem and they tried to interfere with the 
woman but they could not because of their “‘ quabara’’ (ceremonies). 
At Okirra kulitha they camped on the top of the range, performed 
quabara undattha and Ariltha on their young men. Everybody 
seems to have Nurtunjas and sacred ceremonies, the absence of such 
is sometimes stated as a peculiarity. The Achilpas repeatedly make 
Engwura and every night they hear the sound of bullroarers.' 
Another party of Alchipa men camps at Waterhouse Range for a 
short time and performs ceremonies," and the same is repeated at 
Ningawarta.t?_ They go on wandering, performing ceremonies every- 
where and changing their language when they come to parts of the 
country inhabited by a different tribe.13 They meet a party of 
women who are dancing all the way along and make quabara 
undattha at Mount Sonder.4 They meet a Purula woman of the 
Arawa totem who had no Nurtunja, but was in possession of several 

 Strehlow, A. & L., I. 63, 64. aId jl srt $Id (1.386; 
zis (3 ey a Sidi L580, la Ts; Sy 
7 Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 405, 8 Id., ibid., 406. 9 Id., ibid., 408, 
0 Td., ibid., 409. ™ Td., ibid., 410. 19:Id,, ibid., 411. 

13 Id,, ibid., 412, 413. 4 Id,, ibid., 415 

_ wooden Churinga. They make quabara undattha and move on to 
Ariltha, where they change their language to the Ilpirra tongue. 
_ In the western wall of Emily Gap there is a sacred cave which is 
called the Ilthura oknira or the great Ilthura at which the Alcheringa 
leader of the Witchetty grub men performed the ceremony for the 
increase of the grub on which he and his companions fed and where 
this ceremony is still performed.2 Directly opposite to this, but 
low down on the eastern wall of the gap, is the sacred Ilkinia, a 
drawing on the rocks which is believed to have sprung up to mark 
the spot where the Alcheringa women painted themselves and stood 
peering and watching, while Intwailiuka and his men performed 
Intichiuma.3 At Atnamala the men of the Grub totem cooked and 
ate many grubs and also made Intichiuma.4 Wherever they stop 
they make Intichiuma and paint the sacred images on their bodies.5 
Three bandicoot women make quabara at various places till they 
are chased by a man of the Lizard totem.6 The Echunpa People eat 
echunpa (big lizard) and at Irulchirtna they make quabara undattha 
carrying Churinga on their heads as shown during one of the 
Engwurra ceremonies, which represented one of those performed 
during this march. Hereit was that some men of the Thippa-thippa 
(a bird) totem came and danced round them as they performed ; 
the men were afterwards changed into birds which still hover over 
the Echunpa lizards and show the natives where they are found.7 
In the Loritja tribe the dog-chiefs call their young men together 
to perform ceremonies.® 
The tradition of the Emu totem is nothing but a description of 
these ceremonies. The old man is an ‘‘ Emu Father,” the young 
ones imitate young emus and they all run away in the shape of emus 
to escape from an approaching bush-fire.9 The Wild-Cat men 
perform the ceremony by running round their chief with a quivering 
movement of their body *° Not only in sacred ceremonies do they 
excel but also in black magic; they make their enemies blind by 
spitting in their direction.t** The Opossum men run in a circle round 
the Opossum chief, which seems to be the very essence of the cere- 
mony." The Lizard 13 and the Honey-ant people perform their own 
ceremonies 4 and soon. A Parenthie lizard man arose at Limpi, 
in the country of the Warramunga and made ceremonies there.'s 
At Mirrinjungali the Wild-Cat men made some sacred sticks which 
they called thaburla, put them on their heads, painted their bodies 
and performed ceremonies.%* A man of the Green Snake totem 
arose in the country of the Binbinga, and every time he performed 

2 Spencer and Gillen, N.T., 416 + Id., ibid., 425. 3 Id., ibid., 426. 
¢ Id., ibid., 428. 5 Id., ibid., 429. Cf. 430. § Id., ibid., 433. 
7 Id., ibid., 440. Cf. 449. 8 Strehlow, A.@L., 11.16. 9 Id., I. 18, rg. 
te Td., II. 24. 1 Td., Il. 25, 26. 1 Td., IT. 28. 

13 Id., II. 39. ™% Id., IT. 40. 

15 Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 423. 16 Td,, ibid., 424. 

sacred ceremonies spirit children came out of his, muscles, and as he 
changed his totem to other snakes he produced children of the new 
totem. The Dingo men perform sacred ceremonies, and wherever 
they do so they leave spirit children behind who come out of their 
bodies.z The Wind man has a bullroarer, performs sacred cere- 
monies and leaves spirit children behind.3 This continual perfor- 
mance of ceremonies is certainly connected with the continual eating 
of the totem animal. In actual life we only have a symbolic and 
ceremonial eating once a year, and a secondary relaxation of the 
taboo on other occasions: both represent the wish-fulfilment attitude 
as it manifests itself in a ‘‘ dream-time’”’ that is unhampered by 
hard reality. 

When the Plum men made their intichiuma a curious phenomenon 
was witnessed—the Akakia trees shed their plums so quickly that it 
was just as if it was raining plums; the fruit run along the ground 
like a flood and the Ulpmerka would have been drowned in them if 
they had not quickly gone into the ground and so made their escape.4 
In the language of magic we might say that the ‘‘ mana ” gained 
by continual totem-eating manifests itself in the enhanced effec- 
tivity of these intichiumas of the Alcheringa: in the language of 
psychology we should say that there is a close connexion between 
the absence of inhibitions and the infantile attitude of wish-fulfil- 
ment by hallucination. Animals accommodate themselves to their 
environment by bodily modification. In his essay on hysteria 
Ferenczi has spoken of an autoplastic phase of human evolution.s5 
This attitude characterizes the creative activity of the Alcheringa 
beings, which always take their own body as a starting-point and end 
in some modification of the landscape. The especial frequency with 
which the origin of creeks and floods is ascribed to 
these beings finds its explanation partly in the import- 
ance of water for the maintenance of native life® and partly in these 
episodes being a frequent feature of dreams.7 For instance, the 
wanderings of the Honey-ant people are terminated by the following 
event : 

Floods. 

When they came to Unapuna the local people resented their 
coming and at once drew forth floods of blood from their arms 
with the result that all strangers were drowned ; their Churinga 
remaining behind, givingrise to an important honey-ant centre.8 
A group of Alcheringa men come to Ulir-ulira, which means the 

t Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 431. 3 Id., ibid., 441. 3 Id., ibid., 444. 

4 IdsN OT. 404. 5 S. Ferenczi, Hysterie und Pathoneurosen, 1918. 

6 Cf. Haberlandt, Die Trinkwasserversorgung primitiver Vdélker, Erg. Heft, 174. 
Petermanns Mitteilungen, 1912. 

7 It is probable that with a people suffering considerably from thirst water 
will be even more frequent in dreams as a wish-fulfilment than it is in our climate. 

§ Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 439. 

place where blood flowed like a creek and is a water-pool on 
the Todd Creek. The young men opened veins in their arms 
and gave draughts of blood to the old men who were very 
tired. Ever afterwards the water at this spot was tinted with 
a reddish colour, and it is so to the present day. 

At Ooraminna the Hakea men made the abmoara drink by 
steeping Hakea flowers in water. The water was held in their 
wooden vessels, and then opening veins in their arms they allowed 
the blood to flow into the vessels and mix with the abmoara, until 
the vessels overflowed to such an extent that the Ooraminna Creek 
became flooded and all the Erkincha men were drowned.?_ At Inta- 
tella-warika the Achilpa men found an old man of the Achilpa 
totem who, on seeing them approach, opened a vein in his arm, 
thus flooding the country and drowning the Achilpa men in blood ; 
a large number of stones sprang up to mark the spot and still 
remain to show where the men went into the ground.3 At Boggy 
water-hole on the Finke, a woman finds a number of Achilpa people 
making engwurra; she caused blood to flow from her sexual organs 
in great volume, directing it towards the people, who at once fled 
to a spot close by which is now marked by a number of stones which 
sprang up where they took refuge.4 If we remember the urethral 
erotic meaning of a flood that we have discovered already in the 
myths of South-East Australia, it seems probable that the same 
interpretation holds good for these traditions.5 

The urethral concept of creation is manifested more directly ® 
in the Unmatjera tradition of the Lizard men. As they travelled 
along the elder lizard micturated and thus gave rise to equina, a 
whitish friable stone used by the natives for painting designs during 
the ceremonies.?7 As they travel on they continue to micturate, 
that is, to make equina.® 

Another feature of these legends that recalls the infantile attitude 
and the mechanism of dreams is the narcissistic type 
of creation by fission of the personality (Abspal- 
tungen). 

Multiplication 
by fission. 

An Unkurta (Jew lizard) man lay on the ground, and when 
he looked he saw beside himself another little Unkurta who 

t Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 407. Cf. the ‘‘ ballof blood”’ and the flood.— K. L. 
Parker, Move Australian Legendary Tales, 1898, 84-9. 2 Id., ibid., 444. 

3 Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 410. Blood given by the young men to the old 
(to strengthen them).—Spencer, N.T. 412, or by the old to the young (in initiation 
ritual), figures both in the Alcheringa and in actual custom.—Strehlow, I. 53. 

¢ Id., ibid., 433. 

5 They are analogous to what Havelock Ellis calls vesical dreams. 

6 The blood-letting is also an integral part of the ritual: it is an over-determined 
action that can only be completely analysed in connexion with actual custom. 
(See Réheim, “‘ Das Selbst,” Imago, VII.) 

7 Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 406. 8 Id., ibid., 407. 

had come from him and said, ‘‘ Hullo, that is all the same as me.” 
Again and again he looked with the same result, and each time 
he said, ‘‘ Hullo, that is all the same as me,”’ until finally there 
were a large number of Unkurtas around him all of whom had 
sprung from his body. Then after a time he saw one die and 
said, ‘“‘ That isme dead—I will go and bury him in the ground.” 
For along time he remained quietly in the one spot and con- 
tinually looked at himself until gradually he increased and 
became great in the flesh and grew into an oknirabata.t He 
meets a man of the nail-tailed wallaby (Iwuta) totem and tells 
him that if he lay down quietly, and went to sleep and woke 
up, he would see another Iwuta beside him all the same as 
himself and then another and another, and so on, until there 
were a great number of Iwutas, and he confers the same 
instruction to the Qualpa totem.? 

Transformation is effected by mere will-power. Two beings 
came out of a small rock hole near Barrow Creek. The elder man 
was a Thungalla and the other an Umbitjana. The Thungalla 
looked at his shadow (illinja) and called himself Illinja. At first 
down grows all along his arms and hair on his head, and his eyes 
became big and stood out like those of the Titterai bird. The two 
men discussed matters and Umbitjana said to the Thungalla, ‘‘ You 
and I sit down little birds,” but Thungalla said, ‘‘ No, we sit down 
blackfellows and we belong to the same country.”” 3 An old Opossum 
man meets another Opossum man called Illinja (that is his duplicate, 
shadow), and prevails upon him to lay aside some of the gum-tree 
seed that he was going to eat. In the middle of the night they got 
up and began to perform Intichiuma, and looking around he said, 
““'Who is asleep there,’’ for beside Illinja he saw another man who 
had arisen from the seed they had placed on one side. He looked 
at Illinja and said to him, “‘ That man is all the same as you and 
me—why did he come up?’”’4 A Purula man splits in two, one 
half becoming Purula and the other Kumara.’ The shape-shifting 
faculty is implicit in all the traditions even when not stated in so 
many words, just as the visual character of the dream expresses the 
variability and yet essential unity of endopsychical complexes in the 
form of outward shape-shifting. They naturally partake both of 
the shape and the behaviour of human beings and the animals 
they represent, but this is not more than the living Arunta does, 
especially in the ceremonies. From the native point of view it is 
more remarkable that they can change their totem 6 and even their 

: Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 400. 3 Id., ibid., gor. 3 Id., ibid., 409. 

4 Id.,ibid., 412, 413. The Intichiuma ceremony is intended for the multiplication 
of the totem, and here results in the narcissistic creation of the totemite’s double. 
Cf. infra. 

5 Id., ibid., 418. 6 Id., ibid., 430, 431. 

ee 
ice 

_ nationality. The psychological connexion between the dream-time 

traditions and real dreams is especially evident if we compare two 
recurring motives of the traditions with a very common dream 
experience that is rising (flying) and sinking.» A father who wishes 
to punish the sexual excesses of his daughters flies to the sky as a 
ee cloud and pours streams of water down upon them.3 
ee, People rise to the sky on growing hills.4 The Eagle- 

hawk men go up into the sky to hunt for wallaby.s 
Certain ‘‘ Devil men”’ are said to have gone up into the sky at a 
place called Etuta.6 Two Kurbaru men fly up into the air at 
Wontapara.7 From Utiara the culture heroes fly up into the sky.8 
All these features certainly do not exceed the general similarity 
between dream and myth, but the closing sentence of these tradi- 
tions which is peculiar to them seems to point to a more intimate 
connexion. When the kelupa snake ancestors finish their wander- 
ings they go into a cave, roll themselves together and are turned 
into tjurunga.9 The Wild-Cat man, Malbanka (with the big body), 
when he is tired by his long wanderings, sticks his tnatantja into 
the earth at the entrance of a cave, sends his wife and the young 
men who are exhausted into the cave where they simply fall down 
on the earth, Malbanka on top of them, and they are all turned into 
tjurunga.'° 

An Euro man had a churinga representing the lightning and he 
went down into the earth carrying this with him, and the lubras 
whose grass-seeds were their churinga went down on top of him and 
so formed a big oknanikilla.tt Illinja strikes the rock with his 
churinga, making a hole into which both he and his companion went, 
thus forming a totem-centre.%* Kulkumba finishes his wanderings 
by going into the ground.3 The Unthippa women then entered 
the ground “‘ and nothing more is known of them except that it is 
supposed that a great womanland exists far away to the east where 
they finally sat down.” % 

The Cormoran, the Crabs and the Fish sink into the depths of 
the earth and are turned into churinga.'5 The Snake ancestors throw 
themselves into two water-holes,'6 as serpents generally do, and are 
thought of as still living there.17 The Opossum men go into a cave, 
throw themselves down on the ground and are turned into churinga.*8 

t On change of tongue, see above. 
* Federn, ‘“‘Uber zwei typische Traum-Sensationen,” Jahrbuch, VI. 1914. 
Mourly Vold, Uber den Traum, 1912, II. 797. 

3 Strehlow, A. & L., IT. 35. 4 Id., ibid., rr. 

s Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 398. 6 Id., ibid., 447. Cf. Strehlow, I. 50. 
7 Strehlow, V. 35. 8 Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 399. 

9 Streblow, I. 50. to Td., ibid., 54, 55. 

11 Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 409. 1a Td., ibid., 414. 

13 Id., ibid., 422, 442. 14 Id, ibid., 442. 

15 Strehlow, I. 48. 16 Id., I. 49. 

17 Id., I. 50. 8 Id., I. 63. 

In Strehlow’s texts we see that these totem ancestors sink into the 
earth or go into the caves when they are tired, exhausted (borka). 
What does a present-day aboriginal do in a similar emergency? He 
lies down just as the Alcheringa people do at the termination of their 
wanderings and goes to sleep. It is true that the Alcheringa heroes 
end, instead of beginning, their dream-wanderings by going to sleep, 
but we know these displacements of motives to be a characteristic 
attribute of dream-work. At any rate, if the mythical heroes are 
still thought of as existing in a sleep-like state we may very well 
connect their wanderings with dreams. The Alcheringa heroes do 
more than merely lie down; they sink into the earth, or water-holes, 
or go into caves, and the places from where they disappear form 
totem-centres, that is, the places whence children are incarnated. 
“ The souls of the totem-gods went into the earth and they are called 
iwopata, i.e. the inner hidden ones, the invisible ones. The eastern 
Arunta call them erintarinja. These souls of the totem-gods have 
a red body and live in great subterranean caves, therefore they are 
also called “ rella ngantja’”’ (hidden men). At night they emerge 
from their caves to visit the tjurunga-sticks and stones, which are 
regarded as their former bodies.’’! I think it can hardly be considered 
a too bold step in interpretation if we call a cave from which children 
are incarnated, and where the ancients exist with red bodies (like new- 
born infants), a symbolic representation of the uterus projected into 
environment, and the eternal life of the totem-ancestors a post- 
mortem repetition of the pre-natal life of the embryo.? 

That this disappearance into a cave or into the earth is a sort of 
sleep (and not death) is emphasized by the fact that they often 
Cave as womb; Sink into the ground and reappear at another spot.3 
returnto  _ Psycho-analytical theory regards sleep itself as a partial 
embryonic life. regression into the position of the embryo. It is not 
surprising that the beginning of the race should be represented in 
unconscious mythical phantasy in ways similar to the beginning 
of the individual; we shall find ample proof in the course of our 
inquiry that these regressive features are also the ultimate source 
of the connexion between the Alcheringa heroes and dreams. But 
another side of our legends must be explained before we can finish 
our interpretation of the Alcheringa on these lines—namely, that 
the legends are made to account for all the prominent 
features of the landscape and to form a sort of mythical 
topography. When the Achilpa men crossed the Mount 
Sonder they saw a Bandicoot man with large wooden pitchis, and 
therefore they called it the place of pitchis.4 A group of trees arises to 
mark the spot where a party of Alcheringa men stood.s At Alkniara 

t Strehlow, 4. & L., I. 5. 

» Cf. Réheim, ‘‘ Primitive Man and Environment,” J. JoRods, 1027, 1h 163, 
3 Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 415, 418, 432. 

¢Id., N. T., 404, 415. $s Id., ibid., 432. 

Mythical 
topography. 

_ three women of the Bandicoot totem performed quabara undattha 
(down ceremonies) and introcision on each other; a great gully 
arising in the spot and in the middle of this a large stone to mark the 
exact place where after the performance the women went down into 
the ground.t The native will point out the exact spot where the 
Lizard men stood in the Alcheringa.2 They killed a lot of Oruncha 
just at the entrance to the gorge and to the present day a great pile of 
jugged boulders marks the exact spot.3 Clay-pans, that.is a shallow 
depression capable of holding water for some time after a rainfall, 
arise to mark the spot where a circumcision ceremony was held in 
the Alcheringa. Inapertwa (cf. below) were transformed into human 
beings, and to the present day a fine group of gum-trees marks the 
spot where the operation was performed.3 Curious-looking stones 
now regarded as sacred arise to mark the spot where the stone knives 
were spread out.4 Turning their faces to the east, they look back 
upon the course whence they had come, and as soon as they had done 
this, two hills arose to mark the spots on which they had stood.5 
“As soon as the singing was heard they went on to the Apulla ground, 
a number of stones standing up on end now marking the spot where 
they stood up and waited.”.® Women mourn for a dead man; 
they are turned to stones, which still exist to mark the spot.7_ The 
Echidna falls down dead ; a circular rock-hole appears to mark the 
spot. All of them went into the earth carrying their Churinga and 
three stones arose to mark the spot where they went in.» “A large 
stone arises to mark the spot where a Wild-Cat man was buried.”’ 7° 
A large number of stones standing up on end arose and still exist 
to mark the spot where the Ulpmerka danced. At Apunga there 
was no water and the old men were very thirsty; they dug for 
water without finding any, and the holes which they dug out 
remain to the present day.% At a water-hole on the Jay Creek 
they erected their Kauaua and performed sacred ceremonies, a large 
rock-hole now marking the spot where the Kauaua stood.3 A tall 
stone standing up above the ground represents the broken and still 
implanted end of a pole.'4 At a place near to Hanson Creek a number 
of Alcheringa men lay down to die and a large hill covered with big 
stones arose to mark the spot.15 At Urichipma they paused and 
looked back to see their tracts and a row of stones arose to mark the 
spot.'6 

4 In Loritja legend the place where the Wallaby man went into the 
earth is marked by a spring of water; the other men who were with 
him were turned into white stones.17. An Emu man and the Crow 

t Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 432. 2 Id., N. Te 398s 
3 Id., ibid., 391. 4 Idi} ibid., 397. s Id., ibid., 397. 
6 Id., ibid., 398. 7 Id., ibid., 398. 8 Id., ibid., 400. 
9 Id., ibid., 400. 10 Td., ibid., 403. 1 Td, ibid., 407 
1a Td_., ibid., 409. 13 Id., ibid., 412. 14 Id., ibid., 413. 

15 Id., ibid., 414, 415. 16 Td., ibid., 415, 416. 17 Strehlow, II. 28. 

man are turned into rocks that are visible to the present day.t A 
place is called Mabakattji (vulva) in the Ilpirra language because 
an Emu man cohabited here with his wife. A place where 
Alcheringa people were turned to stone is called heap of stones? and 
so on. The import of these myths will be readily understood if we 
have recourse to the method of reversal applied in dreams and 
interpret the sentence ‘‘a stone arose to mark the spot” as an 
auto-symbolical reversal. It is not the stone that arose to mark the 
spot where an Alcheringa hero performed ceremonies, it is rather 
the ceremonies that are introduced at that particular point of the 
legend to mark the stone. The legend is a mythical attempt to 
keep in touch with environment by introjection, by interpreting 
the features of nature in analogy to the Unconscious of Man; or, 
expressing the same thing in a less finalistic way, we might speak 
of a projection of the father-complex into the land of the fathers— 
a fixation of the libido in the environment which precedes the realistic 
fixation of a people in the evolution of humanity. 

But there is another important feature to be taken into account. 
Every Arunta individual is in a certain sense, as we shall see later 
on, a reincarnation of the Alcheringa ancestors. It is the members 
of the present generation who, according to myth, have lived in the 
Alcheringa and performed all those memorable deeds, and thus it is 
the actual Arunta who has contributed to the formation of the 
landscape. This is undoubtedly true “‘ There is nothing either good 
or bad but thinking makes it so’’—the stones “‘ arose ’’’ when they 
were first perceived by the Ego in his infantile life. The explanation 
of the landscape by these legends is a mythical projection of the 
feeling of ‘‘ déja vu’’3 that sometimes arises from the similarity of 
a given situation to unconscious infantile fancies or dreams. The 
ageregation of the Subject to the Outer World is made possible 
by a sort of fictive precedent, but again this precedent is not quite a 
fiction as it really simply means that the Central Australian baby 
can feel at home in his environment as his fathers, with whom he is, 
in an unconscious apperception of racial and organic unity, one 
and the same being, felt at home before him. 

If we regard the Alcheringa myths as representations of an ontoge- 
netic beginning with the tendency to an ultimate regression towards 
eee the foetal state, it will not be difficult to interpret the 
myth. mythical accounts of incomplete human beings which 

form such a characteristic feature of these traditions. 
According to the Yuin in South-East Australia, before there were 
men there were creatures somewhat like human beings but without 
members. Muraurai, the emu-wren, turned them into men and 

t Strehlow, A. & L., II. 33. s Id, IT. 37. 
3 For the psycho-analytic explanation of the phenomenon of “ déj& vu,” see 
Freud, The Psycho-pathology of Everyday Life. Ferenczi, Ideges tiineteh, 1919, 84. 

women by splitting their legs, separating the arms from the sides and 
slitting up their fingers and otherwise perfecting them. In Victoria 
it is said that, at creation, a number of young men in an unfinished 
state were sitting on the ground in darkness when Pundyil, an 
old man, at the request of his daughter Karakarook, held up his 
hand to Gerer (the Sun), who then warmed the earth and made it 
open like a door. According to a Dieri legend in the beginning the 
earth opened in the midst of Perigundi lake, and there came out 
one totem after another: the Crow, Shell-parakeet, Emu and so 
on. Being as yet incompletely formed and without members and 
sense-organs, they lay down in the sand-hills, and there by lying in the 
sunshine they were after a time invigorated and strengthened so 
that at last they stood up as Kana (human beings) and separated in 
all directions.3 The Moon came out of the earth without a mother; 
when he had nearly reached the surface he heard the voice of a small 
hawk above his head; he wriggled further upwards through the 
layers of earth and he heard the voice of a crow—another pull and 
he appeared on the surface. He was dupu-dupu (lame, but here it 
means ‘‘ formless person ’’) and could only see a glimmer of a day- 
light. ‘‘ He moved as an unformed mass to a flat plain, where he 
found a stone knife with which he separated his legs from the trunk 
and the latter from the head, divided legs, toes, arms, fingers from 
one another, and then made slits for the mouth, nose, eyes and ears ;’’ 4 
then he could get up, move about and see everything. According 
to the Yaurorka, the Mura-mura Paralina was hunting kangaroo 
when he met the incomplete beings. Going up to them he smoothed 
their bodies, stretched out their limbs, slit up their fingers and toes, 
formed their mouths, noses and eyes, stuck ears on them and blew 
into their ears in order that they might hear. Lastly, he perforated 
the body from the mouth downwards, projected a piece of hard clay 
through it with so much force that it passed through the body forming 
the fundament. Having thus produced mankind out of these beings 
he went about making men everywhere.5 We shall see further on 
(in the chapter on conceptional totemism) that the circumstance 
that these incomplete beings are found in a kangaroo-hunt is not a 
purely accidental part of the legend. Instead of incomplete human 
beings the next variant has an animal species. 
According to the Dieri the Mura-mura made a number of small 
black lizards,7 and being pleased with them he promised they should 
have power over all creeping things. He then divided 
their feet into toes and fingers, and placing his fore- 
finger on the centre of the face created a nose, and so in like manner 
t Howitt, N. T., 1904, 485. +» J. A.I., 1878,278. 3 Howitt, N. T., 779, 780. 
4 O, Siebert, ‘‘ Sagen und Sitten der Dieri,’’ Globus, 97, 1910, 45. 
5 Howitt, N. T., 780, 781. 

6 See also above, on the mythical theme of the kangaroo-hunt. 
? These are still to be met with under dry bark. 

The Dieri myth. 

afterwards eyes, mouth and ears. The Mura-mura then placed it 
in a standing position, but as it could not walk like this, its tail was 
cut off and the lizard walked erect.1 For further variants of the 
legend we must go to the Central Australian tribes. In the early 
Alcheringa the country was covered with salt water. This was 
gradually withdrawn towards the north by the people of that 
country. At this time there dwelt in the western sky two beings who 
were Ungambikula, that is, ‘‘ out of nothing,” “ self-existing,”’ 2 or 
‘“‘inkara, the deathless ones.”” In the Northern Macdonnell Ranges, 
there was a high mountain inhabited by two Kangaroo men. Near 
Finke George there was a great rock the cavity of which was in- 
habited by Duck men. As they found no food on the earth they 
used to go a-hunting in the Altjirra’s celestial hunting-ground ; 
on the hill-side there lived a number of incomplete beings 3 called 
‘“‘rella manerinja,’’ because their members were grown together. 
Their eyes and ears were closed (manta), they had a small round 
opening instead of a mouth, fingers and toes were grown together 
(manerinja), the fists were closed and grown to their chests (innoputa, 
cf. Spencer inapertwa) and their legs were pulled up to their bodies. 
Besides this, these helpless beings were grown together in couples 
like the Siamese twins, and for this reason they were called 
“‘rella interinja’’ (an einander gewachsene Menschen). Some of 
them lived on the land and were divided into four marriage classes 
whilst others lived in the water and were divided into four other 
classes. Those who lived in the water had long hair and ate raw 
meat.4 According to Spencer and Gillen’s account, the Ungambikula 
came down from their home in the western sky armed with great 
stone knives and took hold of the Inapertwa one by one. First of 
all, the arms were released, then the fingers were added by making 
four clefts at the end of each arm, then legs and toes were added in 
the same way. The figure could now stand, and after this the nose 
was added and the nostrils bored with the fingers. A cut with the 
knife made the mouth, which was pulled open several times to make 
it flexible. A slit on each side separated the upper and lower eye- 
lids, behind which the eyes were already present, and thus men and 
women were formed out of the Inapertwa.s According to Strehlow 
it was Magarkunjer-kunja, the “ god”’ of the fly-eating lizard totem,§ 
1S. Gason, The Dieyerie Tribe of Australian Aborigines. Curr, The Australian 
_ Race, Il. 47, 48. Brough-Smyth, Aboriginals of Victoria, I. 425. As to the lizard 
as sex-totem, see above and Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 531, I, Nor. T., 429. Mathews, 
Ethnological Notes, 144. Parker, More Australian Legendary Tales, 55, 56. 

2 Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 388. 

3 According to Spencer and Gillen: “‘ From their elevated dwelling-place they 
could see far away to the east a number of Inaperiwa creatures, that is rudimentary 
human beings or incomplete men,” p. 388. 4 Strehlow, I. 35. 

5 Spencer and Gillen, N.T., 389. Cf. Horn Expedition, IV. 184, 185. 

6 Spencer and Gillen’s account tells us how the Ungambikula, after having 

performed their mission, transformed themselves into little lizards called amunga- 
quinia-quinia-fly, to snap up quickly.—Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 309. 

- who with his stone knives cut the twins asunder, made incisions for 
eyes, ears, fingers, and circumcised them.: The clenched fists and 
the closed eyes, the gradual development of the organs and the 
general state of helplessness, together with the original salt water, 
do not allow a shade of doubt in the matter ; the Inapertwa is the 
human embryo, who is originally grown together with another 
human being, perhaps his twin, but more generally and originally 
his mother. The mythical account of the phylogenetic past is an 
unconscious projection of ontogenesis, but it may be regarded as 
corresponding to facts in so far as the latter is but a shortened 
repetition of the former. 

In the Alcheringa a spark of fire ascended into the sky at 
Urapuncha (the place of fire), and was borne by the north wind to 
Mount Hay. A great fire sprung up and by and by subsided, and 
from the ashes came out some Inapertwa creatures, the ancestors 
of the people of the Fire totem who were afterwards discovered by 
some Wild-Duck men.? The Loritja call these incomplete beings 
matu ngalulba; their eyes and ears were closed, arms and legs 
cleaved to the body. In this helpless state they were provided for 
by a Kurbaru {a small bird, Cracticus nigrigularis Gould) ancestor 
with grass-seed. According to the tradition of the western Loritja, 
they lived on a big plain south of Merina, where there is a big sea. 
From the north there came an Alcheringa ancestor called Namu- 
naurkunjurkunju (the Mangarkunjerkunja of the Arunta), who cut 
openings for eyes, ears and mouth, divided their limbs and cleaved 
their fingers and toes3 The Unmatjera and Kaitish tribes have 
traditions dealing with incomplete human beings whom the former 
call immintera and who are similar to the Inapertwa of the Arunta. 
In the Alcheringa an old crow lived at Ungurla, one day he saw afar 
off a large number of immintera whom he determined to go and 
make into men and women. Accordingly he did so, separating their 
limbs, etc., with his bill.4 According to another Kaitish tradition 
in the Alcheringa, there were no human beings, only indefinitely 
shaped creatures who sometimes are not called inter-intera but 
atna-thera-thera, that is beings with two anal openings. They had 
one on each wrist in the hollow between the ends of the ulna and 
radius. Two Ullakupera (Little-Hawk boys) came up from the other 
side of the Ilpirra country. They started far away in the south 
and as they travelled along they transformed numbers of incomplete 
creatures into men and women, carving out the various parts of 

1 Strehlow, A. & L., I. 6. Circumcision is dealt with as a separate episode in 
Spencer’s account. He calls the stone knives used for both proceedings “ lalira.”’ 
Strehlow has the word “ lélara”’ for the circumcision-knife, and “ tula ’’ for the other. 

a Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 445, 446. 3 Strehlow, II. 4. 

4 Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 152, 399. ; ; 

5 The same to whom Atnatu sent down the sacred stone knives to circumcise 

themselves with. 

their bodies just as the ungambikula did amongst the Arunta.* In 
the Unmatjera tribe there is the tradition of the Idnimita (grub) 
totem : 

The Idnimita were, first of all, ignitha, small hairy cater- 
pillars who walked about the Idnimita bushes eating the leaves. 
A big rain came which washed their hairs off and in this way 
they were changed into idnimita grubs and bored their way 
into the roots of the shrubs. Then there came a second rain, 
and with it a great wind which carried a little Idnimita grub 
from the sea country far away. When first it came down with 
the rain it had little spots, then it grew bigger and red in 
colour, then still bigger and white, and then it went down into 
the ground. When it was carried across by the wind it was 
only very little and was called atthithika. It came down to 
earth at India, which is now the central spot of the Idnimita 
totem. Like all other grubs it bored its way into the roots 
of the tree and there lay quiet in its irtnia, that is chrysalis 
case. After a time it came out of this and changed into an 
inmintera creature. Gradually he grew bigger and bigger. He 
could not see but felt his chin and said, ‘‘ Hullo, my whiskers 
are growing.” But he was stiff and could not undouble himself. 
Then an old crow came and said, “ I think I will make him into 
a man,” and setting to work with its bill, first of all made a 
slash across the creature’s middle so that he could sit up; then 
cut across the elbow joints so that the arms could be straightened 
out ; then freed the fingers, making first two cuts on the palm 
running one across the palm and the other around the base of 
the thumb. This done it cut the eyelids open, slashed across 
the face with its bill, up either side of the nose, thereby opening 
the two nostrils. Thus the crow transformed the imperfect 
creature into the first fully-formed man. 

It is noticeable that the legend has its well-marked geographical 
boundaries ; it seems to be the universal mode of creation for all 
totems among the Loritja, Arunta,3 Dieri; whilst the Unmatjera 
and Kaitish tribes have traditions relating to other totemic ancestors 
who originated directly in the form of human beings. A creek which 
runs on the north side of the Hart Range and flows across the 
Unmatjera country from north-east to south-west, marks the 
boundary between the groups of totemic ancestors who were first 
formed as inter-intera on the southern and those formed as men or 
ertwa on the northern side. Amongst the former are the ancestors 

of the following totems: Grub, Emu, Kangaroo, Crow, Water, Wild 
Cat, Galah Cockatoo.4 

t Spencer and Gillen, Nov. T., 153. aId., ibid., 156, 157. 
s But see Strehlow, 4. & L., I, 3. 4 Spencer and Gillen, Noy. T., 153, 154. 

Outside Australia we might find analogies in the creation myth 
of Central Borneo with its incomplete limbless first being ; perhaps 
also in the Torres Straits the two mothers of Sida who are grown 
together back to back so that Sida has to divide them with a cut. 
However, leaving the question of ethnic affinities or migrations of 
mythical motives aside, the myth itself is certainly to be interpreted 
on the lines of ontogenetic evolution. 

The incomplete human beings we have already recognized as 
representing the embryo; the lizard here plays an important 
role since we find it once as the being out of which man is to be 
developed, twice as the culture hero to whom this feat of develop- 
ment is attributed. Long ago Haeckel3 showed that man has 
inherited his five fingers from amphibian ancestors, that his body 
betrays other signs of this descent. It seems, then, man has to 
reckon not only with his foetal evolution but also with his pre- 
human stages.4 

The totemic cult of the crocodile, with its explicative legends 
amongst the Fans, offers an interesting parallel and a striking 
confirmation of Freud’s view on the origin of totemism. God Nzame, 
feeling lonely all alone, took some earth and made a formless being. 
This was a lizard. For five days he left it in a sort of incubation, 
after that he plunged it into the water, and after seven days it came 
out of the water as the first human being.s The identification of the 
lizard and the embryo corresponds to the Australian variants of the 
theme, whilst the plunging of the primary being into water, whence 
it comes out a man, makes the ontogenetic meaning of the myth 
absolutely certain. Instead of a totemic (i.e. clan) cult of the lizard, 
however, we have the great lizard, the crocodile, as one of the two 
major totems of the Fan people. In times long gone by the Fan dwelt 
on the borders of a great river and were subject to the rule of Ombure, 
the ruler of water and forest, the Giant Crocodile. Every day they 
had to give him a man and a woman for food, and every month a 
young girl as wife. As it was difficult to keep up supplies, they had 
to make war on their neighbours for slaves, and they were victorious 
as the powerful Ombure helped them. He spared the life of the 
chief’s beautiful daughter, who was also exposed te him, but after 
nine months she gave birth to a child, who was called Ngurangurane, 
the Son of-the Crocodile. He grew up to be a chief of the Fans and 
a powerful wizard. Aided by his mother, he made a beverage and 

t Nieuwenhuis, Query durch Borneo, 1904, I. 129-131. Cf. Schmidt, Grundlinien , 
g. 26. According to a Hawaiian myth, when man was created he was jointless. 
Maui broke his legs at ankle, knee and hip, and then, tearing them and the arms 
from the body, destroyed the web.—W. D. Westervelt, Legends of Maui, 1910, 132. 

2 Cambridge Expedition to Torres Straits, V. 33. 

3 Haeckel, Anthropogenie, 1910, 620. Cf. ibid., 627 (lizard-ancestry). 

«Cf. A. v. Gennep, “ L’idée d’évolution dans les légendes des demi-civilisés,”’ 
Religions, Meurs et Légendes, IV. 139. 

5 R. P.H. Trilles, Le Totémisme chez les Fan, 1912, 263, 264. 

intoxicated Ombure, whom, having secured with strong ropes, he 
compelled the Lightning, hitherto subject to his father, to come and 
kill. When he had killed his father (which he only managed to do 
through the magic help accorded to him by his mother), the Son of 
the Crocodile cut the corpse into pieces; he ate the brains and the 
heart, gave the best parts to the old men, the entrails to the women 
and children, but he took care that everybody should get a morsel 
so that they should not be afraid of the ghost of the murdered father. 
Negurangurane, as he was not only the avenger of his race (that is of 
his mother’s people) but also the son of the Crocodile, now ordered 
a great funeral to be celebrated. For thirty times thirty days the 
women cried after Ombure and sang songs in his praise for the 
same period. For thirty months the angry ghost of Ombure ran 
all along the village thirsting for vengeance, but as he found his own 
flesh everywhere (as everybody had taken part in the sacramental 
meal), he was compelled to desist. Ngurangurane then fashioned 
an enormous image of Ombure out of clay, and in the head of the 
image he put his father’s bones. They recommenced the dances 
around the image, and killed two men and two women as sacrifices 
so that the blood dripped over the statue. The flesh was placed near 
the statue, the heads to the head, the feet to the feet, and so on. 
Everybody took his portion of the flesh and then they went home, and 
the Son of the Crocodile said: ‘‘ This is what we shall do year by year, 
this is how we shall honour Ombure.”’ And for this reason Ombure, 
under the mystic name of Ngan, is the Mwamayon (totem) of the 
sons of Ngurangurane.! 

This is the Story of the. Paternal Tyrant, of the Son who, 
favoured by his mother, achieves the feat of the Primeval Parri- 
cide, unites himself and his people with the Father in an anthro- 
pophagous totem-sacrament, and, prompted by his own ambivalent 
feelings, tries to expiate his sin (the father’s ghost) in totemic 
ceremonies. The men and women that are sacrificed to Ombure 
represent, from the point of view of the unconscious, a symbolic 
repetition of the sinful deed as their blood unites them with 
Ombure’s image and their flesh is consumed in the same way 
as Ombure’s. The totemic cult is characterized exactly as Freud 
interpreted it, as a periodic repetition of the Primeval Parricide 
and Expiation. (The legend belongs to the Dragon-killer type and 
offers a valuable starting-point for the interpretation of the widely 
spread mythical motive.) 

The Kaitish beings referred to above with two anal openings, 
remind us of the fact that the anus originated in the course of onto- 
and phylogenesis as the second opening of the body after the Coeloma.? 

 Trilles, Le Totémisme chez les Fan, 184-202. Cf. Roheim, Drachen und Drachen- 
kaempfer, 1912, for literature on this subject. 
* Haeckel, Anthropogenie, 1910, 577. 

It is, of course, easy to see that there can be no question of a 
direct survival of phylogenesis in myth, but as the embryo in its 
intra-uterine life gives a brief recapitulation of the development of 
the whole animal world, we might find here the most primitive 
psychological form of memory, the lowest strata of the Unconscious 
in their mythical projection. Whether the salt water that figures in 
these myths may be in any way connected with the fact that the basin 
of Central Australia was once covered with the sea is disputable ;* 
at any rate, this salt water is a survival of the amniotic fluid and the 
opening of the earth at Lake Perigundi—a mythical version of the 
opening of the mother’s womb. The intra-uterine water itself is a 
recapitulation of the age when animal life evolved in the salt water,? 
and similarly the various animal shapes of the inapertwa may well 
be interpreted as mythical reflections of the various phases of animal 
life through which the embryo passes. We have already found one 
pre-psychic root of totemism into which unconscious psychical 
contents are projected in the physical unity of man with his environ- 
ment ; here we find the second; from this point of view we define 
totemism as the psychical ‘‘ engram’’ or rudiment of the various 
stages in the intra-uterine evolution of the embryo. 

Now we know that narcissistic omnipotence-phantasies such as 
are embodied in magical practices and beliefs are revivals of the real 

. : situation of the embryo who is omnipotent in the real 
eke alee sense of the word (Ferenczi), he is absolute master of 
and the origin his own world (in the womb) because the difference 
ene! between Subject and Object, that is, the portion of the 

Universe which offers resistance to the wishes of the 
Subject, only begins to be experienced after birth. This gives us 
the key to the superiority of the magical powers of these Alcheringa 
heroes as compared with common mortals ; they are all-powerful, 
since the impulses of the embryo never meet with the difficulties 
inherent in contact with an external world. It is this superior 
magic that descends from them to the human and animal members of 
the totem, just as the belief in magic is actually a partial survival of 
the embryonic and infantile psychical attitude. 
The traditions of the Arunta tribe recognize four more or less 
distinct periods in the Alcheringa. In the first period men and 
women were created; in the second, the rite of circumcision by 

1 J. N. Gregory, The Dead Heayrt of Australia, 1906, 148. Cf. the legend about 
the canopy of vegetation that protected the country beneath from the direct ways 
of the sun (pp. 4, 222, 223). ‘‘ Those who interpret the Kadimarkara legend by 
the light of a knowledge of tropical forests naturally see in it either a reminiscence 
of the time when the geographical conditions of Central Australia were different 
from those which prevail at present, or a reminiscence of the country whence the 
aborigines migrated to Australia”’ (p. 7). 

a Cf. Gennep, Mythes et Légendes d’ Australie, 1905, I., p. 2 (footnote), quotes 
R. Quinton, “‘ L’eau de mer, constance du milieu marin originel, comme milieu vitale 
des cellules & travers la série animale,” 1904. 

means of a stone knife was introduced, in the third,the rite of Ariltha 
or subincision was introduced, and in the fourth the present marriage 
system of the tribe was established. Now this is the natural 
sequence of events in the life of an individual Arunta; birth, 
circumcision, subincision, marriage, and before birth naturally the 
intra-uterine life which we see in our legends. 

But it would be quite beside the mark to think that even the 
unconscious meaning of these Alcheringa beings is exhausted by 

; equating them with the embryo. The very names are 
Oe he sufficient to make this clear. We have an Alcheringa 
the embryo but being of the tnunka totem called Katu-tankara, the 
also the father. + ortal father.? Tradition mentions an Emu Father3 
and a Bat,4 a Snakes and an Emu Father ® amongst the Loritja. 
In the traditions of the tribes situated northwards from Central 
Australia the groups of Alcheringa heroes gradually disappear and 
their place is taken by single individuals in whom the idea of father- 
hood is still more prominent. All the culture heroes who teach 
the natives the elements of their present social organization are 
evidently reflections of the part played by the father in the indivi- 
dual life; it is from him that the child learns the common arts of 
life as well as how to behave in accordance with tribal law. 

If we analyse the legends with which we have just been dealing 
we find two actors on the scene—one is completed, the other com- 
pleting. The being is generally completed by cleaving, rending 
asunder, and we know that the vulvais conceived as a slit, as a wound 
dealt to the woman by some instrument, which again symbolizes 
the penis. The bird’s beak through which the transformation is 
effected is evidently a displacement upwards of the penis; the act 
itself a coitus which is again given in the legend at the wrong place, 
after and not before the existence of these embryonic beings. The 
father in his generative aspect is indeed a well-marked characteristic 
of these beings. A party of Wild-Cat men is spoken of who, on 
account of the abnormal development of their organs, were called 
Atnimma-la-truripa, that is Penis-standing-erect.7_ An old Murunda 
man had abnormally developed organs: they are represented by a 
stone from which evil magic can be made to emanate.’ Others 
are mentioned as having exceeded even these heroes in the develop- 
ment of their male organs.) Even the embryo-people themselves 
are “‘ fathers,”’ as it is from them that the present animal and human 
race descends through a series of incarnations. 

If we wish to do justice to the meaning of these beings with a 
single formula we are compelled to replace the psychic content by 

« Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 387, 388. « Strehlow, A. & L., I. 8. 
3:1d;, F..g2; TT) 33: 41d., II. 44. ces Cc Bal Gee a 
6: Tdi, Att: 7 Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 405, 443. 

8 Id., Nor. T., 396. 9 Cf, id; N.Dagea a. 

the psychic act, and to regard them as the mythical reflections of 
an unconscious mechanism. These beings originate in a phase of 
evolution which is one step beyond that of pure embryonic (nar- 
cissistic) omnipotence; the Reality Principle has left its mark on 
them in so far as the child does not vindicate this omnipotence for 
itself, but projects it on to the Father-Image. But the Father- 
Image is omnipotent through its embryonic attributes; the hero 
is a condensation of the power-ideal in its projective (father) and 
in its autistic (embryo) aspect. 

It may be, although this cannot be affirmed with any degree of 
certainty, that the part played by the father in such myths represents 
The mothere #0 advance upon a still earlier stage of ideas. This 
beings in Alche- may be regarded as probable if we remember that 
ringa myths. — there is a general tendency in the unconscious mental 
attitude of the Australian race to attribute purely feminine functions 
to the male, and in connexion with this tendency we find the repres- 
sion of sex. According to the Koko-warra the first aborigines were 
born from the dung of Anjir, a male being. Some traditions of 
the North Australian aborigines might be taken as representative 
of this phase of mythic evolution : 

In the far past times which the Waduman people call 
Jabulungu an old woman named Dodaduriman came up from 
the salt water following along which is now the Valley of the 
Daly River, which she made during her travels. As she 
journeyed on she made the grass, trees, rocks and country, in 
fact everything. She made the rocky bar in the Flora River 
that now serves as a crossing for the natives. On her back she 
carried a large pitchi as big as a boat, full of salt-water mussels, 
on which she fed. Finally she stopped at Idodban and there 
went down under the water. At the present day there is a 
spring at this spot which is always bubbling, and this is due 
to Dodaduriman’s fire, which she keeps bubbling down below. 
Dodaduriman gave the natives their present marriage system 
and class-names.? 

The Kakadu traditions mention a woman called Ungulla 
Robunbun, who came from Palientoi, spoke the language 
of the Noenmil people and walked to Kraigpa, a place at 
the head of the Wildman Creek. Some of her children she 
carried on her shoulders, others on her hips and one or two 
of them walked. At Kraigpa she left one girl and one boy, and 
told them to speak the Quiratari language. Then she walked 
on to Koarnbo Creek, where she left a boy and a girl, and told 
them to speak Koarnbut, and so on. When she came to the 
Kakadu she told them she was a Kakadu like them, and taught 

t W.E. Roth, S. M. M., 15. s Spencer, N. T. N. T. A., 315. 

the lubras to wear an apron of paper bark, for she was completely 
clothed in sheets of paper bark.t She continues to wander 
about with her children and camps opposite to a camp of 
blackfellows. Although she was their ‘‘elder sister,” they 
tried to approach her and have intercourse with her. She hit 
them all on their private parts and so killed them ; their bodies 
tumbled into a water-hole close by. Then shewent to the camp 
where the woman and children had remained behind and drove 
them ahead into the water. The bones of all these natives 
are still there in the form of stones, with which also their spirit- 
parts are associated. After this she pulled out her vagina and 
threw it away, saying, ‘‘ This belongs to the lubras.’”’ Then 
she threw her breasts away and a woman’s fighting-stick, and 
said that also belonged to the lubras. A flat spear-thrower 
and a light reed-spear she said were for the men. Then she 
created the mosquitoes and with her remaining children went 
into the water-hole.? 

Ungulla Robunbun seems to stand for a “‘ culture wave”’ that 
started from the Noenmil people and ended with the introduction 
of the paper bark among the Kakadu. In her capacity of Mythical 
Mother she is a sort of duplicate of another Kakadu ancestress, 
Imberombera. We see castration and death of the men as the 
punishment for an attempted incest and as a starting-point for a 
series of reincarnations, but we see also the tearing asunder of the 
mother, which is evidently a motive that originated as the closing 
episode of the primeval Oedipus drama and is here applied by way 
of secondary transference to the death of the Mother.3 Both she 
and Dodaduriman disappear in water-holes. The real mythical 
ancestress of the Kakadu tribe is Imberombera : 

She walked through the sea and landed at Wungaran. 
At Arakwurwain she met Wuraka, who came from the west, 
walking through the sea. His feet were at the bottom, but he 
was so tall that his head was above the water. Imberombera 
said to him, “ Where are you going”; he said, ‘‘I am going 
straight through the bush to the rising sun.’’ Wuraka carried 
his penis over his shoulder. At that time there were no black- 
fellows. Imberombera wanted Wuraka to go with her, but he 
was too tired and his penis was too heavy ; he sat down where 
he was and a great rock called Wuraka arose to mark the spot. 
Imberombera had a huge stomach in which she carried many 
children, and on her head she wore a bamboo-ring from which 

1 These paper-bark aprons are principally worn on the Melville and Bathhurst 
Islands.—Spencer, N. T. N. T. A., 401. 8 Id., ibid., 308, 309. 

3 But it may also be substituted for intercourse. Cf. Reik, ‘' Oedipus und die 
Sphinx,” Imago, VI. 

hung down numbers of dilly bags full of yams. At a place 
called Marpur, close to where she and Wuraka met, she left 
boy and girl spirit-children and told them to speak Iwaidja. 
They also planted many yams and told the children to eat 
them. She travels on, leaving spirit-children and planting yams 
everywhere, and thus becomes the ancestress of ten different 
tribes. She gave instructions as to food supplies and told 
them about the totems.! 

This legend isremarkable, as it evidently contains the unconscious 
recognition of both the part played by the father Wuraka with the 
large penis, and the mother Imberombera with her huge stomach 
(of which the boat-sized trough of Dodaduriman is evidently but the 
symbolic equivalent) 2 in the procreation of children; only after 
having met with Wuraka does she begin to leave spirit-children 
behind, and through the children the series of reincarnations that 
constitute conceptional totemism is traced back the first children 
who are born as they ought to be from the Mother and not from the 
Father. We must leave the question undecided whether this is 
the more primitive form of the concept, and we must reserve for 
the next chapters the explanation of the meaning of such a 
phenomenon as children, be it even spirit-children, who are born 
from a father. 

The analysis of the Alcheringa myths has sharpened our insight 
into the necessarily complicated structure of a phenomenon that 
involves the greater part of the religious and social life 
of many primitive people such as totemism. The salient 
feature of these traditions is the dominance of the wish-fulfilment 
current of unconscious attitudes. The absence of the two funda- 
mental totemic taboos, the alimentary and the matrimonial, is in 
itself sufficient to indicate that these traditions are genetically 
survivals of the early infantile period in human evolution, when the 
cultural repression of wishes was only very slightly operative. In 
connexion with mythical endophagy (a less symbolic form of the 
wish-fulfilment embodied in the totem-eating), we have met with 
slightly veiled mythical accounts of the Oedipus complex, and it 
seems that the two wish-fulfilments (eating the totem animal and 
totem endogamy) are, as supposed by Freud, only symbolic equi- 
valents of primeval incest, in so far as the Father-Imago is projected 
into the totem animal and all the women of the clan are introjected 
into the Mother-Imago. 

The Oedipus complex is only one, although the most important 
of the constituent elements of psychical infantilism. The Alcheringa 

Summary. 

t Spencer, N. 7. N. T. A., 275-87. 

* Another symbolic equivalent of the womb full of children is the bag full of 
yams: the planting of yams being everywhere mentioned in parallel to the leaving 
of spirit children. 

traditions are regressive in a high degree ; the general tendency is 
the projection of ontogenetic into phylogenetic’ beginnings. The 
conceptual reaction upon environment comes before motor reaction 
in the evolution of the individual, and therefore it is represented as 
having reigned undisputed in the golden age of the world. The 
Alcheringa ancestors are furnished with the attributes of omnipotence 
of thought; it isfrom them that the reduced quantity of omnipotence 
as manifested in totemic magic of the present day is derived. They 
create things partly by the mere manifestations of their will and 
partly on the lines of infantile (urethral-erotic and narcissistic) 
psycho-sexual attitudes. 

The myths contain the elements of metamorphosis, levitation, 
sinking and floods that are typical of primitive forms of dream-life, 
and dreams are attributed by the natives to the appearance of the 
Alcheringa ancestors. They all finish their wanderings in “ getting 
tired”’ and then going into the earth, which is symbolic of sleep as 
areturn to the maternal womb. In their pristine forms as inapertwa 
creatures they are easily recognizable as mythical embryos, and as 
the foetal evolution is a recapitulation of the phylogenetic history of 
the human species, the embryo creatures giving rise to the various 
totems would point to the feeling of unity of certain human clans 
with animal species being an endopsychical reflection of the pre- 
human phase of evolution. The Alcheringa heroes are beings of a 
composite type ; they originate in the phase of human development 
in which the baby renounces its own claims to omnipotence, but only 
to reactivate them in the projection phase of ‘“‘ embryonic fathers.” 

I shall now proceed to deal with the myths about the primeval 
origin of totemism. A. Lang denies the value of such myths, as 
Myths on the they are evidently post facto explanations invented 
origin of to account for the existence of certain institutions.' 
paca Other authorities are ready to regard certain myths 
as genuine traditions in so far as they accord with their own views 
as to the origin of the institutions in question. This is not very 
astonishing ; since every institution is accounted for by a number 
of mutually contradictory myths, it is impossible to attribute the 
same historic value to each of them. All this is very true so long 
as we do not recognize the functions of the unconscious mechanism 
that are at the root of all psychical phenomena. Then we may take 
Lang’s point of view as our starting-point and say: the desire to 
account for existing institutions operates just as do the conscious 
thoughts of the previous day which have not been brought to an 
end, the “ day stimuli”’ in the origin of dreams; they are instru- 
mental in the revival of unconscious contents. 

There is no such thing as “ inventing’’ myths; psychic life is 
governed by the same strict laws that obtain elsewhere. In 

t A. Lang, The Secret of the Totem, 1905. 

the myths that originate in the reaction of the Unconscious to 
existing institutions we see but a reflection of those unconscious 
mechanisms that led to the origin of these same institutions. The 
various myths that account for the origin of totemism are all true, 
but they represent various stages of psychic regression, that is more 
pristine and more recent forms of the mental attitudes which are 
condensed in the institution of totemism. 

We have already mentioned the myths that account for totems 
as the animals most frequently consumed by the clan or the animals 
characteristic of the region inhabited by their human “‘ brother,” 
and we saw in these myths reflections of the wish-fulfilment side of 
the taboo or expressions of the biological bond which unites a tribe 
with its natural environment. The Dieri myth accounts for totemism 
as originally instituted to put a stop to incestuous marriages,! and 
a Kaitish myth (mentioned above) regards totemic cult as instituted 
to honour the memory of a dead father.z A myth of the aborigines 
of Western Victoria regards the introduction of totems (besides the 
two animal-named primary classes) as a consequence of exogamy.3 
There is no need to point out the facts to which these myths corre- 
spond ; and we shall also be able to understand what is meant when 
we learn that the Dual Heroes (who correspond to the two moieties) 
gave rise to the totem-centres (mungai spots) when travelling alive 
in the great Snake’s stomach,4 that is when passing through the 
various phases of evolution in intra-uterine life, just like the Dieri 
birth-legend 5 (opening of the earth at Lake Perigundi) with its 
embryo ancestors. 

The Loritja account of the origin of totems is of considerable 
interest. The Tukutita (the eternal uncreated ones) arose at various 
places outof the earth. In the beginning they were in human shape, 
but then an evil being, a gigantic dog striped white and black 
called Tutururu (i.e. with white stripes along its head), came from 
the west and attacked the Tukutita, who took animal shapes to 
escape from the monster. Some of them were changed into kanga- 
roos, others into emus, others into eagles, and so on. The Dual 
Heroes (called ‘‘ the good ones’’) appear on the scene, drive the 
dog-demon back into the cavern of the west, whereupon the totem- 
ancestors regain their human form and only retain the faculty of 
assuming at will the semblance of the animals whose name they 
bore.6 We have already shown that the wild dog symbolizes the 
castration complex 7 which is here made responsible for the projection 

t Howitt, N. T., 481. Curr, Austyalian Race, II. 48, 49. 

2 Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 322. 

3 Dawson, Australian Aborigines, 1881, 26, 27. 

4 Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T. 437. 

s Howitt, N. T., 779, 780. 6 Strehlow, A. & L., I. 2, 3. 

? Cf. the barking of dogs causes the Atnongara stones to leave the body of the 
medicine man.—Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 525. 

of the Father-Imago into the shape of animals, and thus totemism is 
represented as a neurotic substitute (Ersatzbildung) for the Father- 
complex. When the Brother Heroes succeed in repressing their 
own castration-dread, they drive the dreaded dog-demon back into 
the cave, that is into the womb as the representative of the most 
archaic elements of the Unconscious; but totemism (the power 
of the ancestor to assume animal shape) remains as the rudiment of 
these social and psychic struggles in collective mentality. This 
interpretation of the myth is strikingly confirmed by the only exact 
parallel _I know of: the Egyptian myth, according to which the 
Gods changed themselves into various animals through fear of 
Typhon.2 We know enough of Typhon (Seth) if we remember that 
it was he who fought with his brother Osiris for the realm and for 
their sister, and who castrated Osiris and tore him into fourteen 
parts,3 thus showing how both the Egyptian and the Loritja monster 
are personifications of the castration complex. 

The Dieri legend of Mandra-mankana is of still greater interest, 
as it embodies not merely one phase but a considerable part of the 
history of the totemic complex : 

Mandra-mankana once came to the neighbourhood of the 
Lake Pandi. Two girls who saw him jeered at him, because 
his back was just the same as his front. He told their mother, 
who was his noa (that is legitimate wife), to send her two 
daughters to his camp the following night. They went and 
lay down, each on one side of their Ngaperi (father or father’s 
brother). But they cheated him, and when he woke up he saw 
that his two ‘‘ daughters”’ had crept away again. Through 
his songs he caused plants to grow, some with bitter and others 
with sweet fruit. The two girls found these plants, and delighted 
with the sweet ones they sprang from bush to bush. Behind a 
yellow bush lay Mandra-mankana in concealment. He pounced 
upon the girls, killed them and cut off their breasts. He came 
to a camp where young boys were playing and promised to 
invent a song to please them. But when he came to dance his 
new songs with the breasts of the girls dangling from his neck, 
the youth recognized their noas in the murdered girls and they 
broke the legs of the old Pinnaru. Then they split his head 
open, and at the same time all the people fell upon him and 
even the children struck him. Then they buried him, and laying 
his bag at the head of the grave, they went elsewhere. One day 

« Freud tells us that the sensations experienced by the new-born in the act of 
birth are the prototypes to which neurotic fear is a regression. 

» Plutarch, De Iside et Osivide, 72. 

3 Id., ibid., 36. According to another version it is the soul of Typhon himself 
that is distributed in the various holy animals (ch 73), which psychologically 
amounts exactly to the same thing. 

- 

a crow perched itself on the grave of Mandra-mankana. Three 
times it knocked with its beak, then the dead man woke up 
and came out of the grave. He followed the footprints of the 
people to the new camp, and concealed himself in the bushes 
where they were busy in the creek driving the fishes to catch 
them together. They had pulled up bushes and grass, and 
with these were driving the fish before them in heaps; Mandra- 
mankana kept himself concealed in the water and, opening his 
mouth, he sucked in the water, fish, grass and men. Those who 
saw the fate of their comrades ran away, and the Mura-mura 
Kanta yulkana (Grass-swallower), looking after them, gave each 
as he ran his totem name (the Grass-swallower is evidently a 
duplicate of Mandra-mankana, who swallows water, grass, fish 
and men). The Mura-mura came out of the water and vomited 
so that he threw out all his teeth, which are to be seen at 
Manatandri. Then he went a little farther, sat down and 
died. 

The absence of any difference between the front and the back 
view is really a remarkable sight in a human being, and we cannot 
quite account for it unless we know whether two back views or two 
_ front views are meant. In the former case we should have something 
like the limbless inapertwa creatures, in the latter the two male 
members might be meant to correspond to the two girls, the two 
primary divisions of the tribe. Anyhow, the father begins his 
mythical career by an attempted incest with his daughters, and the 
intichiuma he performs later to create plants appears as a sub- 
stitute for the inhibited incestuous intercourse. He attains his end 
after all in another way, as killing is but a symbolical coitus.2, When 
his incest becomes apparent the Younger Generation and the whole 
Horde unite to kill the Primeval Sire. But he revives after his 
death, that is in the Unconscious of his Sons and Followers. 

The closing episode of the myth is slightly altered. Mandra- 
mankana swallows men and vomits his own teeth. Tooth-dreams 
often mean birth-dreams,3 and we have good reason to suppose that 
the teeth vomited by the Mura-mura are in reality identical with 
the men he swallowed. Then the episode would conform to the 
well-known motive of the “‘ Swallowed Hero,” a myth of Death and 
Rebirth. But where have we to look for the rite that could serve 
as a starting-point for ‘‘ Rebirth through a Male Being”? Only in 
the ritual of initiation where the rebirth of the novices through a 
representative of the Father-Imago stands for the social (homoerotic) 
sublimation of the Oedipus complex.4 And here we are reminded of 
the fact that knocking out of teeth is a widely spread initiation 

1 Howitt, N. T., 781-83; J. A. I., 1904, 103. 

a Breasts cut off are the feminine equivalents to castration. 
3 Freud, The Interpretation of Dreams, 1913, 235 Sq. 4 Cf, Reik, I.c., 59. 

ceremony of the Australian Continent.1 But it is those who escape 
from being swallowed, who are the first to bear totem names; this 
seems to indicate that the Oedipus complex must either be subli- 
mated by the aid of the swallowing ritual or projected into the 
animal world as totemism, otherwise we must suppose that originally 
the Swallowing and Rebirth episode came first and the flight after- 
wards ; in that case (which is not improbable) we should regard the 
initiation ritual as a terminus a quo for the origin of totemism.? 
After the institution of the initiation ritual clan-totemism 
originated as an outlet for the still unsublimated component 
of the Oedipus complex. 

t Amongst the tribes who have circumcision we still find the evulsion of the 
teeth, although displaced from its original function as an initiation ceremony. 

Cf. Map 10, on Initiation Ceremonies. 
+ That is clan-totemism as distinguished from the proto-totemic complex.

CONCEPTIONAL TOTEMISM 

THE question must be faced: How can sexual symbolism be 
valid in Australia when sexuality plays such a small part in the 
mentality of the aborigines that they do not even know that co- 
habitation has anything to.do with conception ? Evidence will be 
furnished that it is just this side of the question, the beliefs as to the 
origin of children, that contain the irrefutable proof of the general 
point of view here advanced, that gives me the right to regard all 
these beliefs and practices as the result of a compromise between the 
libido and repression. 

The close connexion between the Alcheringa-myth, the beliefs as 
to conception, and the intichiuma ceremonies is well known. Myth, 
belief and ritual are the three different aspects of one system, and 
any explanation that is valid for one of these must hold good 
for all. 

Let us first see what the aboriginals believe as to the origin of 
children. Although sexual connexion as the cause of conception 
Fensiuiee ahd is not recognized by the Tully River blacks so far as 
knowledge about they themselves are concerned, it is admitted as true 
eee ore for all animals; indeed, this idea confirms them in 
their belief of superiority over the brute creation. Both the Arunta 
and Loritja know that sexual intercourse is responsible for conception 
as far as the animals are concerned, and even children are enlightened 
on this point. On the other hand, the obvious conclusion from 
animal to human life is stoutly denied. The Central Australian 
tribes have no idea of procreation as being directly associated with 
sexual intercourse, and firmly believe that children can be born 
without this taking place.3 In their first work Spencer and Gillen 
tell us that ‘‘ we have amongst the Arunta, Luritcha and IIpirra 
tribes, and probably also amongst others such as the Warramunga, 
the idea firmly held that the child is not the direct result of inter- 
course, that it may come without this, which merely, as it were, 
prepares the mother for the reception and birth of an already 
formed spirit-child who inhabits one of the local totem-centres.”’ 4 

t W.E. Roth, S. M. M., N. Q. £. Bull., 1903, 22. 2 Strehlow, A. & L., IL, §2. 
3 Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T , 330. zi ¢Id., N. T., 265. 

In his first report Strehlow affirmed that sexual intercourse had 
nothing to do with conception in the opinion of the Arunta,! but 
when asked by Leonhardi to inquire further into the matter he 
obtained the same results as Spencer and Gillen: without inter- 
course the womb remains closed (ilba worranta), and it is only 
cohabitation which opens the womb for the reception of the 
“‘ratapa.’’3 The German missionary also tells us that the old men 
know the real facts well enough, but they take care not to enlighten 
the young men and women 3—again in strong contrast with the 
fact that even the children are acquainted with the natural causa- 
tion in so far as regards the animal world. 

If an unbiased critic were to read these data for the first time, 
I dare say he would hesitate between saying that the Arunta do not 
know and that they deny the connexion between cohabitation and 
conception. Similarly among the Larrekiya and Wogait conception 
is not regarded as a direct result of cohabitation. Amongst the 
Kakadu and other northern tribes Spencer again found “ the absence 
of any necessary relation between sexual connexion and procrea- 
tion.” 5 The belief that procreation is not due to conception is 
universal among the northern tribes.6 In the tribes north of the 
Ingarda many of the men believe that children result from sexual 
intercourse, whilst other men do not share this belief.7 

Both Gennep and Frazer, who deny the knowledge,’ and Schmidt 
and Lang, who deny the ignorance of the Arunta, are in a difficult 
position. Psychologically, we know, however, that the word “‘ know- 
ledge ’”’ covers various mental attitudes, various degrees of recogni- 
tion of a givenconcept. If we see, on the one hand, that the Arunta 
deny knowing anything of the matter and on the other that they 
have beliefs and rites that are only explicable on the assumption 
that such a knowledge exists somewhere and makes itself felt in 
their psychic system, we shall say that they are not conscious of 
their own instinctive knowledge of procreation,!® and that the con- 
cepts that enter their consciousness are symbolic substitutes of a 
physiological account of the process of procreation. 

: Strehlow, A. & L., II. 52. 2 Id., III. xi. Sid likss2. 

4H. Basedow, “ Anthropological Notes on the Western Coastal Tribes of the 
Northern Territory of South Australia,” Tvans. Roy. Soc. of South Australia, XXXI. 
1907, 4. 

5 Spencer, N. T. N. T. A., 1914, 270. 

6 J. G. Frazer, “ Beliefs and Customs of the Australian Aborigines,” Folk-Lore, 
1909, 350, 351; Man, 1909, 146. 

7 A. R. Brown, “ Beliefs concerning Childbirth,” Man, 1912, 180. 

8 A. v. Gennep, op. cit., LXI. 1905. Frazer, T. and E., I. 157. Reitzenstein, 
‘ Kausalzusammenhang zwischen Geschlechtsverkehr und Empfangnis in Glaube 
und Brauch der Natur und Kulturvdlker,” Z. E., 1909, 644. E. S. Hartland 
Primitive Paternity, 1909, I. 11. < 

9 A. Lang, The Secret of the Totem, 1905, 190. P, W. Schmidt, “‘ Die Stellung 
der Aranda,” Z. E., 1908, 879. 

10 Carveth Read, ‘‘ No Paternity,” J. R. A. J., 1918, XLVIII. 146. 

Professor Gregory, without expressing his opinion in the language 
of psychology, comes fairly near to our views when he says: ‘‘ The 
aboriginal idea that children have only a spirit-father and no human 
father may be a mere childish make-believe,’’ and man’s power of 
make-believe is so ‘‘ strong that he does not realize his own imposture. 
And in the same way the people may believe that children are the 
result of a reincarnation of spirits and that a human father is quite 
unnecessary. But they are not sufficiently foolish to believe that, 
under normal circumstances, a tribe consisting only of women would 
have a prolific birth-rate.”’ ! 

There are various views current as to the origin of children; 
perhaps the simplest of these is that which attributes the birth of 

; a child to something eaten by the mother. For 
ot hed. instance, the Arunta say that if a woman eats a lot 
of the latjia she may soon afterwards be aware of the 
first signs of pregnancy, and in this case it is a latjia-ratapa that 
has entered her body—not through the mouth, but through the 
hips.2_ The usual doctrine as to the origin of children in this tribe 
is more elaborate; but at any rate the husband has to give the 
wife some meat, and this meat is in reality procured by the totem- 
ancestor, who has entered the woman and is about to be reborn by 
her.3 According to the Wogait tribe, in the ordinary course of 
events, if a man, when out hunting, kills an animal or collects any 
other articles of diet, he gives it to his gin, who must eat it, believing 
that the respective object brings about the successful birth of a 
piccaninny.+ The child is forbidden to eat the particular animal 
till it has teethed. Descent of the totem is in the direct patrilineal 
line.5 

According to the Kakadu, when a man dies the spirit part (Yal- 
muru) keeps watch over the bones. After a time the Yalmuru, as 
it were divides into two parts, so that we have the original Yalmuru 
and a second spirit called Iwaiyu. When the Yalmuru desires to 
undergo reincarnation it takes the Iwaiyu and puts it in the form 
of a small frog, which lives under the sheathes of the leaves of the 
Pandanus tree, into some food such as fish or ‘‘ sugar-bag”’ that the 
man is searching for. If it be, for example, fish, the Yalmuru goes 
into the water and drives the fish into the man’s fishing-net. As 
soon as the man has caught the fish, out jumps the frog, unseen, of 
course, by the men. It is caught by the Yalmuru, and together the 
two spirits return into their camping-place. The food into which 
the Iwaiyu was placed will be the child’s totem. Sometimes when 

t J. W. Gregory, The Dead Heart of Australia, 1906, 196. 

a Strehlow, II. 56. 3 Id., II. 54. ; 

¢ H. Basedow, ‘‘ Anthropological Notes on the Western Coastal Tribes of the 
Northern Territory of South Australia,” Trans. Roy., XXXI. 1907, 4. See also 
William A. White, ‘‘ Psycho-analytic Parallels.’’ The Psycho-analytic Review, 
1915, II. 187. 5 Spencer, N. T. N. T. A., 1914, 16. 

an animal, such as a crocodile or fish, contains for a time the Iwaiyu, 
and the animal is speared, the child to which the Iwaiyu subse- 
quently gives rise bears the mark of the spear wound.? 

We again meet the frog, which in Europe is also a symbol of 
the womb,? in the beliefs of the Tully River blacks.3 Here 
a woman begets children because she has been sitting over the 
fire on which she has roasted a particular species of black bream, 
which must have been given to her by the prospective father, or she 
has purposely gone a-hunting and caught a certain kind of bull 
frog.4 The other elements of the Kakadu theory find their nearest 
equivalent in North-West Australia. In the Ingarda tribe, at the 
mouth of the Gascoyne River, the belief is that the child is the 
product of some food of which the mother has partaken just before 
her first sickness in pregnancy. A. R. Brown says: ‘‘ My principal 
informant on this subject told me that his father had speared a 
small animal called bandaru. His mother ate the animal, with the 
result that she gave birth to my informant. He showed me the 
mark on his side where he had been speared by his father before 
being eaten by his mother. A little girl was pointed out to me as 
being the result of her mother having eaten a domestic cat,5 and 
her brother was said to have been produced from a bustard.”® A 
woman of the Buduna tribe said that native women nowadays 
bear half-caste children because they ate bread made of white flour.? 
The same theory has been reported by Stirling of the Arunta: the 
pale colour of a half-caste child was due to the fact that the woman 
had been eating flour.8 In the Kariera, Namal and Injibandi 
tribes the conception of a child is believed to be due to the agency 
of a particular man who is not the father. This man is the wororu 
of the child when it is born. There were three different accounts of 
how a wororu produces conception. According to the first, the 
man gives some food to the woman; she eats this and becomes 
pregnant. According to the second, the man when he is out hunting 
ey is kills an animal, preferably a kangaroo or emu, and when 
He father. it is dying he tells the spirit of the dead animal to go 

into the woman and to be born as a child. In the 
third account, the hunter, after having killed the kangaroo or emu, 

* Spencer, N. T. N. T. A., 1914, 270, 271. 

2 Ct. Andree, Votive und Weihegaben, 1904, 129. Rodheim, ‘‘ Adalékok a magyar 
néphithez ” (Contributions to Hungarian Folk-Lore), 1920, 219. 

_ 3 In the Waduman and Mudburra tribes spirit-children live in the shape of 
little frogs.—Spencer, N. T. N. T. A., 268. 

4wW.E. Roth, S. M. M., 22. 5 She was a Chinese half-caste. 
6 Brown, Childbirth Beliefs,” Man, 1912, 180. These animals are not the 
totems of the children who owe their origin to them. 7 Brown, op. cit., 181. 

tl 51 Stirling, “Anthropology,” Horn Expedition, IV. 129. This is the 
common explanation of the existence of half-castes given universally by their 
mothers: “Too much me been eat em white man’s flour.” This explanation is 

— by old men without any further question. Spencer, N. T. N. T. A., 1974, 
25, 26. 

takes a portion of the fat;1 this changes into a spirit-baby and 
follows the man to his camp. When the man is asleep the spirit- 
baby comes to him, and he directs it to enter a certain woman, 
who thus becomes pregnant. In nearly every case the wororu is 
the father’s brother (own or tribal). Again the conceptional 
animal is not the totem, for in a very large number of cases it is 
either the kangaroo or emu.? 

These accounts contain two essential elements—an animal must 
be eaten by the mother, but that animal must be killed by the 
father (or his substitute, the wororu) to cause conception. Let us 
try the analysis of the former concept. To begin with, it will not 
be difficult to show that eating an animal which is here connected 
with conception is, on the other hand, also intimately bound up 
with the idea of sexual connexion. In King George’s Sound it is 
believed that women give birth to children if they eat a lot of 
kangaroo flesh.3 According to the Port Lincoln tribe, women give 
birth to children if they eat snakes. Among some tribes visited 
by Eyre maiformations of the body are attributed to the influence 
of the stars caused by the mother eating forbidden food during 
pregnancy;s and Gerstacker reports, after information supplied by 
Moorhouse, that young girls believe that they will become pregnant 
if they eat food that is taboo to them on account of their age (or, 
rather, youth). On the other hand, Strehlow tells us: ‘The custom 
still exists among the blacks for a man to offer meat to a woman 
or girl he wishes to seduce; her acceptance is taken as a sign of 
consent.”7 A Kurnai girl, if she fancied a young man, might send 
him a secret message, ‘‘ Will you find me some food?” and this 
was understood as a proposal. In the Encounter Bay tribe boys 
are considered ‘“‘rambe”’ (sacred or holy) after initiation, and no 
female, not even their own sister, must accept any food from them 
until such time as they are allowed to ask for a wife.9 Among the 
tribes around the Cairns district, in North Queensland, the acceptance 

: When a man has killed another he preserves the fat to protect him against 
the blood-feud, because when the kindred of the dead man call him to account 
for the death he gives them the fat to eat, with the effect that they become pacified. 
—Howitt, N. T., 449. ? 

2 Brown, l.c., 181. Id., ‘‘ Three Tribes of Western Australia,” J. A. I., 1913, 
168. Nobody may hunt over the country or any other local group without the 
permission of the owners. A single exception to this rule seems to have existed 
where a man was following a kangaroo or emu and it crossed the boundary ; he was 
allowed to follow and kill it (p. 146). 

3 R. Brown, “ Description of the Natives of King George’s Sound,” J.R.G.S.,I. 30. 

4 Wilhelmi, Manners and Customs, 1862,15. C.W. Schntirrmann, The Aboriginal 
Tribes of Port Lincoln in South Australia. T. D. Woods, The Native Tribes of South 
Australia, 1879, 220. 

s E. T. Eyre, Journals of Expeditions into Central Australia, 1845, II. 361. 

6 Gerstacker, Reisen. IV. 1854, 367. 7 Strehlow, I. 54. 

8 Fison and Howitt, Kamilaroi and Kuynat, 1880, 200. 

9 H. E. A. Meyer, Manners and Customs of the Aborigines of the Encounter Bay 
Tribes. Woods, Native Tribes of South Australia, 1879, 187. 

of food from a man by a woman was not merely regarded as a 
marriage ceremony, but as the actual cause of conception." If we 
thus find the acceptance of food connected with sexual union on 
the one hand,? with procreation on the other, it is difficult not to 
believe in the unconscious knowledge of the aboriginals, especially 
as the giver of the food is the husband or his substitute. Using the 
mechanism of displacement upwards and based upon oral eroticism, 
infantile sexual theories are found everywhere. These theories are 
the result of a compromise between the libidinal knowledge of the 
Unconscious and repression. - Thus one of the most frequent of these 
theories is that which attributes the origin of the child to some food 
consumed by the mother. We have abundantly clear proofs of 
this displacement upward in Australian customs. In the northern 
and western Arunta and in the IIpirra tribe, for the purpose of 
strengthening a delicate woman a part of the internal reproductive 
organs (called ertoacha) is taken from a male opossum, wallaby, 
euro or kangaroo. The woman lies on her back, and her husband, 
placing the ertoacha upon the mons veneris, “ sings’’ over it for 
some time, after which the woman swallows it whole. In other 
cases the same part of the amimal is taken by the man and half- 
cooked, after which he coats it with grease, charms it by singing 
over it, and then presents it to his wife ; she must swallow it whole 
without having any idea as to the nature of the object, which in 
this case is given for the purpose of promoting sexual desire. For 
the same purpose fluid material from the ertoacha may be squeezed 
into the vulva.3_ As giving food to a woman means having connexion 
with her, it is quite natural that the repression which is directed 
against the Oedipus complex should be also directed against certain 
symbolic manifestations of the same in which eating stands for 
intercourse. Amongst the Kakadu, up to such a time as a man is 
Kulori (that is, fully initiated), he may not give any of the foods 
to his mother that are prohibited to him. After having passed the 
ceremony, he takes the prohibited food to his father, and says, 
“Father, does my mother eat so and so?” The father says, 
“Give it to your mother.” That is, after being aggregated to the 
society of men he may indulge in a symbolic equivalent of the 
forbidden deed, provided that his father, whose rights are violated 
by the proceeding, gives him permission to do so.4 

But this is not all that can be said to explain certain particulars of 
these beliefs. We must remind the reader of the fact that the food 
is (2) in some cases the totem of the child, (b) eating forbidden food 
makes the girl pregnant. We shall hardly be astonished to see 

t Frazer, T. & E., 1. 577. . 

* Among all the aboriginals the offer of food and sexual relations are closely 
associated.—R. Thurnwald, Die Gemeinde dey Bdnaro, 1921, rz. 

3 Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 465. 
4 Spencer, N. T. N. T. A., 1914, 347, 348. 

pregnancy attributed to a breaking through of inhibitions and 
taboos, and we shall remind the reader of the Alcheringa, the epoch 
of wish-fulfilments, when eating the totem and endototemic incest 
prevailed. In the light of these facts the two cardinal taboos of 
totemism seem to express one and the same thing, not to commit 
incest either in reality or symbolically by eating the totem (trans- 
position upwards). Freud has interpreted the eating of the totem 
simply as a sequence to the killing of the animal, and in this case 
the taboo of eating the totem is an inhibition of the symbolic 
repetition of primeval parricide and its sequel the anthrophagous 
meal. We see that this aspect of the question is not absent from 
these primitive sexual theories: the child often bears the mark 
of a pre-natal duel with the father. According to the Kagoro, a 
spirit may transmigrate into the body of a descendant; in fact, 
this is common, as proved by the likeness of children to their parents 
and grandparents, and this is lucky, for the ghost has returned and 
has no longer any power to frighten the relatives until the new body 
dies. Souls cannot take up their abode in animals, but those of 
beasts can enter into the bodies of children of their slayers, as is 
shown by the fact that more than one case has been known of a 
child being born with marks of wounds like those received by his 
father or mother when fighting with an animal or by the animal 
itself killed before the child’s birth. The pre-natal fight with the 
father and being eaten pre-natally by the mother in the shape of a 
snake means the unconscious Oedipus complex latent in every human 
being. The belief in reincarnation, the ‘‘ other life,” is often the 
projection of the other life latent in the unconscious psychic system 
of man, as when the Euahlayi say that quite young men often 
marry quite old women, and account for this by saying that these 
young men were on earth before, loved these same women, but died 
before their initiation and so could not marry until reincarnated.? 
The old woman is, of course, the representative of the Mother- 
Imago, and the other life is the period of infantile fixation to the 
Mother.3 We can now take the pre-natal occurrence of this fight 
in a more literal sense; it refers again to the deepest strata of the 
unconscious rooted in intra-uterine life; the animal shape of the 
child previous to its birth is again a reminiscence of intra-uterine 
evolution through the various phases of animal life. From this 
point of view being ‘‘ speared’ by the father when in the mother’s 
womb has a still more concrete meaning if we may substitute the 
penis for the spear, and remind the reader of the analogy with 
European folklore where intercourse with a pregnant mother 
quickens the birth of the child.4 
t Tremearne, ‘‘ Notes on some Nigerian Head-Hunters,” J. A. I., 1912, 159. 
2 K. L. Parker, The Euahlayi Tribe, 1905, 56. 

3 Cf. Reik, Vélkerpsychologisches. Zeitschrift fly Psychoanalyse, III. 180. 
4 Réheim, ‘‘ Die Bedeutung des Uberschreitens,”’ J. Z. Pa. 1920, 242. 

The latest of those deep-searching analyses of the Unconscious 
of the individual that we owe to Freud contains also an explanation 
of the intra-uterine and re-birth phantasies. “‘ The former has 
frequently arisen, as in our case, from the fixation to the father ; 
the son wishes to be in the mother’s body in order to replace her 
in coitus, to take her place with the father. The re-birth phantasy 
is usually a softening, as it were a euphemism, for the phantasy of 
incestuous relationship with the mother. The son wishes himself 
back in the situation in which he found himself in his mother’s 
womb, the male thus identifying himself with his penis, regarding 
it as his representative. The two phantasies thus are seen to be 
complementary-formations, and, according to the male or female 
attitude adopted, give expression to the wish for sex-relations 
with either father or mother. The possibility must be admitted 
that in our patient’s illness both phantasies and, accordingly, both 
incest wishes, are present.”’ ! 

With the Australian beliefs this is certainly the case: the intra- 
uterine phantasy (being speared by the father) is followed by the 
re-birth phantasy (being eaten in the shape of a snake, that is penis, 
by the mother). The particular animal species with which the 
child is identified in his pre-natal career demands some explanation. 
Here we follow Reik’s lead, who has shown that the customs of the 
couvade are to be attributed to a revival of the Oedipus complex 
in the form of retribution-fear, the husband dreading the punishment 
for his own unconscious Oedipus wishes that he felt against his own 
father, now that he, too, is about to become a father. The young 
husband was a rebel against his father in his youth; he fears that 
his son will be the same to him. His two enemies are thus identical 
from the standpoint of the Unconscious: the child is the grandfather 
back again and thirsting for revenge. In the four-class system 
child and grandfather belong to the same marriage-class, which is 
different from that of the father. Grandfather and child thus 
form one psychic unity: as indeed it is often believed that the 
grandfather is re-bornin the child. That is why killing an animal 
at this period would injure the child as it is a symbolic aggressive 
act against the would-be-reborn grandfather.2 The Arunta husband 
may eat meat, but he is not supposed to go out in search of large 
game. If he does so the spirit of the child which often accompanies 
him when he goes out into the bush, not only gives warning to any 
large game such as kangaroo or emu, but if the man attempts to 
throw a spear or boomerang this spirit will cause it to take a crooked 
course. The Unmatjera have the same belief,3 and thus identify 
the infant-grandfather with the large game. ‘‘ If a woman who is 
enceinte were to eat forbidden fish at such a time, the spirit of the 

* Freud, Sammlung kleiney Schriften zuy Neurosenlehve, 1918, IV. 693, 694. 
> Reik, Probleme der Religionspsychologie, 1919, Die Couvade, 1. 
3 Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 614. 

unborn babe would go out of its mother’s body and frighten the 
fish away.’’! 

From the Unconscious point of view the infant itself is a “fish 
in the water.’ Although these spirit-children are invisible to 
human eyes, the old men know that they are present by the 
movements of the fish in the water. 

We remind the reader that the kangaroo as father and the emu 
as mother have very definite symbolic meanings in the proto-totemic 
complex of the Australian tribes. 

Thus the means by which a man procreates his own child appears 
in the light of a breaking through the cardinal taboos ; he symboli- 
cally kills his own totem, that is, he either kills his kangaroo-father 
or has intercourse? with his emu-mother. Thus all children owe, 
in a twofold sense of the word, their birth to an unconscious 
(symbolic) realization of the Oedipus complex—from their own 
point of view in a fight with their own father and intercourse with 
their own mother, whilst from their father’s point of view it is a 
revival of his own infantile Oedipus complex. When he procreates 
a child he again kills his father (who is identical with his child) 
and cohabits with his mother. This is why people are apt to 
undergo reincarnation if they have died uninitiated, that is, without 
sublimating their own Oedipus complex: 3 those who are initiated 
will not be reborn, as it is the incestuous-archaic type of the libido 
that is recognized as the real motor-agency of procreation. 

The Alcheringa ancestors, the representatives of unbounded 
totemic wish-fulfilment, are the prototypes of all subsequent child- 
Reciston ond making and magic: children owe their origin and 
the Oedipus their totem to the breaking through of the very same 
sa de taboos (eating the totem) which in after life they are 
most strictly enjoined to observe. Thus our explanation of these 
beliefs as symbolical representations of an unconscious knowledge 
has also furnished us with the principal reason of their repressed, 
that is merely symbolic, manifestation ; the repression is like the 
greater part of the social structure of primitive man directed against 
the incestuous manifestation of the libido. The gradual disappear- 
ance of the libido in old age naturally makes the inhibitions that 
exist only as a counter-balance to the primary libidinal tendencies 
disappear ; this is why, as Reik has explained, old men are allowed 
to eat anything ; this is also why, in Arunta and Loritja tribes, only 
the old men “‘know”’ (that is, only they do not repress their 
knowledge) of the real connexion between cohabitation and pro- 
creation. Thus we are not obliged to qualify the denial of knowledge 
by the Arunta as a falsehood, and yet we are in the position to 
understand many of their beliefs and practices that evidently 

t R. H. Matthews, E. N., 53. 2 Spearing = cohabitation. 
s Parker, Euahlays Tribe, 56. 

involve the very knowledge of which they are not conscious. It is, 
therefore, not necessary to assume that the ‘“‘ Ambilyerikirra ’’ cere- 
mony has been borrowed by the Arunta from another tribe. In 
the Urabunna tribe neither the husband nor the wife eats the echidna 
when the woman is pregnant ; this is the only restriction in regard 
to the behaviour of the man.2, We have already commented on 
the myth that tells us how an Echidna man of the Alcheringa 
castrated some of the youths who ought to have been subincised. 
By doing this the Echidna ‘spoilt ’’ himself and all his totem 
kindred, so that they cannot rise up again except in the form of 
little animals covered with spines.3 As a punishment for castrating 
the boys and thus depriving them of the faculty of procreation, 
the Echidna man loses his power of reincarnation: a punishment, 
that is, in full accordance with the ‘‘ eye for eye”’ principle if we 
regard the incarnation-myth only as a symbolic account of pro- 
creation. Then we can also understand why the Echidna, who thus 
stands for the castration complex, should be tabooed to the father 
““inspe.”’ 

Then again, we have the Arunta account of the childbirth, 
The Arunta Which, as Schmidt and Reitzenstein have pointed 
account of out,4 is incomprehensible without supposing “‘ know- 
tall ledge ’’ of some sort. A case out of real life will 
serve as a paradigm: 

Near to Arkororinja there is a totem-centre where a Ramaia 
(Big Lizard) ancestor went into the earth in the Alcheringa 
whilst his body was turned into a rock. Here lives a man 
called Urbula, with his wife Kaltia. One night the Lizard- 
ancestor leaves his rock and goes to the camp of Urbula to 
listen to the talk of the camp-mates. He hears that Kaltia 
is his class-mother. The same night Urbula dreams that an 
Altjiranga mitjina is approaching. (As this means the birth 
of a child, so it amounts to a statement that he dreams of 
his wife’s pregnancy.) On the morrow Urbula gets up as usual, 
and goes hunting, but this time the iningukua (spirit-double) 
of the Alcheringa ancestor accompanies him.5 The iningukua 

1 Cf. J. G. Frazer, ‘‘On Some Ceremonies of the Central Australian Tribes,” 
Austr. Assoc. Adv. of Science, 1901, 322. (I received a copy of this paper through 
the kindness of Sir James Frazer.) 

2 Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 614. 3ahd 5 iN... D3898,0300: 

4 W. Schmidt, “ Die Stellung der Aranda,” Z. f. E., 1908, 885. Reitzenstein, 
Z. E., 1909, 650. Spirit-children are supposed to have a strong predilection 
for fat women, and prefer to choose such as their mothers, even at the risk of 
being born into the wrong class (Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 125), and in this their 
tastes agree with native ideas as to feminine beauty (N, W. Thomas, The Natives 
of Atstralia, 210). 

5 Cf., ‘‘ When a spirit-individual goes into a woman there still remains the 
Arumburinga, which may be regarded as its double, and this may attend the woman’s 
husband as he goes out hunting.”—Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 514. The Iningukua 
corresponds to the Arumburinga. 

of the child has the same name as he has: it is a sort of spiritual 
double of the spirit-child. 

In this belief we see a survival of the hunt as symbolic pro- 
creation with the identity of the hunted animal and the unborn 
child. After having speared an animal, for instance a kangaroo, 
the Urbula returns to the camp accompanied by the totem-ancestor. 
Kaltia, who is expecting her husband, sees at a distance two men 
coming, one of whom suddenly disappears. (Here again the totem- 
ancestor is a sort of double of the husband.) Urbula then gives 
his wife some meat: she eats it and feels sick afterwards. This 
meat has in reality been procured by the Altjiranga mitjina (it is 
thus he who has speared the kangaroo: identity of the “hunter and 
the hunted’! ) and given as a present to the woman. When the 
totem-ancestor disappears, he is supposed to enter the woman’s 
womb for a short time and cause her sickness; with the vomited 
food he comes out again. In the hunting and meat-offering we have 
one symbolic account of procreation that so far corresponds to the 
Ingarda, etc., theory: but to this is superadded a second account, 
giving the Arunta theory a more complicated aspect : 

Next day, when the woman passes at Arkororinja the rock 
into which the Altjiranga mitjina transformed himself, she sees 
a man standing there ornamented with a head-band who has a 
a stick and a “ namatuna” in his hand. The Lizard-ancestor 
now throws the namatuna at Kaltia’s hip and disappears into 
the earth: the namatuna goes into Kaltia, where it takes 
human form. The namatuna and the Lizard-ancestor are 
really identical ; the same thing is told in two versions, in one 
of which the woman is replaced by a symbol—Mother-Earth— 
and in the other the man: bullroarer instead of ancestor. 
We have seen that the disappearance of the totem-ancestor is 
really supposed to be a disappearance into Kaltia’s womb: 
thus we find our opinion strikingly corroborated, that the 
sinking into the earth by which the totem-ancestors end their 
career is a regression into the maternal womb. She comes 
home and tells her husband: “I went near the rock where I 
saw a man with a head-band standing before me. Although 
I saw him, I had nothing whatever to do with him. When I 
was preparing the seeds I felt something in my body.” The 
husband answers: ‘‘ You have conceived” (Njumereraka). 
After the woman has given birth to the child the grandfather 
of the infant, called Tjinnapuntu (Big-leg), Urbula’s father, 

t That is, to the intra-uterine phantasy of the child (‘‘speared’”’ by the father 
when in the mother’s womb) we find another superadded phantasy of being identical 
with the father (grandfather who “‘spears’’ the mother). This condensation is 
characteristic of the ambisexual attitude in these Oedipus phantasies, 

who, like the child and like the totem-ancestor who threw the 
namatuna, is a Paltara,t asks his son: “‘ Where has the 
child been conceived ?’’ Urbula answers: ‘‘ He came along 
from Arkororinja.”” Then he asks his daughter-in-law : “Where 
did you see him for certain? ’’ She answers: “ Near the 
rock I felt something that made my legs stiff,’ and he says: 
‘‘The youths shall be called Loatjira’’ (another word for 
Ramaia—" Big Lizard’”’), “the name of the totem-ancestor 
as he came to you in the camp of the palla.’’? 

All our accounts of the childbirth-beliefs of the Arunta and their 
neighbours mention these childbirth-centres or symbolical wombs. 
The Rev. L. Schulze tells us that these natives believe that the souls 
of infants dwell in the foliage of trees, and that they are carried 
there by the good mountain-spirits ‘‘ tuanjiralka and their wives 
melbata.’’ The nearest tree to a woman when she feels the first 
pain of parturition she calls “ ngirra,” as they are under the impres- 
sion that the ‘‘ guruna”’ or soul has then entered from it into the 
child. Such a tree is left untouched, as they believe that whoever 
should happen to break off one single branch would become sick. 
But if the tree should be injured or broken down by winds or floods, 
that person would get ill whose ngirra the tree was.3 This seems 
to be the exoteric account of an esoteric variant of the birth-belief, 
as the bullroarer spirits Tuanjiraka and Melbata are recognized 
as such.4 At any rate, it is highly suggestive to find the bullroarer 
spirits, whose phallic nature we shall have occasion to demonstrate, 
made responsible for bringing the children into these symbolic wombs. 
The “ngirra’’ tree is the ‘‘ngarra’’ (eternal) tree of Strehlow,5 
the ‘‘nanja’”’ tree of Spencer and Gillen. Both its quality as a 
haven of refuge and as an external soul are well brought out in this 
account. R.H. Mathews says: ‘“‘ It is a common belief amongst 
these natives that infants reside in rocky hills and in the dense 
foliage of the forest trees before they enter the bodies of women 
who give them birth.’ The same author tells us that there are 
certain spots scattered up and down at short intervals in the territory 
of the Arranda, Chingalee and Wombaia which are traditionally 
haunted, some by one animal or object and some by another, from 

1 Cf. Strehlow, 4. & L., IV. 1913, 63. Husband Knuraia, wife Ngala, child 
Paltara ; the husband’s father having been a Paltara, and his mother a Kamara. 

* Palla means a man of the same marriage-class, but a different age-grade from 
the husband. In this case the allusion is to the husband’s grandfather, who would 
also be a Knuraia, and to whom only a Paltara totem-ancestor like the reborn child 
could appear. Cf. Strehlow, II. 54, 55; IV. 66. 

3 Louis Schulze, ‘‘ The Aborigines of the Upper and Middle Finke River, Their 
Habits and Customs,” 1891, Trans. and Proc. Royal Soc. of S. A., XIV. 237. 

4 Cf. the “ Marchen,”’ published by Strehlow, op. cit., I. 102. 
5 Strehlow, op. cit., I. 5. 

6 R. H. Matthews, “ Ethnological Notes on the Aboriginal Tribes of the 
Northern Territory,” Proc, and Tvans. Geog. S. of Australasia, XVI. 85. 

which the children receive their totemic names instead of receiving 
them from the mother. When a woman first feels the movement 
of the foetus in the womb, she reports to her friends that one night 
recently, when she and her husband were camped in the vicinity 
of a certain rock-hole, she dreamt that she saw a number of very 
tiny children * playing about and singing among the leaves of one 
of the trees close to the rock-hole. Her husband will also say 
that just before daylight he heard an infant coming down out of 
the tree, laughing as it came, and pulled his hair or his whiskers, 
asking him to find a mother for it, after which it vanished and was 
believed to have entered the woman’s body. When the child is 
born it is given the totem belonging to the locality where the mother 
or father had the alleged dream. For example, if the spot be 
traditionally known to be hunted by wallaby spirits, the newly-born 
child would get the totem of the wallaby, quite irrespective of the 
totemic name of either the father or the husband.? In this account 
the child goes to the woman from the husband, which I should 
say is an effaced trace of the part he plays in procreation. As 
Strehlow gives the same account, only more fully, we shall use 
his version as a starting-point of the analysis. The whole account 
of Strehiow has two essential points, the throwing of the namatuna 
and the part played by the child’s grandfather. We find an 
analogous theory as to conception caused by throwing in the 
Nimbalda tribe in South Australia. They believe that two old 
women called ‘‘ Yammutu ”’ live towards the east, a long way off ; 
when rain comes they lie down on their backs with their legs open, 
and the water runs into their person and causes them to bear 
a lot of young blacks called Muree, who, as they grow up, start 
westward, always throwing a small waddy, called weetchu, before 
them till one of them meets a blackfellow with his lubra The 
Muree, being invisible, then walksin the blackfellow’s tracks to make 
him or her look like the blackfellow,3 and then throws the small 
waddy under the thumb nail or great toenail, and so enters into the 
woman’s body. She is soon pregnant, and in due time gives birth 
to an ordinary child.1 This account gives us the doubling of the 
birth as a motive of the supernatural birth theories in a characteristic 
manner. It is first the two mother-prototypes5 who are impregnated 

1 Cf, Roheim, ‘“‘ Das Selbst,’’ Imago, VII. 345. H. B. Wheatley, “ Folklore of 
Shakespeare,’’ Folklore, 1916, XXVI. 380. 

2 R. H. Mathew, “ The Sociology of Arranda and Chingalee Tribe,” F. L., 
1908, XIX. 102. 

3 As to the symbolic meaning of treading in somebody’s footsteps, see Roheim, 
Adalékok a magyar néphithez, 1920 (Contributions to Hungarian Folklore), 259. 

4 H. O. Smith, The Nimbalda Tribe. G. Taplin, F.L., etc., 1879, 88. Cf. ‘‘ Women 
conceive invariably in consequence of the infant being conveyed by some unknown 

agency into the mother’s womb from somewhere across the sea.’—‘ Account 
Respecting Beliefs of Australian Aborigines,” Journal of American Folklore, 
1896 IX. 202. 

5 Cf. the two wives of Baiame, Daramulun, the two-class system ! 

by the rain,t and they give birth to a swarm of baby-prototypes 
(‘‘ spirit-children ”’ in Spencer’s terminology). Their name Muree 
agrees with that used in some Australian languages for man and 
kangaroo.2. These again appear in the shape of doubles—the 
continual doubling of motives leads to the doubling of persons— 
when they throw themselves into the woman’s womb and are once 
more born, this time in the natural way. 

As to the well-known sexual-symbolistic interpretation of this 
throwing, this is quite evident from the Arunta account, the 
denial of the woman of having had ‘‘ anything to do”’ with the 
Alcheringa ancestor amounting to the avowal of an unconscious 
(that is symbolic) wish of cohabitation. What the small bullroarer, 
called namatuna, really is and what the throwing means has already 
been pointed out by P. W. Schmidt.3 The namatuna is the nama- 
twinna described by Spencer and Gillen. Armed with this smaller 
kind of bullroarer, the native goes into the bush accompanied by 
two or three friends. All night long the men keep up a low singing 
of Quabara songs, together with the chanting of amorous phrases of 
invitation addressed to the woman. In the morning he swings 
the namatwinna, and the sound of the humming is carried to the 
ears of the far-distant woman, and has the power of compelling 
affection and of causing her sooner or later to comply with the 
summons. The custom is not confined to the Arunta tribe, but 
exists also among the IJpirra, Walparri, Kaitish and Warramunga 

tribes, all of whom use bullroarers, which are the equivalents of 

the namatwinna of the Arunta.4 

It is evident that the use of the same instrument for procreation 
(by the Alcheringa ancestor) and for love magic (by the present-day 
aboriginal) is not a matter of mere chance. Strehlow states that 
the young man gets the namatwinna, which is the body of his 
iningukua (totem-ancestor), as guardian or spirit-double after his 
subincision. It is smeared with blood from the subincised penis, 
and only then handed to the young man, who uses it to compel 
the love of the girl he wants.5 It is especially evident from this 
description that the small bullroarer gets its magic potency from 
the penis, that it is a sort of magical (symbolic) equivalent of the 
penis, and thus naturally the proper instrument for love-magic 
and for begetting a child. 

But what does the part played by the grandfather mean? To 

t The soul of the dead is supposed to come back from the other world in the 
rain.—Strehlow, I. 15. At Pennefather River, Thunder can make lightning, men 
and women. At Cape Bedford, Thunder makes lightning by the Tapid exposure 
of his penis. Roth, Superstition, 8. Thunder is a voice of a dead person who 
announces that he has returned to life—Howitt, 785. 

* Curr, The Australian Race, Ill. 119, and according to index. 

3 Schmidt, “‘ Die Stellung der Aranda,” Z. E., 1908, 885. 

4 Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 542. Cf. the “‘ gin-busters,” Roth, S. M. M., 24. 

5 Strehlow, II. 81. 

begin with, four- and eight-class systems (with paternal descent) 
are based on the return of the grandfather in the grandchild. 
Urbula’s father is a Paltara, and so is his son; that is, Urbula is 
socially in the same relation to his father as to his son. That the 
son is a reborn “‘ father’s father ”’ is indeed stated in so many words 
by the Arunta when they say that he is the rebirth of the Altjiranga 
mitjina, another ‘‘ Big-Lizard.” If such be the case, it is easy to 
see why the grandfather is the person to know all about the boy’s 
“supernatural” origin? and later in life to conduct him to his 
arknanakaua.? The situation must now be considered from the 
mother’s point of view. To her father-in-law she is strictly taboo; 
she is only allowed to talk to him in whispers.3 All the members of 
the Paltara class to whom her husband’s father and her own child 
belong are strictly taboo to her; having intercourse with them 
would be committing incest, from the native point of view. But so 
does the Alcheringa ancestor, with whom, as we have seen, she has 
symbolic (that is unconscious) intercourse; he is also a Paltara, 
again identical with the child and the husband’s father. The 
husband’s father again, as pointed out by Freud, is merely a revival 
of the woman’s own Father-imago ;4 on that account he is avoided, 
as there is a strong tendency on the woman’s part to realize her 
infantile Oedipus dream with him as partner. 

Thus we have again found the Oedipus wish in its double form 
(intercourse with her own father and her own child) at the root 
of the symbolical description of the natural functions and repression, 
which is again directed against the manifestation of the unconscious 
tendencies that lie at the root of the whole birth-mythology. 
All these infantile sexual theories must be regarded as the outcome 
of a compromise between the archaic libido and repression ; the 
degree of elaboration depends on the number of unconscious elements 
that find outlet in these theories. The libidinal tendencies that find 
expression in them may roughly be divided into two types: those 
of the Oedipus type, in which the genital impulse dominates, and those 
that are under the influence of the various erogenous zones. Repres- 
sion is principally directed against the former, whilst the latter are 
utilized by the repressive tendencies as substitutes of the censored 
manifestations of the Oedipus attitude. 

The sexual theory that takes its impulse from an anal-erotic 
constitution, the cloaca-theory, is described by Freud as onto- 
genetically the most primitive of these phantasies ; he 
says that the theory of children originating from the 
food eaten by the mother is superadded to this in later 
years as the product of conscious reflection on these lines.5 In this 

The cloaca- 
theory. 

t Spencer and Gillen, N, T., 132. + Strehlow, IT. 81. 
sold. Tht. 4 Freud, T. & T., 1919, 15; 
5 Freud, Kleine Schriften zur Neurosenlehre, I1. 168. 

case the most primitive of the widely spread Australian conception- 
beliefs corresponds to this second phase of ontogenetic evolution, 
although I think it would be dangerous to push the ontogenetic 
parallelism too far in this case. The speculations of the child are 
primarily connected with the problem of birth, those of the 
savage with conception, because among naked savages there can be 
no doubt of the part played by the womb and the vagina. On the 
other hand, there certainly are faint indications of the excremental 
theory, not in the beliefs as to the origin of actual children, but in 
anthropogonic legend. 

The Kokowara say that in the beginning Anjea was lying 
in the shadow of a thickly-leaved tree. He was a blackfellow 
with very large buttocks, but peculiar in that there was no sign 
of any orifice. Yalpan happened to be passing at that time, 
and, noticing this anomaly, made a cut in the usual place by 
means of a piece of quartz-crystal, with the result that the 
evacuations were expelled and spread over the surface of the 
ground. All blacks were thus originally born from Anjea’s 
dung. 

Now Anjea is identical with a being who is responsible for the 
actual fabrication of children,? and the anthropogonic myth might 
represent an antiquated standpoint in these infantile theories as 
compared with the more advanced sexual theories that describe 
the origin of present-day children. The oral-erotic theory is also 
connected with the equation of children with excrement ; food, the 
substance which is incorporated = seminal fluid (from the female 
point of view) ; feces which leaves the body = child. 

Anjea, originally made by thunder, is the individual who fashions 
the piccaninnies out of swamp-mud and inserts them in the bellies 
of the women. He is never seen, but can be heard 
laughing in the depths of the bush, amongst the 
rocks, down in the lagoons and along the mangrove swamps. 
When he is heard the blacks say, “‘ Anjea, he laugh; he got him 
piccaninny.” Women do not know when the infants are put 
inside them ; they only feel them subsequently. They may be 
placed in position in the daytime, at night and during a dream. 
Before actually inserting these mud-babies in the women Anjea 
makes the boys travel in a roundabout way across the bush, 
their forms being already moulded into shape, whereas he causes 

* W. E. Roth, S. M. M., 15. The origin of humanity from the maggots that 
swarm out of the decomposing body of a pre-human giant (Kwasir, Panku, etc.) 
is a widely-spread cosmogonic myth; this is but a slightly modified form of this 
concept. A trace of this myth is to be found in the Dieri tribe.—Howitt, l.c., 800. 

* At the Proserpine River the moon makes the first man and woman.—Roth, 61. 
According to the Euhalayi, Bahloo makes the children—Parker, 56. In West 

Australia babies come from the moon.—A. R. Brown, “' Beliefs concerning Childbirth 
in some Australian Tribes,'’ Man, 1912, 182. 

Anjea. 

the girls to pass at a certain height over the path he instructs them 
totravelby. As each girl stretches her leg over the cross-piece she 
gets split in the fork, and is now completed. For cutting the 
posterior orifice in both sexes Anjea uses a piece of wood from the 
Acacia Rothii. Sometimes an accident befalls these infants before 
they get into their human mothers: they may catch one of their 
feet in a log, and so be born with various deformities. When the 
woman has plenty of room inside, twins are sent. Thunder can also 
make children out of swamp-mud, but creates them left-handed; 
these can thus be distinguished from Anjeas, who are all right- 
handed. Why does Anjea laugh when he “ got him piccaninny ”’ ? 
We do not know very much of the psychology of laughter, but at 
any rate we know that it is an act of psychical discharge, a “ relief 
from restraint,” as Bain puts it.2 If we remember that laughter 
and comical effects—especially among primitive people—are very 
frequently associated with both adult and infantile sexuality, with 
the obscene, laughter may no doubt be regarded in this case as a 
symptom of relief from repression which has been circumvented by 
means of these symbolic beliefs. At Yappa kulimna, in the country 
of the Warramunga tribe, a laughing boy came out of the rocks. 
He played about all day with bits of bark. Later on some more 
laughing boys came from the country where the sun goes down. 
They played together with the bark and laughed loudly. At night 
they slept in the rock from where the first laughing boy had come 
out; in the daytime they laughed and played about. These Thaballa 
boys never died, and can be heard by any man of the “ Laughing 
Boy ”’ totem who goes near the rock. At the present day this place 
is in the charge of an old man, whose mother conceived him at the 
spot, and he performs the ceremonies imitating the laughing of the 
boys as he does so.3. We shall see later on that Anjea is connected 
in more than one way with Central Australia ; the only difference 
seems to be that, whilst in his case the laughter is projected to a 
representative of the father-imago, here it is the “ spirit-child,” 
the embryo about to be incarnated, that seems to find it excellent 
fun to be born into the world. But, as we have already remarked, 
the baby-spirits are in another sense of the word the “ fathers” 
of the respective totems, and Anjea himself seems to indicate that 
one cannot preside over the baby department in Australia without 
conserving in one’s own person some of the traits of babyhood. 

t Roth, S. M. M., 23. All fair-haired children were considered to be Tangaroas’ 
(the god himself had sandy hair), whilst the dark-haired, which form the great 
majority, are Rogno’s, whose hair was raven black.—W. W. Gill, Myths and Songs 
from the South Pacific, 1876, 1. The left-handed children, being, of course, the 
minority, correspond to the fair-haired ones. According to Strehlow, the iningukua 
sometimes enters personally into the woman after having thrown his namatuna 
at her, and in this case fair-haired children are born.—Strehlow, l.c., II. 56, 

2 Freud, Dey Witz, 126. 3 Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 422. 

Anjea (Anjir) was originally without a posterior orifice, and Yalpan 
cuts his back to make one just as he does with the babies he forms. 
In this respect he may be compared with the Atnatu of the Kaitish, 
whose name means ‘“‘the one without an anus’’;! with the Dieri 
Mandra-mankana (body hind-before), whose back was just the same 
as his front;? and with the Watchandie in the south-west. “‘A 
very long time ago there existed but one black man, and he was so 
unfortunate as to have no means for discharging the residuum of 
his food after his system had drawn from it all nourishment.’’ 3 
These peculiarities have. a double sense in the unconscious : 
they mean both the repression of anal eroticism as regards the 
father, the return of the repressed elements—for Atnatu, who has 
no anus, has a black face,and Anjea has exceedingly large buttocks 
from which he ultimately ‘‘ breeds”’ all the blacks as his dung—and 
the survival of a certain phase in the development of the embryo 
prior to the origin of an anal orifice that is thus conserved in these 
double-faced embryo-father beings. The return of infantile ele- 
ments corresponds to the return of the repressed and the “‘ relief 
from restraint,’ whilst the laughing boys and the laughing Anjea 
as conceptional totems or spirits accord well with both theories. 
The swamp from which the babies are formed certainly contains 
an unconscious reference to the amniotic fluid of intra-uterine 
life; the mud may perhaps be connected with the excremental 
origin of the blacks in the Anjea anthropogonical myth.4 
The belief in the origin of infants from water also forms a salient 
feature of the Proserpine River belief: here it is Kunya who makes 
the infants out of pandanus roots.5 Kunya is a 
Bree clits nature spirit most often dwelling in the ground, but 
he is also to be met with below the water-surface as 
well as in rocks and caves and in the quiet of the bush. When he 
inserts the infant into the mother he puts the Kuya or vital spirit 
intoit.6 As nature spirits are simply projections of human attitudes 
into nature, the similarity of the words Kunya and kuya is extremely 
suspicious and makes it probable that we have here (in one sense) 
merely the fission of the same attitude into its active and 
passive components. Kunya representing the active, kuya the 
passive side, or from another point of view, the Kunya is a con- 
densation of the individual kuyas, the kuya of the community. 
What the kuya exactly means we shall try to explain lateron. __ 
The next instance of the babies’ water-home is to be found in 

t Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 498. * Howitt, N .T., 781. 

3 A. Oldfield, ‘‘ The Aborigines of Australia,” T. E. S., III. 259. ; 

4 The origin of the female genitalia from a wound corresponds also to well-known 
infantile theories. 

5 A ripe pandanus fruit was enclosed in the belly of the woman to produce her 
courses, according to the anthropogonic myth of the same tribes.—Roth, Super- 
stition 16. 6 Roth, S. M. M., 23. 

the beliefs of the Euhalayi. Here Bahloo, the moon, is a sort of 
patron of women. He it is who creates the girl babies, sometimes 
assisted by Wahn, the crow.t' Bahloo’s favourite spot for carrying 
on girl manufacturing is somewhere on the Culgoa. On one of the 
creeks there is to be seen when it is dry a hole in the ground. As 
water runs along the bed of this creek a stone gradually rises 
from the hole with the water, always keeping its top out of the 
water. This is the Goomarh or spirit stone of Bahloo. No one 
would dare to touch this stone where the baby girl’s spirits are 
launched into space.2_ In the same neighbourhood is a clear water- 
hole, the rendezvous of the snakes of Bahloo, and should a man 
drink some of the water he sees hundreds of snakes.3 A more 
explicit symbolism of childbirth than the stone which rises with the 
rising water can hardly be imagined, the water naturally representing 
the amniotic fluid and the stone the child. In Bahloo we have a 
mythical representative of the father, which is still more evident 
from the second water-hole inhabited by his mythical snakes (penis). 

Death originates from the disobedience of the blacks to Bahloo, 
who refuse to carry his snakes (penis) over the water (mother’s 
womb). Carrying the penis through the womb would mean passing 
into the mother (in the shape of the penis) and coming out again 
as a baby procreated by oneself, and this in truth would mean 
immortality. Bahloo says “ that as the blacks refused to do what 
he asked them, they would just stay where they are put as the 
stone does under the water’ (cf. above, the stone in the water as 
embryo), he having thrown a stone into the water which sinks, and a 
piece of bark which rises again, to show them the difference between 
death and immortality. The same method to represent the fate 
of men, who are represented as his children, is employed by Nihancan 
(pieces of wood and other objects that float up again to the surface 
of the water; a pebble sinks for good), the culture-hero of the 
Arapho.s Nihancan himself is swallowed by a fish and cut out 
again alive;® he is cut to pieces and resuscitated.7 Besides the 
father, there seems to be a representative of the mother-image in 
the Euahlayi birth-myth, for they say that the spirit-babies are 

1 Should Wahn attempt the business on his own account the result is direful. 
Women of his creating are always noisy and quarrelsome.—Parker, l.c., 50. (Of 
course, in imitation of the crows cawing.) 

2 The Goomarh and Minggah are stones and trees that serve as the receptacles 
of the external soul—Parker, l.c., 22. Their complete identity with the nanja-tree 

and stones of Central Australia, as well as their unconscious origin, will be demon- 
strated below. 

s Parker, l.c., 50. The boys were principally made by the wood-lizard, though 
Bahloo gave them assistance from time to time. 

«4K. L. Parker, Australian Legendary Tales, 1897, 8-10. 

s Dorsey and Kroeber, Traditions of the Avapho, Field Columbian Museum, 
Anthr. Series V., 1903, 81. 

TT aie ones ie 

7 Id., ibid., 17, 81. On myths dealing with the origin of death, cf. Frazer, 
F,O.T., 1. 

_ 

II. 

UGE 

tah eal 

5. CONCEPTIONAL TOTEMISM 

. BELIEF IN SUPERNATURAL CONCEPTION EXISTING SIDE BY SIDE WITH 

BUT INDEPENDENT OF TOTEMISM. 
84, 85 (pp. 155, 196, 197), 150 (pp. 161, 164), 198 (p. 146), 199 (Roth: 
S.M.M.,18, 22), 201 (p. 158), 201 (p. 160), 202 (p. 164), 204 (pp. 158, 
176), 209 (pp. 158, 159), 234 (Pp. 146), 237 (P- 146), 249 (p. 146), 
264 (p. 147), 326 (Pp. 155). 

SUPERNATURAL CONCEPTION CONNECTED WITH PATRILINEAR TOTEMISM. 
3 (Pp. 193), 7, II, 21, 26, 27, 28, 31, 32, 35, 41, 42, 43, 46 47, 49, 
222, 319 (p. 193), 385 (R. H. Mathews: ‘“‘ Notes on some Native 
Tribes,” Journ. Roy. Soc. N.S.W., 1906, XL, 110. 

SUPERNATURAL CONCEPTION CONNECTED WITH MATRILINEAR TOTEMISM. 

12, 24, 25, 45 (p. 193), 75 (pp. 165, 167), 77 (pp. 165, 167). 

. PuRE CONCEPTIONAL TOTEMISM WITH LocAaL ToTEMIC CENTRES. 

4 (P- 145), 13, 17, 18, 19, 20, 42 (PP. 145, 154), 43, 52 (PP- 152-154), 
50 (p. 154), 51, 55, 56 (Sp. I, I, Strehlow: I), 386 (Proc. Trans. 
Roy. Geog. S. Australasia, XXII, 6). 

Contradictions are not always easy to avoid; pure conceptional 
totemism is affirmed by R. H. Mathews for the Umbaia and Tjingilli, 
but according to Spencer and Gillen they conform to typeII. They 
have been included in both catogories. The northern Tijingilli 
regard the spirit-child as a new being, not an ancestor reborn. 
R. H. Mathews:: ‘“‘ Notes on the Aborigines of the Northern 
Territory,” Proc. and Trans. Royal Geog. Soc. of Ausivalasia, XXII, 16. 

. INTERMEDIATE STAGE BETWEEN II anp IV. 

48 (p. Sp. IT, 175). 

. ToTEM CENTRE. 

42 (P- 154), 43, 48 (P- 154), 50 (pp. 152, 168), 51, 52 (pp. 152, 168), 
55, 56 (pp. 152, 168), 152 (McDougall: ‘‘ Manners, Customs and 
Legends of the Coombangree,’’ Science of Man, 1901, IV, 46, 63), 
386 (Proc. Trans. Roy. Geog. Soc. Australasia, 1, XXII, 6). 

. SUPERNATURAL CONCEPTION, AMONGST TRIBES WITH MATRILINEAR DESCENT 

OF CLASS. 
261, 262, 203, 264, 265, 266, 267 (p. 193), 150 (Parker, 12). 

. NANJA TREE AND ROCK. 

47 (Pp. 178), 48 (p. 173), 52 (Pp. 169), 56 (p. 169), 77 (p. 173), 150 
(pp. 176, 177), 152 (McDougall: Science of Man, IV, 46, 63), 209 
(p- 174), 229 (p. 184). 

. BELIEF IN CHANGING AND CHANGELESS SPIRIT. DOUBLE. 

18 (p. 185), 52, 56 (p. 170), 209 (p. 173). 
(Continued on p. 163. 

re xe 

ex 

©) sii: 

XIII. 

MK Oxy. 

4 XV. 

in XVI, 

XVII. 

XVIII. 

Cw XIX. 

5. CONCEPTIONAL TOTEMISM—conitd. 

REINCARNATION. 
1, °2,74, 6; E2,. 13, 17,-48, 29;:20,.21;/24; 26, 27,28 (p..193), 31, 32 
(pp. I9T, 192), 33, 34, 35, 38, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 
51, 52, 56 (pp. 152, 168), 65 (p. 192), 77 (p. 165), 222 (p. 193), 229 
(pp. 183, 184), 385, (R. H. Mathews: “‘ Notes on Some Native 
Tribes of Australia,’ Journ. Roy. Soc. N.S.W., 1906, XL, 198). 
MorTuARY TOTEMS, Totemic BURIAL CEREMONIES. 
24 (p- 193), 31, 32, 35, 37, 87 (Pp. 192-194), 90, 91, 95, 96, I19 
(pp. 193, 194), I2I, 122, 123, 214 (pp. 193, 194), 130 (Curr: III. 
388), 152 (Science of Man, IV, 46, 63). 
IsLAND OTHER-WORLD, CONNECTED WITH A BELIEF IN REINCARNATION. 
52, 56 (Pp. 198), 88 (p. 196), 87, 90, 91 (Pp. 194), 93 (PP. 193, 196), 
95, 96 (pp. 193, 196), TI9, 121, 122, 123, 124 (p. 194). 
IsLAND OTHER-WORLD WITHOUT REINCARNATION, BUT FORMERLY PERHAPS 
CONNECTED WITH THAT BELIEF. 
84, 85 (Angas I, 108), 89 (pp. 197, 198), 93 (p. 196), 111 (Pp. 205). 
REINCARNATION OF AN ANIMAL SPECIES, 
228 (p. 237). 
CONCEPTION THROUGH Foop. 
4 (Pp. 145), 6, 13, 17, a8 (p. 145), 1g 20 (p. 145), 52 (p- 145), 56 
(p. 145), 84 (p. 147), 85 (P- 147), 198 (p. 146), 199 (pp. 146, 148), 
- 232 (p. 146), 234 (p. 146), 237 (p. 146), 249 (p. 146), 264 (p. 146). 
Foop IN MARRIAGE RITES. 
52, 56 (p- 184), 89 (p. 184), 108 (p. 184), 199 (p. 184). 
FROG IN Riiipegeoias THEORIES. 
8 (p. 145), 24, 25 (p. 146), 198 (p. 146). 
fe aehses DUEL. 
4, 6, 13, 14, 18 (p. 145), 19, 20 (p. 145), 232, 234, 237, 249 (p. 146), 
256 (p. 146). 
CHANGE OF SEX IN SUCCESSIVE INCARNATIONS. 
6 (p. 205), 27 (p- 205), 28 (p. 205), 31 (Pp. 205), 47 (P- 205), 75, 77 
(p. 205), 76 (Pp. 205). . oe 36 i 
The Dieri are included in this list on the basis of Spencer, 
Northern Territory, 24, but as other authors do not mention this 
belief, or even positively state the absence of a belief in reincar- 
nation, the case is open to doubt. 

usually dispatched to Waddahgudjaelwon and sent by her to hang 
promiscuously on trees until some woman passes under where they 
are, then they will seize a mother and be incarnated. Instead of 
symbolizing the father and the mother in the same fiction (a trace 
of this is represented, in so far as spirit-children are sent by Bahloo 
to Waddahgudjaelwon, as the spermatozoa by the father to the 
mother), two versions of the same theme are introduced, thus leading 
to the characteristic repetition of motifs which we so often find in 
these conception-beliefs. 

According to the Cape Bedford blacks, the native spirits called 
Nguta-nguta or Talpan, who live in the dense woods or undergrowth, 
are they who send the babies along. These spirits have very long 
hair (a mythical exaggeration of the lanugo), big ears and two sets 
of eyes, one in front and the other behind, i.e. they hear and see 
everything (the front and back view of the embryo-beings is identi- 
cal) ; they are visible, however, to certain old men,3 and disappear 
into the ground whenever anyone else comes near,4 and are like 
human beings in that they have wives, children and spears.5 They 
say that babies are made in that portion of the west where the sun 
sets, and in their original condition are full-grown, but in their 
passage into their maternal forms take the form of a curlew if a 
girl, of a pretty snake if a boy.6 When once inside its human 
mother, baby takes its human shape again and nothing more is 
heard of that particular bird or snake. When at night the blacks 
hear the curlew, they will say, ‘‘ Hullo, there’s a baby somewhere 
about.” In the case of a boy the woman will probably go out 
hunting, suddenly sing out that she sees the snake, and then run 
away ; the whole party will join in looking to see where the serpent 
has gone, and turn over rocks, leaves and logs in their search. It 
cannot be found, and this is a sure sign that it has reached its 
destination, and the future mother knows that she is pregnant. 

« K. L. Parker, Austvalian Legendary Tales, 1897, 50. 

+ The “ devil-devil ’’ is supposed to possess no nose, two blanks for eyes and 
two additional eyes at the back of the neck, by means of which he can see a very 
long distance. He usually camps in holes or caves.—H. Basedow, “ Anthropological 
Notes on the Western Coastal Tribes of the Territory of South Australia.” Trans, 
of the R.S. of S. A., 1907, XXXI. 18. 

3 Amongst the Kia blacks it is the medicine man who tells the woman that she 
is about to be with child —W. E. Roth, l.c., 22. In the Kakadu tribe there is a 
close association between Numereji (the primeval snake-ancestor) and the medicine 
men: they alone are supposed not only to be able to see him, but to have eyes 
that can withstand his glance.—Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 295. 

+ We have seen this custom of the Altjiranga-mitjina, and also proved there 
what is meant by it: a regression into uterine life. 

s The Iruntarinia (a spirit people formed out of the spirit doubles of living men 
and associated with the birth stones) spend the winter in underground caves, where 
are streams of running water and perpetual sunshine, the two great desiderata of 
the Arunta native.—Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 513. 

6 The curlew and the snake would give another pair of conceptional sex-totems. 
—Roth, S. M. M., 22. 

Here it is the husband who asks for the baby “‘ to be sent as a 
punishment when vexed with his wife.”’* There can be no doubt 
about the truth of the last sentence; it is certainly the husband 
who is responsible for the origin of the baby, as it is he who introduces 
his “snake” or “‘bird”’ into the woman. Here there is the 
tendency to form a series of birth myths that lead up to the real 
birth: for the first time the baby is made in the west where the 
sun sets—that is, the setting sun is assimilated as in the myth of 
Maui and Hine-nui-te-po to a human being disappearing into the 
maternal womb.,? 

In the light of the foregoing an attempt can now be made to 
analyse the complicated birth mythology of the Central Australian 
tribes. We have already investigated these concepts 
in their simplest and more usual forms, recognizing 
behind the hunted animal and the eaten food the 
Oedipus complex and the oral erotic regression of the libido. We 
now shall come to the full-blown Arunta theory and try to solve 
the ‘‘ Central Mystery’: the spirit-children and the whole system 
of Churingas and Nanjas. We may as well take the Central 
Australian birth theories in their geographical order and begin from 
the south with the Urabunna. In certain respects the beliefs of 
the Urabunna tribe, which inhabits the country to the south of the 
Arunta, bear the same relationship to those of the Arunta nation 
as do the beliefs of the Warramunga tribe in the far north. 

In the Ularaka (the Alcheringa of the Arunta) there existed at 
first a comparatively small number of individuals who were half 
human and half animal or plant. These semi-human creatures 
were endowed with far greater powers than any living men or women 
possess. They could walk about either on the earth or beneath it, 
or could fly through the air. A great carpet-snake individual gave 
rise to the Carpet-snake group, two jew-lizards gave rise to the 
Jew-lizard group, one or two rain-creatures gave rise to the Rain 
group and so on. These semi-human ancestors wandered about 
all the country now occupied by the Urabunna tribe, performing 
sacred ceremonies, and when they did this they deposited in the 
ground or in some natural object such as a rock or water-pool 
which arose to mark the spot, a number of spirit-individuals called 
mai-aurli. After a time some of these became changed into men 
and women, who formed the first series of totem-groups. These . 
mai-aurli who came out of the body of the totem-ancestors have 
ever since the Ularaka continually been undergoing reincarnation. 
Pigeon rocks are inhabited exclusively by pigeon spirit-children, 

The Arunta 
theory. 

t Roth, S. M. M., 23. 

2 W. D. Westervelt, Legends of Maui, 1910, 136. FE, Schirren, Die Wandersagen 
dey Neuseelander und der Mauimythos, 1856, 33. L. Frobenius, Die Weltanschauung der 
Naturvolker, 1898, 183. 

Gyetlr dp 

II. 

IB BIE 

IV. 

Vi. 

VII. 

6. THE DISTRIBUTION OF CHURINGA 

» CHURINGA OF THE ARUNTA TYPE. 

(Associated with spirit individuals kept in totemic ertnatulunga), 
48, 50, 51, 52, 55, 50 (Sp. II, 212, 224, 257-74 Strehlow), 70, 71, 
77 (Siebert, Globus, 97, 49 p. 412), 222 (Sp. Il, 257-74), 229 
. 184). 

ee ae ASSOCIATED WITH SPIRIT INDIVIDUALS BUT NEVERTHELESS 
CONNECTED IN A CERTAIN DEGREE WITH THE TOTEMS. 
42, 43, 46, 47, 49 (Sp. I, 275-81). 

SACRED STICKS REPRESENTING THE TOTEM AND USED IN INTICHIUMA 
CEREMONIES. ; 
A, 6, 73, 17,19; 10920 (Sp. Ii 19S, 2775270). 

BULLROARERS RESEMBLE CHURINGAS IN’ CERTAIN RESPECTS. STORED 
AWAY IN ERTNATULUNGA. 
21,27 (Sp, Li. 273), 

. BULLROARER CAUSES CONCEPTION, MULTIPLIES ANIMAL SPECIES, OR 

EMPLOYED IN Love Macic. 
46 (p. 156), 47 (p. 156), 48 (Pp. 156), 51 (p. 156), 52 (p- 156), 54 
(p- 156), 56 (p. 154), 75 (P- 412), 222 (p. 156). 

STICKS CONNECTED WITH CHILDBIRTH BELIEFS; ANALOGIES TO THE 
CHURINGA. 
18 (p. 179)- 

MASCULINE AND FEMININE CHURINGA; FORMER CONNECTED WITH RE- 
INCARNATION, THE LATTER USED AS AMULET. 
229 (Z. E., 1907, 647). 

7 toerug tae 
— ; ? a Bee 
. oo / i 
"0, a i Asi; 46, Ge meen, 
es co ae re : 
? a z Ss ; 
of foe 

Ne Gul} of 

Carpentaria 

| 

se Ye 

"a f D840 é € 4 
—4 0 274 as es rane Ge: 
* AAG 
lee tarberteate By *) gh) hy 

\ 
Great Austaacian Bidnt 

Map No. 6. 
The Distribution of Churinga. 

but there is a water-pool where there are spirits belonging to the 
following totemic groups: Mosquito, Blow-fly, March-fly and Sand- 
fly.t The child belongs to the same totem moiety as its mother, 
but they believe that in each successive reincarnation the spirit-child 
changes its sex, moiety and totem. For instance, if a Kirarawa 
man of the Emu totem dies, his spirit goes back to the place at 
which it was left by the ancestor in the Ularaka. Hereat the totem- 
centre it remains for some time, but sooner or later it is reincarnated. 
The spirit of the former Emu Kirarawa man will not go into a 
Kirarawa woman; if it were to do so it would either be born 
prematurely and die or cause the death of the mother. When 
undergoing reincarnation it can only enter the body of a Matthurie 
woman, who, of necessity, belongs to another totem, and thus at 
each reincarnation the individual changes its moiety and totem.? 
The explanation of this belief is easy enough if we work on the 
hypothesis that the spirit is a symbolical representative of the 
spermatozoon. As a husband of a Matthurie woman can only be 
a Kirarawa man, “the spirit that goes into her”’ can only be a 
Kirarawa spirit, and as descent is through the mother, the child 
will be a Matthurie, thus changing its moiety with each generation. 
The totems are divided between the two moieties, so that a change 
of moiety means a change of the totem. But besides this they have 
also the belief that a spirit individual changes its sex at each succes- 
sive reincarnation. If we start with a Kirarawa man; he is rein- 
carnated as a Matthurie woman, and she again is reincarnated in 
the form of a Kirarawa man, and so on.3 This complicated system 
is the result of a condensation of various unconscious attitudes. 
To begin with, it symbolizes the original bi-sexuality of all living 
beings: in another incarnation, in the totem-centre (that is in the 
womb), he who is now a man was a woman and vice versa. But 
there is still more in it. According to the two-class system, with 
female descent a man is allowed to marry his daughter, but not 
his mother.4 In his post-mortem (and intra-uterine) life he attempts 
to realize this unconscious wish by changing from a Matthurie into 
a Kirarawa, but here again the ambivalency between desire and 
dread intervenes; as he is now a Kirarawa, there is nothing to 

t Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 145-47. Probably these various fly species 
originally formed one totem group. 

2 Unless she has had unlawful intercourse, in which case the death of mother 
or child is the punishment for her transgression. 

3 Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 149. The Wonkangaru have the same system: 
they also have the inapertwa myth of the Arunta. The belief in a change of sex 
at each reincarnation is also found in the Dieri and Warramunga tribe (Spencer, 
N. T. N. T. A., 1914, 24), as well as amongst the Mungarai, Yungman, Nullakun, 
and Mara.—Spencer, l.c., 267. 

4 Of course I am aware of the fact that a man is not really permitted to marry 
his daughter in the overwhelming majority of people who have a two-class system 
with female descent. But the class organization alone would be no obstacle. 

hinder him from marrying his mother (after death), unless his sex 
be changed, when he is no more a Kirarawa man but a Kirarawa 
woman. Lastly, there is the change of the totem: the totem- 
centre is not the decisive point, a pigeon-spirit will be reincarnated 
in an Emu woman of the other moiety and the children will be 
Emu. 

Further to the north we find the Arunta tribe; we must now 
grapple with the famous Churinga doctrine. 

After the Alcheringa ancestors had finished their wanderings 
they went back into the underground caves whence they had 
The vatapa originally come. Here they continued to exist as rella 
and the ngantja—hidden men—whilst their bodies were turned 
Churinga. into rocks, trees and bushes. In these rocks, trees and 
bushes the unborn children, the ratapa (derived from ratana: to 
come out, to originate) dwell, especially in the branches of the 
mistletoe that entwine themselves on some of these trees. Not 
only the entire body, but also parts of the body are turned into 
tjurunga: for instance, an eagle-ancestor lost a long feather and this 
“‘tjurungeraka’’ and now constitutes a separate totem. The fat 
of a kangaroo ancestor ‘“‘ tjurungeraka”’ and so forth. Many of 
the altjiranga mitjina turned themselves into tjurunga and are 
now kept in the sacred storehouses; others dropped tjurunga in 
their wanderings and these turned into trees and rocks, from which 
again the ratapa emanate. The ratapa are completely formed 
boys and girls, with body and soul ; their red colour is aptly compared 
by Strehlow to that of new-born Arunta infants.2) When a woman 
goes near one of the localities—called knanakala 3—where the 
metamorphosed body of the altjiranga mitjina dwells, one of the 
ratapa that has been on the look-out for her and recognizes her as 
his class-mother enters her body through the hips, causing her to 
feel pains in the inside. When the child is born it belongs to the 
totem of the altjiranga mitjina.4 

The difference between this account and that given by Spencer 
and Gillen is really merely a matter of words.s The oknanikilla 

« “ The bronze mistletoe branches, with their orange-red flowers, are said to 
be the disappointed babies whose wailing in vain for mothers has wearied the spirits, 
who transform them into these bunches, the red flowers being formed from their 
baby blood.’”—Parker, The Euahlayi Tribe, 1905, 51. As to the mistletoe, see 
Frazer, Baldey the Beautiful, 1913, Il. 77-79. * Strehlow, II. 51, 52. 

3 Knanakala, i.e. ‘‘ von selbst entstanden d. h. Empfangnis-Platz.”—Strehlow, 
Se 
4 Strehlow, II. 52, 53. As to other groups (‘the Arunta nation’), with this 
type of totemism, see Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 152. ; 

$ It is futile to argue about the question whether we have to do with the belief 
in reincarnation or incarnation, as it is evidently the spirit-children who emanate 
from the body of the Alcheringa ancestors that are reincarnated. The Alcheringa 
ancestor continues to exist in his “‘ eternal place,” and yet is present in the actual 
native, who is the altjiranga mitjina, or rather his “ Abspaltung,” a part of his 
personality. 5 

(knanakala of the western Arunta) is full of the spirit individuals 
of a certain totem; these are born into the woman.t When the 
spirit-child goes into the woman the Churinga is dropped. When 
the child is born the mother tells the father the position of the tree 
or rock near to which she supposed the child to have entered her, 
and he, together with one or two of the elder men, goes to the locality 
and searches for the Churinga. Either they actually find one, the 
paternal grandfather having provided himself with one for the 
occasion, or they make a wooden one from some hard-wood nearest 
to the Nanja tree, and carve on it some device peculiar to the totem.? 
Ever afterwards the Nanja tree or stone of the spirit is the Nanja 
of the child, and the Churinga is its Churinga nanja. 

There is a definite relationship supposed to exist between an 
individual and his Nanja tree or stone. In one case a blackfellow 
earnestly requested a white man not to cut down a 
particular tree because it was his Nanja tree, and he 
was afraid that if it was cut down some evil would 
befall him. At the present time the special association between a 
man and his Nanja tree lies in the fact that every animal upon the 
tree is taboo to him. If an opossum or bird be in the tree it is 
sacred and must on no account be touched.3 When the Alcheringa 
individuals went into the earth the Churinga remained behind and 
with it the spirit part: at the same time a Nanja rock or tree arose 
to mark the spot where the Alcheringa ancestor entered the earth. 
From that Nanja tree there issued another spirit, the Arumburinga 
of the Alcheringa individual ; so that at each totem-centre we have 
a group of what is called the Iruntarinia, each of whom is either a 
spirit associated with a Churinga or else the Arumburinga of one of 
these spirits. The spirit of each Alcheringa individual is watched 
over by an Arumburinga.4 These Iruntarinia (that is, the spirit- 
children, the Arumburinga) are aggregated in local totemic groups 
just as the living members of the tribe are. When a spirit individual 
goes into a woman there still remains the Arumburinga, which 
may be regarded as its double, and this may either dwell along with 
the Iruntarinia of whom it is of course one, or may follow the spirit 
which is within the woman, or it may attend the woman’s husband 
when out hunting. Some men are especially popular with the 
Iruntarinia; two or three of the spirit people will often assist 
them by driving the prey towards them. A man’s Arumburinga 
does not watch over him continuously, but only in a more or less 
general kind of way. For instance, if a man when out hunting with 
his eyes fixed on the prey suddenly happens to look down and see a 

t Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 124. 

2 Id., ibid., 132. The exact spot at which a Churinga was deposited was 
always marked by some natural object, and this is the spirit’s Nanja where it 
frequently dwells——Spencer and Gillen, N T., 124. 

3 Id., ibid., 133. 4Id., ibid., 513. 

The Nanja tree 
or stone. 

snake just where he was about to tread, then he knows at once that 
his Arumburinga is with him and prompted him to look down 
suddenly. The Arumburinga spend most of their time at the 
Nanja tree or rock, but they frequently visit their human repre- 
sentative, making themselves visible to him if he has the gift of 
seeing spirits.t. In addition to the medicine men who have the power 
of communicating with the Iruntarinia, there are others to whom 
this privilege is granted. Children who are born with their eyes 
open (alkna-buma) have this power when they arrive at maturity, 
provided that they grow up sedate, for the Iruntarinia much dislike 
scoffing, frivolous and chattering people. When all the mourning 
ceremonies have been carried out the Ulthana (ghost) is supposed 
to leave the grave and to return to its Nanja, where it rejoins and 
lives with its Arumburinga. This is exactly what it is not supposed 
to do according to Strehlow. After a time it gets itself another 
Churinga, with which it becomes associated just as it was before 
with the Alcheringa Churinga, and then after the lapse of some time, 
but not until the bones have crumbled away, it may once more be 
born in human form.? 

In general appearance the Iruntarinia are supposed to represent 
human beings, but they are always youthful-looking, their faces 
without hair, their bodies thin and shadowy. They 
steal various objects such as fur-string, so that a 
man will awake in the morning and find that his spare string 
has disappeared. He looks around for tracks, but finds none, 
and at once concludes that the Iruntarinia have been visiting 
him. He must not be angry or else he would offend them; 
moreover, he feels that his Arumburinga, who has most likely 
taken the string, needed it for some special purpose and will return 
it safely when done with. Sooner or later he will awake to find it 
by his side.3 Women are afraid to go out in the dark on account 
of the Iruntarinia, who might carry them away.4 They have their 
totems just like the men, whose doubles they in reality are, though 
at the same time, unlike the men, they are endowed with the powers 
characteristic of Alcheringa individuals.s Spirit-land is the land of 
doubles, and it is the doubles of the natives that are projected into 
space and materialized in the Churinga. 

In each Oknanikilla there is a spot called by the natives the 
Ertnatulunga. This is in reality a sacred storehouse, which usually 
has the form of a small cave or crevice in some unfrequented spot 
amongst the rough hills and ranges which abound in the area 
occupied by the tribe. The sacred Churinga are, in this cave, 
often carefully tied up in bundles, and in one or other of these store- 
houses every member of the tribe, men and women alike, is 

The Iruntarinia. 

t Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 514. 2 Id., ibid., 515. 3 Id., ibid., 516. 
¢ Id., ibid., 517. 5 Id., ibid., 518. 

represented by his or her Churinga nanja. When a Churinga is 
found after the birth of a child it is handed over to the head-man 
of the local totem group and deposited by him in the Ertnatulunga.? 
The immediate surroundings of one of these Ertnatulunga is a kind 
of haven of refuge for wild animals; because any hunted animal 
which ran by instinct or chance towards the Ertnatulunga was 
taboo as soon as it came close, and safe from the spear of the 
pursuing native. Even the plants in the immediate vicinity of 
the spot are never touched or interfered with in any way.? The 
Arumburinga of the individual is supposed to be especially fond of 
paying visits to the storehouse in which the Churinga is kept; it 
is feared that if the Churinga be taken away the Arumburinga will 
follow it, and thus the individual will lose the guardianship of the 
spirit.3 

The beliefs of the western groups differ in some details from those 
of the eastern Arunta, but only enough to be mutually illustrative. 
When the woman knows that a ratapa is in her, the paternal or 
maternal grandfather of the child (the woman’s father! cf. ante) 
goes to a Mulga tree and carves a small tjurunga for the child with 
an opossum tooth, he engraves the totem mark in the wood, smears 
it with red ochre, and then puts it into the cave where the other 
tjurunga are kept. When the child is born it continually cries after 
its tjurunga. So the grandfather gets the tjurunga out of the 
cave ; the women are told that the grandfather is looking for the 
tjurunga, or rather “ papa’”’ (wood, stick), that the child lost when 
it went into its mother. The tjurunga is wrapped in strings so that 
the women should not see it, and carried about in the pitchi that 
serves as a cradle to the child. ‘‘ The child is so laid in it that his 
head comes to lie exactly over the tjurunga papa. It is believed 
that secret powers flow from the tjurunga to the body of the child ; 
in consequence it gains rapidly and thrives.” 4 When the child is 
bigger the papa is put back into the arknanakaua (ertnatulunga) 
to the other tjurunga. When the boy has been circumcised he gets 
a big tjurunga (bullroarer called nankara). This nankara represents 
the mythical body of his mother’s totem-ancestor, his altjira who 
from this time onward is supposed to protect the rukuta in his 
wanderings. The women are told that the tjurunga nankara is the 
body of Tuanjiraka, the string by which it is swung is his pig-tail, 

1 Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 133. a Id., ibid., 134. 3 Id., ibid., 138. 

4 Strehlow, II. 80. Besides his own totem every native is associated with his 
mother’s totem called altjira. Although the children of one mother may belong 
to various totems by incarnation, yet they also. have one totem in common, “ which 
is regarded as their god, who nourishes and protects them just as a mother cherishes 
her child in its first years.” This altjira appears in the dreams of the blacks, and 
warns their friends concerning them.—Strehlow, I. 57. It is a question of great 
interest whether this altjira has anything to do with the sky-god Altjira. If this 

should be proved we could understand the connexion on the supposition that 
both represent the maternal grandfather. 

the buzzing sound, his voice. After the young man has been sub- 
incised he is called iliara instead of rukuta; he now gets a small 
tjurunga called namatuna that represents the body of his own 
totem-ancestor, his iningukua, who from henceforth again accom- 
panies and protects him. As we have seen in the explanation of 
the conception myth, this tjurunga is smeared with blood from the 
subincised penis (of which it thus becomes a symbolic equivalent) 
and swung to attract the love of the chosen girl. When he is already 
a married man the grandfather leads the native to the arknanakaua, 
shows him the tjurunga of his totem ancestor, and says, ‘‘ This you 
body are, nana (this) unta (you) iningukua (the same),do not take 
it to another place or you will feel pain.” So long as this tjurunga 
is in safe custody the personal security of the individual is not in 
danger. This tjurunga represents the mystical bond between the 
individual and his totem-ancestor. In his nightly wanderings the 
iningukua convinces himself that the tjurunga is safe, but if it 
should have been stolen, lost, or shown to the women, the iningukua 
gets angry and pricks his human representative with the point- 
ing sticks, so that he will get very ill or even die. If the 
tjurunga is being eaten by white ants, the iningukua appears in a 
dream and warns the man not to have connexion with foreign 
women. 

If a man dies his tjurunga is taken out of the arknanakaua and 
hidden somewhere, as the sight of it would make his friends sad. 
After about two years the tjurunga is brought back to the ark- 
nanakaua. If it is lost or moulders away it is not renewed: this 
is regarded as a sign that the ghostly existence of the individual 
who was once connected with the tjurunga has come to an end. 
When after wandering about the soul is annihilated by lightning 
the tjurunga body also ceases to exist. As to the meaning of the 
word, Strehlow translates tju as secret, hidden; runga as the 
personal, my own. Tjurunga—the personal mystery. The word 
is understood both as a substantive and as an adjective: ilia 
tjurunga = the emu cult. When the lizard totem-god was giving 
shape to the rella manerinja, he gave each of them a tjurunga and 
called it ‘‘ the body which was bound up with it.” When giving 
the Kangaroo-man a tjurunga, he said: “‘ This is the body of a 
kangaroo; you are derived from this tjurunga.”’ Strehlow says: 
“ The tjurunga is regarded as the common body of mankind and his 
totem-ancestors; it connects the individual with his personal totem- 
ancestors and guarantees him the protection which the inigukua 
bestows, whilst the loss of the tjurunga entails the latter’s revenge.”’ 
The relation between a man and his tjurunga is expressed in the 
sentence, ‘Nana unta mburka nama” (“ This you body are”’). 
Every man thus has two bodies: a body of flesh and one of wood or 

t Strehlow, A. & L., II. 80, 81. 

stone.t Women have also got tjurunga, but they are never allowed 
to see them.? 

The mystery of the Nanja tree and the tjurunga must be solved 
together or not at all. There is a striking parallelism between 
them. The individual issues from the tjurunga: the protecting 
genius (arumburinga) from the Nanja. The individual gets one of 
the tjurungas (the nankara or Tuanyiraka one) at circumcision : 
the Alcheringa ancestors placed their foreskins in their Nanja 
trees.3 Both the Churinga and the Nanja represent the body of 
the Alcheringa ancestors. Their body is subjected to a sort of 
splitting into tjurunga and Nanja. A grass-seed man of the Kaitish 
tribe feels that he has gone far enough; he puts his Churinga into 
the ground, thereby forming an oknanikilla. Then he walked by 
another track to the tree from which he had started and finally 
went into the ground there. That tree became his Nanja tree, 
where his spirit dwelt, though it continually paid visits to the 
Churinga in the oknanikilla.t On the other hand, the spirit 
associated with the Churinga haunts the Nanja, the ertnatulunga, 
which is in the immediate vicinity of the Nanja tree, is sacred and 
serves as a haven of refuge for animals.5 As we have seen, the Kaitish 
tribe imagine the totem-ancestor as continually walking to and 
fro from the Churinga to the Nanja. They call the Nanja tree 
ai-il-pilla : periodically a man will visit his Nanja tree or rock and 
clear a small space around, moving away pieces of bark and rubbish 
which may have accumulated. This is what the Arunta call 
ertnatulunga, the Kaitish call it moama. The Urabunna call the 
Nanja spot Watthili. This is where the spirit-ancestors dwell on 
the hill-side, and anything on it is strictly tabooed to the men with 
whom it is connected. A man of the Snake totem has a water-hole 
for his Nanja, and he neither drinks water there nor eats any fish 
which may be caught in it.® 

We have three starting-points from whence we may attempt 
the interpretation of the Nanja concept. 

Nanja is most probably the same word as Anjea. We have 
seen the birth theories associated with this spirit, but we did not 
mention that there was a duplicate of this belief 
intended to explain the origin of the soul, which may 
perhaps throw some light on the Central Australian state of affairs. 
On the Pennefather River the vital principles, the ngai and choi, 
are connected with the heart and the after-birth. The ngai talks 
to them and tells them when it is hungry or thirsty or wants to rest ; 
it talks to them in their sleep and causes dreams—that is, it protects the 
individual like the Arumburinga, and appears in his dreams like the 
arumburinga and altjirra. Nobody has a ngai till his father dies, 

Nanja and Anjea. 

t Strehlow, 4.@L., I]. 76,77. a JTd., Il. 78. 3 Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 341. 
4 Id., ibid., 396. § Id., ibid., 448. 6 Id., ibid., 449, 

the children inherit it from their father: a woman leaves hers 
to her younger sisters (Altjira—the mother’s totem = Ngai—the 
parents’ vital soul). When somebody is unconscious the ngai is 
separated from the body. The choi differs from the ngai principally 
in the fact that it is put into the body by Anjea as soon as he puts 
the baby into the mother’s womb. That portion of the choi which 
Anjea originally puts into the baby remains in its afterbirth. 
Parallels to this part played by the afterbirth are found elsewhere. 
In the Yas, Murrumbudgee and Tumat countries the afterbirth is 
buried by the mother and then taken up and burnt (“ delayed 
interment.) In New Zealand the placenta is called fenua = land: 
they suppose it to be the residence of the child, and if an offended 
priest procures it he can produce the death of mother and child by 
his incantations.! 

The placenta is considered as something too sacred to be trifled 
with. As soon as thrown off from the uterus, it is carefully put 
away from the reach of animals ; if eaten by any animal, that animal 
would certainly die.? 

To return, however, to Mapoon. When the child is born into 
the earth the grandmother takes the afterbirth away and buries 
it in the sand, marking the situation by a number of twigs 
stuck in the ground more or less in the shape of a cone. Anjea 
comes along, recognizes the spot, and taking the choi, carries 
it to one of his haunts, where he places it and where it remains 
for years in a hole in the rocks, in a tree or in a lagoon. Three 
or four such haunts are known at Mapoon, one amongst the sand- 
stone-rocks, another amongst the rocks at Trokanguno, a third 
amongst the timber along the mangrove swamps at Lalla, and a 
fourth in one of the fresh-water lagoons. When Anjea actually 
makes the mud-baby which he inserts into the mother, he puts in 
it a bit of the choi of his fatherif a boy, of her father’s sister if a girl ; 
when he makes the next little child he puts another bit, and so on. 
These bits taken from the yet unchanged choi correspond to the 
spirit-children continually emanating from the unchanged Alcheringa 
spirit. When the navel-string is cut by the grandmother the different 
haunts of Anjea are called out, and the name mentioned at the 
moment of the breaking tells them whence the choi was brought. 
The child’s own country, its ‘‘home’”’ where it in the future will 
have the right to hunt and roam, is thus determined, not by the 
place of actual birth, but by the locality where its choi has been © 
held captive, a place which may often be many miles away. “Hence 
a baby is sometimes spoken of as a Ko (tree), Akworra (rock, 
stone), Ngo-i (fresh water) manu (obtained or received from) agamo 

* G. Bennett, Wanderings in New South Wales, 1837, I. 127. 
 M. Moorhouse, South Australia, Papers. ordered by the House of Commons, 
1844, 355. 

(young infant). The naming ceremony reminds us of the way the 
individual names are given in connexion with the totem in Central 
Australia, and the part played by the grandparents is similar in 
both cases. Among the Yaraikanna at Cape York, when the front 
tooth is knocked out at initiation, with each blow the name is 
mentioned of one of the countries owned by the lad’s mother or by 
her father or other of her relatives. These names are given in order, 
and the country whose name is mentioned when the tooth breaks 
away is the land to which the child will belong. The child is twice 
divided from his mother, once when passing from embryo to infant 
life (navel-string cut), once when passing from infant to adult life 
(tooth-pulling), and in both instances he receives a symbolic and 
sublimated substitute for the mother he loses in mother-earth. 
The totem evidently forms a part of this complex, for the ari or 
individual totem is determined by the resemblance to a natural 
object of the clot of blood formed when a tooth is knocked out at 
the initiation ceremony.3 Not only the land, but the wife too, is 
a substitute for the mother. In the hinterland of Prince Charlotte 
Bay, when the tooth is being knocked out at the puberty ritual, the 
names of various eligible girls are called—the one which happens to 
be called when the tooth is actually knocked out being recognized 
as betrothed. Needless to say, the name of the favourite is always 
kept to the very last.4 

Now, if we try to interpret the rite of putting the afterbirth 
under a mound, the natural suggestion will be to regard the rite 
as an “‘ afterbirth,”’ a repetition of birth, which is enacted by the 
mother, who in this ritual identifies herself with her own daughter. 
She puts the afterbirth back into the uterus, whence it has to be 
taken out again by Anjea, who carries it to one of his haunts and 
thence into the womb: thus we have two mythical births that 
come before that actual birth, giving us another example of the 
fission of an unconscious concept into a whole series which is so 
characteristic of these beliefs. Now, an Anjea spot is a Nanja 
spot: when he saw the pictures of the former, Spencer told W. E. 
Roth that they were strongly suggestive of the spots haunted by 
spirit-children in the Central Australian tribes.5 The Nanja tree 
is an external soul, and we know the world-wide custom of burying 
the afterbirth or navel-string under a tree as the life-token of the 

t Roth, S. M. M., 18. 

2 Haddon, Cambridge Expedition to Torres Straits, V. 221. 

Sd 6a V eos: 

4 W.E. Roth, ‘‘ Marriage Ceremonies and Infant Life,” B. N. Q. E., 10, 1908, 4. 

5 Roth, S. M. M., 18. In Central Australia and Queensland we have mythical 
birthplaces, in New South Wales we have real ones. When a woman approaches 
the period of labour she is conducted to the locality which has been assigned by 
the elders as the place where that particular woman must give birth to her 
offspring. Certain spots are fixed by the elders for women to repair to in such 
cases.—R, H. Mathews, op. cit., 15. 

child. We shall thus offer the hypothesis that the Nanja tree and 
rock are projections of the maternal womb, and if this is true their 
immediate vicinity, the totem centre and especially the Ertnatu- 
lunga, can be nothing else either. 

Since the Ertnatulunga is a cave in which the spirit ancestors 
and the children who are about to be incarnated lead their pre- 
The totem-centre 202d post-natal tjurunga-life, since the Iruntarinia, 
asasymbolical the spirit-doubles of existing aboriginals live in 
Rae: underground caves, since the totem-ancestors are 
supposed to live on with red bodies like an embryo in these places 
where they went down into the earth, there can hardly be any 
doubt that the Ertnatulunga, the first germ of a city of refuge,! the 
place where children are incarnated, is a symbolic womb. We 
know that for the neurotic the feeling of safety is originally and 
unconsciously associated with the idea of regression into the maternal 
womb, and thus we shall find it comprehensible that this idea 
originated out of the same unconscious complexes in the history 
of humanity. The Nanja spot and the Anjea haunt offer the two 
contrary sides of a medal that are so characteristic of the ambivalent 
totemic complex ; the former is the place where no man may hunt 
on account of its special magico-mystical connexion with his own 
person, the latter is the place where the individual has a special 
right to hunt, for exactly the same reason. 

We remember that the first explanation we gave to totemism 
was that it might be regarded as the psychical survival of the animals’ 
physical reaction to environment, and now we see that this phylo- 
genetical repetition is effected through the means of an ontogenetic 
repetition ; the second environment met with by the individual in 
his post-natal life is psychically assimilated to the first environment 
that he has left behind himself in the maternal womb. The totem- 
centre, the germ at once of the temple and the altar in the evolution 
of humanity, is a symbolical uterus. 

The second starting-point for tackling our problem is the evident 
identity of the Euahlayi Goomarh and Mingeah with the Arunta 
s sipecstiyesoed Nanja. The Minggah or spirit-haunted tree of an 
Of tie Eolas. individual usually chosen from amongst the man’s 

multiplex totems is both a source of danger to him 
and a help,? as the injury suffered by the tree evidently also injures 
the man. Ina magician’s Minggah the shadow-spirits he has stolen 
from his enemies are secreted, and there he often keeps his Yunbeai, 
that is, his animal familiar or individual totem.3 Only the greatest 

« Cf. Spencer and Gillen, Noy. T., 267. » Parker, The Euahlayi Tribe, 190 5, 21. 

3 Id., ibid., 29, The yunbeai is absolutely taboo like the Arunta totem, but the 
totem which is inherited from the mother may be eaten (Parker, 20), like the 
Arunta altjira, or maternal totem. It is the totem which warns people in their 
dreams exactly as the Arunta altjira does. Altjira (and the Loritja Tukura) have 
emu-feet (Strehlow, op. cit., I), and the Baiamai of the Euahlayi, whose lower 
extremities are deformed, is said to have hunted his mother-wife, the emu, 

wirreenuns have stone Goomarh instead of Minggah,? just as stone 
Churingas are in a certain sense valued higher than wooden ones. 
And, last but not least, the Minggah and Goomarh are places of 
refuge in time of danger: no one save the wirreenun, whose 
spirit tree it was, would dare to touch the refuge.2 The identity 
between Goomarh and Nanja being now completely established, 
we may remind the reader that Bahloo launches the spirit- 
children into existence from his Goomarh that rises with the water 
like the child coming out of the amniotic fluid in the maternal 
home. 

Our interpretation gains additional force from these parallels ; 
we will augment theirnumber by a third. On the Goulburn River 
there are quite a number of dead trees, every one of them representing 
a member of an extinct tribe. The teeth are knocked out at initia- 
tion and given to the mother ; it is she who hides them in the bark 
of a young gum tree. If the person to whom the tree is dedicated 
in this way dies, the bark is torn from the tree-trunk.3 In the 
Pilbarra district the closing part of the initiation ceremony takes place 
as follows. After about a month, when the buckley (= young boy) 
has recovered, the elders take him to some bark creek, where, after 
further rites, the elders remove the foreskin that has been previously 
fastened in the buckley’s hair and now dried; after raising the 
bark of a young tree they force the skin between the wood and the 
bark, the bark closing over it. They then express the hope that 
the youth may flourish like the green-tree.4 Now this is exactly 
what the Alcheringa ancestors of the Arunta did with their foreskins ; 
they hid them in their Nanja trees with whom their spirits were 
henceforth connected.s When the Kaitish knock out a tooth they 
throw it as far as possible in the direction of the Alcheringa camp 
of the mother.6 Amongst the Gringai the youth’s mother is the 
custodian of the tooth that is knocked out at initiation.?7 The 
Kamilaroi give the tooth to the lad’s mother. The tooth and the 
foreskin are substitutes for the lad and equivalent symbols ; instead 
of the boy she loses at initiation she gets at least his tooth (foreskin), 
that is the infantile components of his libido which for ever must 
remain riveted to the mother, or, what is the same thing symboli- 
cally told, placed in a tree. Thus, from this point of view, we find 

t Parker, The Euahlayi Tribe, 1905, 27. 2 Id., ibid., 36. 

3 Roheim, Spiegelzauber, 1919, 11, 12. R. Etheridge, ‘‘ Geological and Ethno- 
logical Observations in the Valley of the Wollondilly River,” Records of the Australian 
Museum, II, 1892-96, 49, 52, 54. Id., “‘ The Dendroglyphs, or ‘Carved Trees,’ of 
New South Wales,” Memoirs of the Geological Survey of New South Wales, Ethnological 

Series, No. 3. ae oe 

4 Withnell, The Customs and Traditions of the Aboriginal Natives of N.W.A., 
19OI, 10. 

5 Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 341. 

6 Id., ibid., 589. 7 Howitt, N. T., 575. 

8 J. Fraser, The Aborigines of New South Wales, 1892, 14. 

again the Nanja tree to be a symbol of the mother, or what amounts 
The bathibe to the same thing, of the uterus.' The Erathipa is a 

‘sort of Nanja object. A plum-tree-boy went into the 
ground taking with him a store of Churinga, and the Erathipa stone 
arose to mark the spot and forms the centre of an Oknanikilla of the 
Plum-tree totem, the stone being the home of all the many spirit- 
individuals, one of whom was associated with each of the Churinga.? 
On one side of the stone there is a round hole, through which the 
spirit-children are supposed to be on the look-out for women who 
once may chance to pass near, and it is firmly believed that visiting 
the stone will result in conception. If a young woman has to pass 
near the stone and does not wish to have a child, she will carefully 
disguise her youth, distorting her face and walking with the aid 
of a stick. She will bend herself double, like a very old woman, 
the tones of whose voice she will imitate, saying: ‘‘ Don’t come to 
me; I am an old woman.’’ Above the small round hole a black 
line is painted with charcoal, and this is always renewed by any 
man who happens to visit the spot. It is called Iknula, and a black 
line such as this painted above the eye of a newly born child which 
is supposed to prevent sickness. Erathipa means a child, but is a 
word seldom used according to Spencer, the usual expression being 
Ambaquerka.3 The Erathipa stone arises where an Alcheringa 
ancestor goes into the earth; it forms part of an Oknanikilla; it 
may well be called a specialized form of Nanja rock. Erathipa is 
the ratapa of the western Arunta; this means, as we have seen, 
the embryo. The stone seems, then, to be a symbolical womb, and 
the hole through which the spirit-children look out for the women 
represents the vagina. 

A similar concept with reference to trees is found in the Warra- 
munga tribe. Here the women are very careful not to strike the 
trunks of certain trees with an axe, because the blow might cause 
spirit-children to emanate. They imagine that the spirit is very 
minute, about the size of a small grain of sand, that it enters the 
navel and grows within her into the child.+ It is easy to understand 

t The “ ernatulunga’”’ are always small caves or crevices. In Western Australia 
“dumbu " means womb, “ dumbun”’ a cave or cavern.—G. F. Moore, Diary of an 
Early Settler in Western Australia, with a Vocabulary of the Language of the Aboriginals, 
1884, 25. In a myth of the Buandik tribe, Craitbul’s sons are represented as living 
in a cave when they are escaping from their father’s wrath. ‘ After a time they 
began to get tired of the cave, being desolate, alone, and repentant of the evil thing 
they had done in stealing the kangaroos from Craitbul and the sorrow they had 
caused their mother by leaving home. One morning, as the boys were speaking 
about their mother, one of them said: ‘It is raining.’ The other replied: ‘ Yes, 
open your mouth and drink.’ The water tasted like the milk from their mother’s 
breast. They hurried out of the cave, and to their joy met their mother,’— 
T. Smith, The Booandik Tribe of South Australian Aborigines, 1880, 1 5. The myth 
speaks for itself; life in the cave is intra-uterine life, followed by birth and by 
tasting the mother’s milk. + Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 336. 

3 Id., ibid., 337, 338. 4 Id., Nor. T., 331. 

_ this latter typically infantile sex-theory. The navel is substituted 
for the vagina, and the blow directed against the tree-trunk answers 
to the infantile sadistic concept of coitus. But if we investigate 
the matter somewhat further we come to the conclusion that these 
trees and stones are not simple symbols with one conscious and 
one unconscious content, but the results of a process of con- 
densation. The Erathipa (ratapa) stone, at any rate, means both 
the womb and the child (embryo) in the womb. The same 
black line is painted above the eye of the new-born child, that 
is renewed by every man over the hole of the Erathipa stone, 
which gives the equations stone  child, hole eye-hole. We know 
that by the mechanism of displacement upwards the eye is a 
frequent symbol of the vagina, and in this case the vagina in the 
stone is indeed the eye-hole through which the spirit-children look 
out into the world. In the first instance the black line means the 
black hair above the female genitalia, and in a secondary sense it 
stands for the eyebrows. The remedy used against sickness is a 
regressive libidinisation : the child is reminded of its 
aoe tothe intra-uterine life. A similar part is played by the 
tjurunga. We remember that the child is said to 
have lost something when it went into its mother, this is the 
tjurunga which the women call papa (= stick). | 
In the Kakadu tribe, when it is quite evident that one of the 
spirit-children entered the woman, the father of the child first of 
all makes some string out of opossum-fur, which he puts into a 
little bag that is carried round his neck. Unless this be done the 
child will be born blind. Then he takes some of the sticky material 
that he procures from an orchid growing on the trunks of trees 
and smears this over a short stick, which he hands to the woman, 
saying: ‘‘ You havea child.” The stick is called Tjubulinjuboulu. 
It is enclosed in a dilly bag, specially made for it, and in this it is 
carried about by the woman, who must not part with it. I think 
we shall get at the truth if we take the words of the father who 
hands the stick to the woman in their literal sense: the stick in the 
bag is the child in the womb that has been “‘ handed ” to the woman 
by her husband. She sleeps with it under her head and may not 
talk at night-time. It is tightly tied up in a bag lest it should be 
lost, in which case the child would die in the womb and the father 
would be very angry and punish the woman. The stick remains 
in the bag and is carried about until the child is born, after which 
it is carefully kept until the child begins to walk. The father then 
takes it away from the woman and hands it to some relative such 
as his brother, telling him to carry it to some camp a long way off. 
The messenger ceremonially approaches the camp with the stick, 

t Strehlow, 4. & L., II. 80. 

where it is kept for a day or two. Then the .messenger returns 
accompanied by some of the strangers. When they are a little 
distance away from the home camp where the mother and child 
are living, they halt for an hour or two and are then invited to come 
in; the mother brings the child up to them, having previously 
painted a white line across its forehead and lines of dots across its 
cheeks or nose. She herself is decorated in just the same way. 
The stick is given to the child, together with different kinds of 
dilly-bags, waist girdles, etc., brought by the visitors, to whom the 
relatives of the child give spears in exchange, etc. After this is 
over a general corroboree is held. As yet no name is given to the 
child, though the father knows what it is to be. Finally, he takes 
the stick, breaks it in pieces, and throws them into a waterpool.! 
The birth-stick of the child that serves as a medium of establishing 
relations of exchange and barter with a foreign tribe corresponds 
to the ngia-ngiampe custom of the Narrinyeri. When a man has a 
child born to him he preserves its umbilical cord by tying it up in 
the middle of a bush of feathers. This is called a kalduke. He 
then gives this to the father of a child or children belonging to 
another tribe, and those children are thenceforth ngia-ngiampe 
to the child from whom the kalduke was procured. The ngia- 
ngiampe mutually do not touch, speak or go near to each other, 
but when two individuals who are in this position with regard to 
each other have arrived at adult age, they become the agents through 
which their respective tribes carry barter.? 

On the one hand it seems that the birth-stick is equivalent to 
the tjurunga, on the other hand it represents the total personality 
of the child just as the umbilical cord does. The papa-tjurunga is 
restituted to or rather stowed away in the arknanakaua after a certain 
time when the child grows, and the birth-stick is thrown away 
into a pool3 (uterine symbol) when the child has learnt to walk. 
It seems that both represent the body of the individual only up 
to a certain stage of his ontogenesis. In the Kakadu and allied 
tribes the navel-string plays a very similar part to the birth-stick. | 
The navel-string is dried and carried about in one of the small 
bags that the natives wear suspended from a string around the 
neck. When once the child can move about freely it is thrown 
into a waterpool, but up to that time it must be carefully preserved 
or else the child becomes ill and probably dies. Should the child 
die before it is thrown away it is burnt, but if it be burnt while the 

t Spencer, N. T. N. T. A., 328-330. : 

2 Taplin, The Narrinyert Tribe, 33. Teeth seem to serve a similar purpose. 
Robert Brothers, ‘‘ Travelling Teeth: An Aboriginal Custom,” The Australasian 
Anthropological Journal, 1896, 19. ‘‘ The tooth travels for twenty years or so, 
and the man’s life is then under the protection of these foreign tribes.” 

3 The teeth that are knocked out are also frequently thrown into a pool of water. 
(They represent the person up to the age of initiation.) 

child is alive the result is again serious illness and probably death. 
If the child dies while the mother is carrying the navel-string this 
is attributed to her having broken a taboo. If we thus come to 
equate the papa-tjurunga with the navel-string, we shall not be 
surprised to find that it plays a part in Arunta custom that is very 
similar to that attributed to the navel-string in European folklore.* 
The tjurunga is wrapt in string, put into the child’s pitchi; when 
“he cries for it the head of the child comes to lie upon the tjurunga, 
and this is supposed to make it grow quicker and to have soothing 
influence on its temper.’’3 But if the tjurunga is, as we have just 
seen, in certain respects the equivalent of the navel-string, or as 
we remarked previously, of the afterbirth from which also the 
spirit of the child is supposed to have been taken, this cannot satisfy 
us, aS we must put the question, What does the navel-string (after- 
birth) that is thrown into the waterpool after a certain time 
represent? The answer is evident: it represents a period of 
ontogenesis, the psychical relationship between mother and child. 

I think that the Idnimita (Grub) tradition of the Unmatijera tribe 
contains the key to the whole problem. These grubs were in the 
Alcheringa first hairy caterpillars who walked about on the Idnimita 
bushes eating the leaves. By and by they began to develop and 
the wind brought them down at India, the present central spot 
of the Grub totem. Like all the other grubs, it bored its way into 
the roots of the tree and there lay quiet in its irtnia, that is, 
chrysalis case. After a time it came out of this and changed into 
an inmintera (inapertwa creature). Gradually he grew bigger and 
bigger. He was stiff and could not undouble himself. An old crow 
came and made him into a man with a few slashes of his bill. When 
he was transformed from the first imperfect creature into a Grub 
man he lay down all day with his chrysalis case, out of which he had 
come by his side. This was his Churinga and was coloured red. 
From it there issued many Kurna or spirit-individuals, which later 
on gave rise to Idnimita men and women.4 The answer to the 
question is clear enough: the tjurunga is the chrysalis case of 
Thechuringa  ™an in a pre-natal stage of development ; in a word, 
symbolizes the the foetus, the embryo. The red tjurunga is the 
oe. same thing as the red body of the totem-ancestors, 
as the red colour of the ratapa ; the totem ancestors, who themselves 
are supernatural embryos, change into tjurunga. The omnipotence- 
phantasy of intra-uterine life is materialized in the magic power of 
the tjurunga. The tjurunga also unites the individual with his 
ancestor : the embryonic stage of development is common to both, 

1 Spencer, N. T. N.T. A., 325. 

a Cf, Frazer, The Magic Art, 1911, 1. 182-203. Id., Balder the Beautiful, 1913, 
II. 162, 163. Rdheim, Contributions to Hungarian Folklore, 1920, 280. 

3 Strehlow, II. 80; IV. 3. 4 Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 156, 157. 

and the embryo is physically the same person as the father. But 
we must give our meaning greater precision. The tjurunga is a 
symbol, a material substitute for the embryo, as it survives in the 
unconscious of the infantile adult. 

The union between himself and his tjurunga is truly “sein 
eigener Geheimer,”’ his most secret, most personal mystery; and this 
tjurunga can with full right be called his other body, the body he 
possessed in another, radically different state of existence. The 
tjurungas stored up in the erthalunga are embryos lying in their 
mother’s womb. It is they who represent the continuity, the 
very essence of the tribe, or, as Durkheim puts it, of society ; their 
loss may really be regarded as foreboding a dread calamity. 

We find another theory of Frazer’s justified; it approximates 
the truth as far as theories that do not take account of the uncon- 
scious elements of the psyche can: he thinks that the afterbirth 
which is treated as a sort of double of the child is the germ of the 
concept of an external soul.t This is very true, but the afterbirth 
again stands for the pre-natal stage in development when the child 
enjoyed the same safety in the maternal womb that is now regres- 
sively revived in the phantasies of hiding the essence of life in a 
soul-box or the like. When the grandfather brings the Churinga 
out of the arknanakaua, this is equivalent to bringing the infant out 
of the womb, a mystical repetition of birth. If the child is said to 
lose the tjurunga when entering the uterus, this means that the state 
of double existence embodied in the tjurunga, a real body and a 
mystical body made up out of embryo reminiscences, does not exist; 
for the embryo the reality replaces the symbol—man is an embryo 
and hence he can have no tjurunga. When the papa-tjurunga is 
carried back to the ertnatulunga, this means that the period of infant 
life which is regarded as a sort of “‘ marge” between foetal and 
external life comes to an end. 

Evidently the applicability of our theory here comes to an end 
too, for the nankara, which is the body of the maternal totem 
ancestor and is given to the boy at initiation, hardly fits in with 
the embryo concept. Tuanyirika, whom it is said to represent in 
the esoteric myth, is the bullroarer of the mysteries,2 and deserves 
a separate treatise fully to understand his import. Here we must 
content ourselves with the remark that, with his one leg cut off,3 
Tuanyirika is the penis in the state of symbolic castration repre- 
sented by circumcision. He represents another phase in the 

t Frazer, The Magic Art, 1911, I. 201. 

* R. Pettazzoni, ‘“‘ Mythologie Australienne du Rhombe,” Revue de l’Histoive 
des Religions, 1912, LXV. 149. 

$ Strehlow, I. 10z, The mother’s totem is Altjira, Altjira is Baiamai, Baiamai 
is Daramulun’s counterpart in the mysteries. Daramulun has one leg, like 
Tuanyiraka. On one-legged beings, cf. Schmidt, ‘‘ Die Stellung der Aranda,” 
Z. f. E., 1908, 895. Id., Ursprung der Gottesidee, 1912, 374-376. 

development of personality ; it is still the mother who is dominant, 
but in the person of her totem ancestor, her father. Next we come 
to the namatuna, which, as we have seen, is most evidently the 
symbol of the penis and stands for the child’s own ancestor. But 
his own ancestor and he are one and the same person ; iningukua 
means “the same.” Thus it is he himself who “ threw ” his mother 
with the namatuna before he was born and obtained the unconscious 
wish-fulfilment of his Oedipus attitude. It would fain seem to us 
that this second meaning of the tjurunga was there from the very 
first, only it had to be repressed exactly on account of the unconscious 
Oedipus complex it involves,and thus we get the second equation: 
tjurunga  child and tjurunga penis. The tjurungas in the 
sacred caves = the penis in the vagina, and hence these spots are 
full of “‘spirit-children”’ that is spermatozoa. After subincision 
the repressed concept is permitted to manifest itself in symbolic 
fashion. The tjurunga bitten by white ants means intercourse 
with foreign women; evidently the dreaded vagina is symbolized 
by the white ant. Women also have tjurunga, but they are not 
allowed to see them: according to the sex theories of masculine 
children all persons have got a penis, only women’s is invisible.t 
The tjurunga from which a man originates thus stands for his own 
father (the father-imago), the Alcheringa ancestor or rather his 
father’s penis with which he ‘‘ threw”’ his mother. 
Although we are of the opinion that both meanings, embryo 
and penis, are condensed in all the variants of the tjurunga type, 
yet we would classify the small ones (namatuna) 
The bullroarer : : : 
ised in Tave~ used for love-magic as pre-eminently penis symbols 
oe ie and the large ones, ‘“‘ the second bodies,” as pre- 
: eminently embryos. A striking, and as far as such 
proof is possible, conclusive, confirmation of our interpretation 
is contained in the beliefs of the Niol-niol. The middle-sized ones, 
the womat, are not important for our immediate purposes—at any 
rate they? have something to do with sexuality. The small ones are 
called Mandeken, the large ones are called Mirnbor. Now we come 
to the startling statement that ‘‘ Mandeken ibaldien Mirnbor,” the 
small tjurunga, is the father of the big one.3 Philology helps us. 
Mandeken is the same word as the Loritja mantiki, mantiki is 
Loritja for the Arunta namatuna.4 Thus the Mandeken would 
be the penis, and what is the Mirnbor? The Mirnbor is decorated 
with an ornament that represents a duck wallowing in the mud 
for its food.s Mirnbor means a Duck-man, and the Nijers, the 
souls of the dead, exist in the woods in the shape of “ Duck- 
1 Cf, Freud, Neuvosenlehre, III. 26, 
1 H. Klaatsch, ‘‘ Schlussbericht iiber seine Reise nach Australien,” Z. E., 

1907, 652. : 
3 Klaatsch, l.c. 4 Strehlow (note by Leonhardi), II. 82. 

5 Klaatsch, l.c., 651. 

people.” 1 After a time the Njer gets incarnated in the body of 
an animal, in this it develops to a Rai (= ratapa), a spirit-child 
that is capable of being incarnated in a woman.? If the small 
Two types of . Mandeken is the penis, the large Mirnbor (= Duck 
churinga wallowing in mud—souls of dead—unborn children in 
Seat ike the womb) is the embryo, and thus ‘‘ Mandeken 
penis andthe ibaldien Mirnbor’”’ means the penis is the father of 
enhiye- the embryo. Every Niol-niol has a Mandeken and a 
Mirnbor, and these he keeps in a tree reserved for the purpose; or, 
as the Arunta would say, in his Nanja tree, and as we put it, in 
the uterus.3 

The interpretation of the tjurunga as embryo is not without 
further consequences. The tendency to see one’s own double has 
in psycho-analysis been always understood to be the result of 
the narcissistic stage of psychosexual evolution, or to put it shortly, 
an outcome of self-love. In his essay on narcissism,4 Freud 
describes the various types of object-love on the basis of narcissism, 
one of which he says is the desire or love of the narcissistic indi- 
vidual for his own infantile personality. 

In general appearance the Iruntarinia are supposed to resemble 
human beings, but they are always youthful-looking, their faces 
are without hair and their bodies are thin and shadowy.s What 
are the Iruntarinia? They are the Arumburinga issued from the 
individuals Nanja tree (maternal womb) and the tjurunga-spirits. 
The ultimate source of the narcissistic desire for the infantile per- 
sonality is the desire for the return to the first stage in the evolution 
of personality: the “ other body ” of man is himself in the different 
condition of intra-uterine life. 

Narcissism is characterized by an overestimation of the subject 
and an undervaluation or perfect negation of the object, both of 
these attitudes being comprehensible enough if we regard them 
as symptoms of regression towards a state of things in which the 
Ego is indeed almighty and the world non-existent. 

The relation of these narcissistic doubles to each other is a 
question of special interest. There are two archetypes to be dis- 

Phechaicing tinguished: (a) The Unchanged, (b) The Transfor- 

and the mative. The former is represented by the Alcheringa- 
pro iy ancestor living on in his ‘ eternal” (ngara) rock or 

tree, the latter by the spirit-individuals always on 
the look-out for fresh incarnations. In other words, the Arum- 
buringa that issues from the Nanja tree is changeless and lives for 

* Klaatsch, Z. E., 1907, 650. : 

* Klaatsch, Die Anfange von Kunst und Religion in der Urmenschheit, 1913, 35. 

3 Cf. on the ertnalunga as places of refuge, in the Mungarai tribe (Spencer, 
N.T. N. T. A., 214), in the Kaitish (Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 270). 

4 S, Freud, Zur Einfiihrung des Narcissmus, Jahrbuch, 1914, VI. 

5 Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 516. 

ever; and the spirit part of the Alcheringa individual which also 
lives for ever, but from time to time undergoes reincarnation. 
An important parallel to these ideas, together with the nescience 
of the relation of cohabitation and procreation, is (by nescience we 
mean, of course, the repression of conscious knowledge) found in 
the Kakadu tribe. After death the Yalmuru, that is the spirit 
part, keeps watch over the bones (benogra). After some time the 
Yalmuru, as it were, divides into two, so that we have the original 
Yalmuru and second spirit called Iwaiyu. The two are distinct 
and have somewhat the same relation to another as a man and 
his shadow, which to the native mind are very intimately associated.? 
For a long time they remain together, but when the Yalmuru 
desires to undergo reincarnation the two leave the Benogra or 
bones, which are always some distance out in the scrub, often 
miles away from a camp. They go forth together—the Iwaiyu 
leading, the Yalmuru behind. The Yalmuru takes the Iwaiyu and 
puts it in the form of a small frog into some food which the natives 
are searching for. When the man has secured the food, out jumps 
the frog, unseen, of course, by the men. It is caught by the 
Yalmuru, and the two spirits return to their camping-place.3 
Here the doubling of motives begins again. Like their doubles 
the natives also return to their camp with the food quite uncon- 
scious of the fact that the Yalmuru and Iwaiyu have had anything 
to do with the matter. At night-time the two latter come back 
again to the camp and watch the men and women. The Iwaiyu 
is again in the form of a little frog. When all are asleep the two 
come up to the camp and enter the mia-mia where the man and 
his wife are sleeping. The Iwaiyu goes up and smells the man ; 4 
if it be not the “‘ right’ father he says “‘ ngari koyada”’ (not this 
one). He tries another one, finds him right, and says “‘ ngari 
papa” (this one is my father). Then he goes and smells the 
latter’s lubra. The Iwaiyu gets into her hair, then teels her breasts 
and says, “‘ these are my mother’s breasts; this is my mother.” 
Then he comes down and goes into the woman. The Yalmuru 
returns to the old camp. Every now and then he comes and looks 
at the woman, but does not speak. When it is evident that the 
woman is going to have a child, the Yalmuru comes up to the 
camp at night-time and tells the father that the child is there, tells 
him its name and also its totem. The case of Ungara illustrates 
x Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 515. 2 Cf. Strehlow, A. & L., II. 82. 
3 The food in which the Iwaiyu was placed is the child’s totem: the latter is 
thus always selected by the Yalmuru.—Spencer, N. T. N. T. A., 271. Cf. above. 
4 The presence of the choi (birth-spirit) can be recognized by the nose. The 
smell of carbolic acid that was used to dress a wound was attributed by natives to 
the choi.—W. E. Roth, lic., 18. On the Tully River, if a gin has connexion with 
a boy, the perspiration from under the armpit of the latter can be smelt on her.— 

W. E. Roth, lic., 22. The close connexion of the olfactory nerves with the genital 
organs is a well-known fact. 

the affair. When his father’s brother died, his benogra or bones 
were left for some time in a tree not far from the camp at which 
he died, but later on they were carried more than twenty miles 
away and placed in a banyan tree overhanging a pool. Ungara, 
who had his wife Obaiya and one child with him, was once camped 
near this place. He threw his net into the water and then he 
left it there for some little time. He went into the water to drive 
the fish into the net. He did not know that the Yalmuru had 
already done this, and that the Iwaiyu was in one of the fishes. 
The net was so heavy that he called out to Obaiya to help him 
to lift it. While they were doing this the Iwaiyu jumped out 
and was caught by the Yalmuru, and then they both went back 
to the bones. Ungara and his wife carried the fish home at night, 
the Yalmuru and Iwaiyu came and the latter went into Obaiya. 
When the child is young the Yalmuru watches over it. If it strays 
away in camp and gets lost in the bush, the Yalmuru guides it 
back, and later on, when the child has grown into a man, the 
Yalmuru still helps it. In fact, a good deal depends on the Yal- 
muru, because if it be not vigilant some other hostile spirit may 
work evil magic against the individual associated with the Yalmurus 
Iwaiyu. Finally, when the individual becomes really old, the 
Yalmuru comes one night and whispers into his ear, “ Iwaiyu, 
you look after a child, my back-bone and thighs are no good, and 
sore—you look after the Yereipunga (totem).’’ In other words, 
the Yalmuru is supposed to tell the Iwaiyu, that is the spirit within 
the man, that he is worn out and that the Iwaiyu must take on the 
part of providing for a new child being born, and must look after 
its totem. As the natives say, ‘“‘ The old Yalmuru is done for 
completely,” “‘ the Iwaiyu is the new Yalmuru.” 

Now let us hear Spencer’s explanation of these concepts: “‘ It 
is really rather like a very crude forerunner of the theory of the 
The continuity Continuity of the germ-plasm. The old Yalmuru 
of the splits, as it were into two—one half, the Iwaiyu, 
germplasm. — persists, and the other finally disappears. In its 
turn the former becomes transformed into a Yalmuru, which again 
splits; one half remains, the other perishes, but there is an actual 
spiritual continuity from generation to generation.’”’! This time 
we must say that “‘ the plummets of Professor Spencer have indeed 
struck the very bottom” 2: the possibility of this sort of ‘‘ fore- 
knowledge’’ being contained in the unbroken continuity of psychical 
unconscious and conscious life processes. But this meaning lies 
so very deep in the abyss of evolution that naturally we must 

t Spencer, N. T. N. T. A., 1914, 270-274. 

+ With regard to his conceptional theory of totemism, Frazer says: “ After 
years of sounding, our plummets seem to touch bottom at last.’’—Frazer, ‘‘ The 

Beginnings of Religion and Totemism among the Australian Aborigines,” T. & E., 
r9ro, I, 161. : 

expect to find other ‘‘meanings”’ superposed on each other to 
obtain such a complicated phenomenon as a belief of this sort. 
The Yalmuru in this case is the father’s father’s brother’s ghost, 
and if we regard the father’s brother merely as the substitute for 
the father then we have the well-known concept of the child as 
the re-born grandfather in the Yalmuru-Iwaiyu relation. The 
protecting part played by the Yalmuru both with regard to the 
individual and to the Iwaiyu may be compared to the protection 
accorded by the mother’s totem (Altjira) or his own iningukua. 
Indeed, there is a less far-reaching, although ultimately identical, 
prototype for the Iwaiyu splitting off from the Yalmuru than the 
- splitting of the germ-plasm: it is the spermatozoa “‘ splitting off ”’ 
from the father at cohabitation. We know that the relation between 
father and child is eminently narcissistic, and this would accord 
well with the protecting part played by the Yalmuru and Arum- 
buringa over the individual. A closer study of the myth makes 
it clear that the doings of the Yalmuru and Iwaiyu correspond 
exactly to those of father and child. The Yalmuru puts the Iwaiyu 
into a frog: that is, he puts the semen into the womb, and the 
proceeding continues with the mechanism of transposition upwards 
when the mother eats the food. Before the father has driven the 
fish into the net the Yalmuru has done the same, when the father 
returns to the camp with the fish the Yalmuru returns to his 
camp with the Iwaiyu. Yalmuru and Iwaiyu come to the woman 
at night;' it is naturally at night that the father, and in him the 
child, come to the mother, as representative of the Father-Imago. 
When a man gets old, the Yalmuru is a convenient medium 
for projecting the extremely unpleasant concept of impending 
death. The Censor represses this idea, and says that it is not 
the man whose backbones and thighs are no good, who is 
done for altogether, it is the Yalmuru. At the same time 
this negation contains as acknowledgment, the spirit within 
him, the Iwaiyu, is old, it is now a Father, a Yalmuru. The old 
man to whom this is told is really past the age of physical pro- 
creation, but he at least repeats his former achievements in the 
phantasy of his Iwaiyu becoming a new Yalmuru and begetting, 
like the old one, a new Iwaiyu-child. 

If we follow the trend of Durkheim’s ideas? we shall come to 
another equation that is, in reality only a more advanced form of 
the former : Changeless spirit  Society, Changeable one  the Indi- 
vidual. It is Society that protects the Individual against the 
dangers of the chase and foreign societies, or from a purely 

t Cf., an evil being called Koin, who resembles the blacks themselves, makes 
his appearance mostly by night. In general, they think he precedes the coming 
of natives from distant parts—Th. H. Braim, History of New South Wales, 1846, 

248, 249. (Cf. the attacks of the foreign Yalmurus on the natives.) 
2 He does not state this view explicitly. Cf. Durkheim, op. cit., 394, 

psychological point of view the feeling of belonging to a given 
society. 

The social origin of what we call conscience is well brought out 
in these beliefs: if the tjurunga is lost the iningukua (arumburinga) 
gets angry and pricks the person allied to him with his pointing 
sticks so that he gets illt; a mythical transcription of the “‘ pangs 
of conscience.” If we also remember that the Arumburinga is 
said to protect the individual when he, without knowing the 
reason why, defends himself against an impending danger, we 
shall be inclined to identify the Changeless Spirit under this aspect 
with the Ego, the Reality Principle, the connexion of which with 
the Father as representative of Society is well known. If this be 
the case, one of the narcissistic doubles would stand for the Ego 
(Reality Principle) and the other for the Libido; we should then 
be compelled to assign an Unconscious to the Ego besides the 
Unconscious of the Libido, as some psycho-analysts seem inclined 
todo. If questioned further as to the contents of this second un- 
conscious we should say that it was made up out of the psychic 
residua of self-preservatory reflex actions. On the other hand, it 
is very possible that this second Unconscious is the Fore-conscious 
of psycho-analysis: the failure of repression as the limit between 
the Conscious and Unconscious seems to favour this theory.? 
Freud tells us that doubles of narcissistic origin are turned to 
account by the Fore-conscious to emphasize and represent the 
differences between an actual and an archaic stage in the evolution 
of the Ego,3 and in this way the Iningukua (‘‘ The Same”’) might 
stand for a stage of greater fixation to the soil, although this 
naturally means to the soil as birthplace, as symbol of the uterus, 
thus leading us back to the iningukua as the projection of incestuous 
libido. 

We may try to sum up the relation between the Unchanged 
and the Transforming spirit as follows. Like the germ-plasm, like 
life itself, the spirit is always the same and yet infinitely variable ; 
like the species the Arumburinga is eternal, the individual ever 
new. Like the libido the spirit is eternally the same and like the 
libido it undergoes a series of continual changes. Like the Father 
the Arumburinga (Yalmuru) is relatively unchanged if we regard 
him from the viewpoint of the rapidly growing, that is changing, 
child. And lastly, like Society, the Senior spirit represents Con- 
tinuity, the Junior stands for Individual Variability. As the 
Father and Society form the most important elements of an 

t Strehlow, 4. & L., II. 81. 
» An alternative theory would be that there are elements in the Unconscious 
that have never been repressed, as they have never reached the Threshold of Repres- 

sion, These would be the ‘‘ engrams”’ of reflex actions which form the germs of 
the development of the psyche. 

3 Freud, ‘‘ Das Unheimliche,"’ Imago, VI, 516. 

environment that is principally differentiated from the individual 
in so far as it compels him to a series of adjustments (changes), 
the Senior spirit stands also for the Reality Principle as compared 
to the Pleasure Principle for the Fore-conscious versus the Un- 
conscious (Libido). The two spirits correspond to the two con- 
stituent elements that are united in Narcissism ; the Senior spirit 
is the Ego, it lives outside of the Individual, it means his relation 
to the outer world; the Junior is the Libido which lives in the 
Individual in the form of the Auto-erotic Libido that originates 
from and tends to regress to the Tjurunga, the Embryo. 

Every native of the Arunta and allied tribes unites a double 
personality in his own self. He is a real human being, as he 
seems to be to the superficial onlooker, and at the same time he 
is a being semi-divine who lived on the earth in the mythical days 
of the Alcheringa, and has merely condescended to be re-born in 
our days of sober reality. For instance, we read in the wander- 
ings of the Wild-Cat men: ‘‘One man, a Purula named Kuntit- 
charinia, was left behind, whose descendant is still living.” ! 
Close to a stone at the northern entrance of the gorge the great 
Alcheringa leader of the Witchetty Grub men sprang into existence. 
The stone has since been associated not only with the spirit of this 
dead leader but also with one or two men who have been regarded 
as his successive reincarnations, the last of whom was the father 
of the present Alatunja of the group.? 

This double existence led by the aboriginals of Central Aus- 
tralia reminds us of a common conscious or unconscious infantile 
phantasy that has been called the family romance of neurotics. 
The child will often imagine that his parents are not his real blood 
relatives, that he is the offspring of kings, heroes or other great 
men, that his father and mother are only his foster parents; in 
a word, that he is by descent not what he seems to be, but some- 
thing infinitely more elevated.3 This phantasy is the first attempt 
of the individual to free himself from the original infantile attitude 
in which the child regards his father as the most powerful of men, 
his mother the most beautiful of women. When he realizes that 
his actual parents do not come up to his own high-pitched mark, 
he dethrones them in his own phantasy and creates new ones for 
himself in his day-dreams, who, however, are only the old ones 
under a new name. 

The Arunta have worked out a similar theory which enables 
them to realize their unconscious infantilism and Oedipus complex 
in the stage of hallucinatory wish-fulfilment. Every Arunta has 
lived before this; that is, behind his conscious existence there is 
the realm of the intra-uterine, the infantile, the unconscious. It 

t Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 417. a Id, ibid., 425. 
3 Cf. O. Rank, Der Mythus von der Geburt des Helden. (Second edition, 1922.) 

was he himself who performed those wonderful feats that are told 
of in the myths, enacted (perhaps by himself) in ritual; it was 
he himself who lived in the realm of unchecked wish-fulfilment in 
the days of yore before he knew repression, the outcome of the 
contact with a world of resistance. If he is one of those mythical 
heroes his father can naturally have had nothing to do with his 
procreation ; the father is done away with altogether, his birth is 
entirely a matter between himself and his mother. 

We saw that the throwing by which the Alcheringa ancestor 
incarnates himself in the woman is a symbolic coitus, and as the 
child is the ancestor, it is he himself who has had connexion with 
his mother, in another life, in the Unconscious, from which con- 
nexion he himself was born. The whole Arunta system is indeed 
nothing but an elaborate phantastic realization of an infantile wish 
common to all humanity: the Child wishes to be its own Father. 

It has been remarked (A. Lang, P. W. Schmidt) that the Arunta 
cannot be primitive, since they have such an exceptionally com- 
plicated animistic philosophy and that their alleged nescience of 
procreation is merely an outcome of this system. We, too, are 
of the opinion that there is an intimate connexion between the 
nescience (as far as consciousness is concerned) and the system 
of animistic philosophy. It is well known that the impulse to 
scientific investigation and other psychical efforts of a higher order 
is, in a large degree, derived from a sublimation of the infantile 
sexual curiosity, and this sublimation can only take place if the 
uncensored manifestations of this curiosity are repressed by the 
psychic censor. Thus we come to the conclusion that the elaborate 
system of the Arunta is really derived from their 

The Arunta : : : : : 
system an energetic repression: it makes it possible for them 
aise to obtain a fulfilment of their Oedipus wishes in a 

sublimated form. We have repeatedly had occasion 
to point out that there is a tendency in all these beliefs towards 
the formation of a series through doubling and redoubling of one 
and the same motive, the repetition of which, through the uncon- 
scious contents embodied therein, affords a source of pleasure; whilst, 
on the other hand, the difference between imagination and reality — 
is an obstacle to complete wish-fulfilment, and it is the partially 
unsatisfied libido which craves for repetitions.! This reincarnation 
myth is a series-formation on the largest possible scale, as it unites 
the whole tribe (down to its phylogenetic ancestry in animal-life) 
in a single chain of repeated incest phantasies. 
ee als There has been some discussion between Strehlow 
reincarnation, aid Spencer whether the beliefs may correctly be 
called reincarnation or incarnation. Providing that 
we do not call the continued swarming off of “ spirit-individuals ” 

* Cf. Pfeiffer, ‘‘ Ausserungen infantil-erotischer Triebe im Spiele,” Imago, V.255. 

from the same parent stock (‘‘ archetypal idea’) a sort of reincar- 
nation," the question is whether the ghost of a dead man is actually 
re-born or not? This leads us to the problem of the relation 
between the idea of a post-mortem and a pre-natal world. When 
The ghost goes ® Man or woman dies there remains the spirit part 
back to the or Ultana, which is supposed to haunt the burial-place 
foten-centré. and at night-time to come into the camp, or it may go 
back toits old Nanja rock or tree. When allthe mourning ceremonies 
have been carried out the Ultanais supposed to leave the grave and 
to return to its Nanja, where it lives with its Arumburinga. After 
a time it gets itself another Churinga with which it becomes asso- 
ciated just as before with the Alcheringa Churinga, and then, after 
the lapse of some time, but not until the bones have crumbled away, 
it may be born again in human form.? The body is placed in 
a sitting position with the knees doubled up against the chin, and 
thus interred in a round hole in the ground; the earth being piled 
up on the body so as to form a low mound with a depression on 
the side which faces towards the dead persons’ camping ground in 
the Alcheringa, that is the spot which he or she inhabited while 
in spirit form: the object of this is to allow an easy ingress and 
egress of the Ulthana which is supposed to spend part of the time 
(till the final mourning ceremony is over) at the grave, and part 
in company of its Arumburinga at the Nanja spot.3 Amongst 
the Unmatjera and Kaitish, when the ceremony is over, the dead 
man’s spirit is supposed to go away and remain in the Alcheringa 
spot, associating with those of his fellow tribesmen until such time 
as he once more undergoes reincarnation. In the Warramunga 
tribe, when the ceremony of “ breaking the bone”’ has been per- 
formed and the bone deposited in its last resting-place, the spirit 
of the dead person, which they describe as being about the size 
of a grain of sand (cf. above), goes back to its camping-place in 
the Wingara and remains there in company with the spirit parts 
of other members of his totem until such time as it undergoes 
reincarnation. The pit in which the bone is buried and covered 
over with a stone is called palpalla, as is also the totemic design 
drawn upon the ground representing the spot at which the totemic 
ancestor finally went into the earth.s 

Among the Gnanji tribe the dead man is called kurti and the 
spirit moidna. While each man has a moidna the woman has 
none, and so when she is dead she is done with altogether.6 The 
spirit of the dead man walks about, visiting his ancestral camping 

t If we wish to be quite precise we should call this not, indeed, a reincarnation, 
but a continually repeated incarnation. ; 

+ Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 514, 515. 3 Id., ibid., 497. 

4 Id., Nor. T., 508. 5 Id., ibid., 542. 

6 Cf. the same belief in the Kwarranjee tribe (a part of the Chingalee nation) :— 
R, H. Mathews, Proc. Roy. Geog. Soc. Queensland, 1907, XXII. 75, 76. 

ground and undergoing reincarnation at some future time when 
the rains shall have fallen and washed and cleansed the bones.! 
In the coastal tribes, such as the Binbinga, Anula and Mara, the 
association of a dead man or ghost with his totem is emphasized 
in the ceremonies. At the final ceremony the local men sing 
sacred songs all of which are connected with the totem of the dead 
man. Early next morning they bring up a hollow log called 
lalanga, which is painted with a design of the dead man’s totem.? 
The tribal fathers, but not the actual father,3 and the tribal sons 
of the dead are painted with the design of the totem. Ceremonies 
relating to the ancestors of the totemic group are performed under 
the superintendence of the dead person’s father. The hollow log 
that is marked with the design of the totem is afterwards placed 
by the side of a water-hole, where it is left untouched. In this 
way every individual of the tribe is thus, as it were, gathered 
finally into his totem. The spirit part which the Binbinga call 
kutulu goes back to its mungai spot and sooner or later undergoes 
reincarnation.4 The hole, which is connected in the Arunta tribe 
with the idea of ingress and egress of the spirit, is also found in 
the graves of the Karkurera. A singular feature of the grave was 
that on the northern side of the mound a hole passing straight 
down to the body and only loosely covered at the surface with 
a few branches of mulga had been left open.s The hole being 
to the north, which in these tribes is usually the home of the spirits, 
seems to favour Spencer’s suggestion as to its meaning. The hole 
in the grave corresponds to the hole in the Erathipa stone through 

t Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 546. 

> Among the Eskimo of Behring Strait the totem mark is visible on a man’s 
grave, or, instead of the totem, some animal which the father of the deceased excelled 
in hunting.—I. E. Nelson, The Eskimo about Behring Strait, XVIII, Rep., 1899, 311. 
When a child is born it is given the name of a deceased relative. The child then 
becomes the namesake and representative of the dead person at the feast of the 
dead.—Ibid., 289. We find here a sort of reincarnation-belief in conjunction with 
the grave-post symbolism of the totem, and the substitution (i.e. unconscious assimila- 
tion) of the totem, and the animal hunted by the father. But we also find another 
Australian custom, to be dealt with below, for ‘‘in case the child is born away from 
the village at a camp or tundra it is commonly given the name of the first object 
that catches its mother’s eyes, such as a bush, or other plant, a mountain, lake, 
or other natural object.”’ 

3 This exception points to a repression of the unconsciously felt connexion 
between the father and the totem. 

+ Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 552-54, 173, 174. It seems probable that we 
ought to add the Leeanuwa, Larrekiya, Wogait, Wulna, Pongo-pongo, and Mulluk- 
mulluk to the list of tribes who believe in reincarnation. When a child is born it 
takes the name of some dead relative or friend of the same tribe.—W. G. Stretton, 
“Customs, Rites and Superstitions of the Aboriginal Tribes of the Gulf of Carpen- 
taria,” Royal Geographical Soc. of Australia, 1893, 230. “ Every native believes in 
his reincarnation after death in the form of some living being which is always held 
in respect by him.”—H. Basedow, Trans. Roy. Soc. of S. A., XXXI, 1907, 8. 

5 H. Basedow, ‘‘ Anthropological Notes made on the South Australian Govern- 
ment North-West Prospecting Expedition,” Tvans. Roy. Soc. S. A, 1903, 
XXVIII, 34. 

which the spirits peep out into this world, and both stand for the 
hole where the child must pass on its way out of the womb. The 
totemic design on the coffins find their next parallel in the so- 
called “mortuary totems” of the Wotjobaluks. The people of 
the Wotjo nation buried the dead with the head in a certain direc- 
tion which is determined by his class and totem. The several 
directions are all fixed with reference to the rising sun.t The 
name of a man is changed when he dies, and this is what Howitt 
calls a mortuary totem. The man of the Sun totem who had been 
called “Sun ’”’ when alive, was spoken of as “‘ behind the sun,” 
which means a shadow cast behind the speaker by the sun. When 
a man of the Pelican totem died he would not be called Pelican, 
but Bark of the Mallee, and so on.? The tribes described by 
Mathews as observing the Dolgaritty ceremony have the same 
bisection (Krokitch-Gamutch) as the Wotjobaluk, and from them we 
can obtain further information as to the nature of the association 
between totemism and the directions observed at burial. Every 
clan has its own spirit-land, called miyur, a word signifying 
““home’”’ or final resting-place, to which the shades of all its members 
depart after death. These miyurs are located in certain fixed 
The * ni” directions from the territory of the tribe—like the 
and theisland Wotjo totems arranged with reference to the sun. 
geen verte. Each clan has a number of totems, but as the clans 
are also named after animals, we would rather say that each totem 

1 Howitt, N. T., 64. 

2 Id., ibid., 124. Cf. the totemic death-rite of the Warramunga (Spencer 
and Gillen, Nor. T., 168), Binbinga, Anula, Mara (Id., ibid., 173, 553), and of the 
Waduman tribe (Spencer, N. T. N.T. A., 198). For the Larrekiya and Woolwanga, 
see also Eylmann, 237. Fortribes No. 77, Spencer and Gillen, Nor.T., 544,146. For 
56, Id., ibid., 146. For 52, Id., N. T., 512; ibid., 123-27. For 51, Id., ibid., 157. 
For 50, Id., Nov. T., 508, 512. For 48, Id N. T., 157 Nor. T., 508, 5%2- “For 
222, 1d.,-Nor. 1, 518. Bor 47,1... N.237157,,1583 Nor. L., 530, $42. “For 46, 
Id., ibid., 515. For 44, Id., ibid., 146. For 43, Id., ibid., 515. For 42, id., ibid., 
146. For 41, id., ibid., 546. For 49, id., ibid, 547. For 38, id., ibid., 547. For 
35, id., ibid., 547, 554. For 34, id., ibid., 547. For 32, id., ibid., 554. For 31, 
id., ibid., 547. For 45, 12, 24, 26, 27, 28, Spencer, N. T. N. T. A., 1914, 263-70. 
Hor 4) 6) 133/17, 18,129,920; id,, ibid., 270, 277. With reference to the data on 
“ Supernatural conception connected with patrilinear totemism ”’ and “ Supernatural 
conception connected with matrilinear totemism” of Map 8, “ Totemism and 
Descent,” see Spencer, N. T. N. T. A., and Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T. As to 
“ Reincarnation,” cf. for the tribes from 1 to 28 and 45, Spencer, op. cit., 264. For 
‘‘ Supernatural conception amongst tribes with matrilinear descent of class,” cf. Daisy 
M. Bates, op. cit., Victorian Geographical Journal, XXIII, XXIV. 49, quoted by 
Frazer, T. & E., I. 564. ‘‘ Marriages are independent of personal totems, and a man 
whose oobaree is a kangaroo may marry a woman who is of his proper marrying 
class, and who may have the same totem, a different totem being bestowed on the 
children.” These totems are always given from some circumstance connected with 
the birth of the child. A girl was called after a kangaroo which her father had killed, 
reminding us of the pre-natal duel between father and child found on the northern 
half of the Continent. These totems are classed among the individual totems by 
Frazer, and I have also included them under that heading on the map. We should 
need further information to determine their exact position in the totem world. 

had a number of subtotems.t The children take their phratry, 
clan-totem, and miyur from their mother ; everybody claims some 
animal (plant, object) as his own special totem, but all the totems 
of his fellow-clansmen are friends of his.» When a member of 
a clan dies the body is laid horizontally face upwards, with the 
head placed toward the part of the horizon which leads to the 
miyur of the clan. Each miyur has its fabled watering-place. 
The shades of Dyalup, Burt murnya and Burt wirrimal drink at 
Mimbil, Bial-bial water supplies Muiwillak, Wuran, Durrimurak 
and Burriwan. Wartwurt drinks at Bummir, etc. In some of 
these places there is clear spring water, in others ordinary water 
courses; some have greyish water, whilst others have sea-spray. 
When the men go out hunting and catch kangaroos, snakes, opos- 
sums and any other game, every animal is cooked with the head 
pointing to the miyur of its own clan. Even if dead animals are 
only temporarily laid on the ground while the hunters are resting, 
their heads are turned towards their respective miyurs. The spirits 
of the dead congregate in the miyurs of their respective clans during 
their disembodied state,3 and from there they emerge and are born 
again in human shape when a favourable opportunity presents 
itself.4 

A very similar distribution of other worlds between the totems, 
together with the special part played by water in each of these 
totem Elysiums, is reported from New Ireland. The souls of all 
the dead go to the water of their totem and sometimes live in great 
trees beside it. They can only leave the water at night, and then 
it is dangerous for living people of the other totem to go near them.5 
I think that the connexion of other-world and totem-centre, that 
is the place where the children are incarnated, may be regarded 
as the original state of affairs: we shall try to trace the chain of 
unconscious associations which evolved into the belief of a separate 
other-world for the whole tribe and also probably replaced the 
reincarnation myth. If a woman who is pregnant were to eat 
forbidden fish the spirit of the unborn babe would go out of its 
mother’s body and frighten the fish away. Although these spirit- 
children are invisible to human eyes, the old men know they are 
present by the movements of the fish.7 The infant in the womb 
will not allow the fish in the water to be eaten, as it is regarded 
as identical with himself. In the Kakadu tribe, after the child is 
born and while it is young, the women must not drink out of a 

* Mathews, E. N., 85, 86. 

+ Id., 89. As to the miyurs in the Wimmera district, ef. ibid., 145, 146. 

3 Each local division of the Narrang-ga has its own spirit world in a separate 
direction.— Howitt, op. cit., 451. 4 Mathews, op. cit., or. 

s A. Hahl, ‘‘ Das mittlere Neumecklenburg,”” XCI. Globus, 1907, 313, 314. 

® The customs of burying the body in the position of the embryo and the burial 

at the birthplace probably indicate the former extension of the totemistic reincarna- 
tion-area, ? Mathews, FE. N., 58. 

deep water-hole; she must not break this rule or the child will 
die. Also she must not eat fish out of a deep water-hole. They 
believe that if the child were to see its mother drinking out of a 
deep water-hole its spirit would immediately leave its body, run 
to the water-hole and be drawn under and swallowed by a Numereji 
snake.t If, however, the mother breaks the rule, the father, 
mother and child, accompanied by a medicine man, go to the 
water-hole. The father gives the mother a little water in a bark 
basket. The spirit of the child is attracted, comes up, and the 
child is caught by the medicine man, who alone can see it. He 
immediately places it in the mother’s head, from which it passes 
down into her breast and the child, who is at once put to the breast, 
drinks it in with its mother’s milk. If the father finds out when 
the woman is away that she has been drinking at a deep water- 
hole, he will at once go to the latter with a medicine man, who 
catches the spirit and places it in the father, from whom it is 
supposed to pass into the mother and by way of her breast into 
the child.2. The child leaves the womb for the deep water-hole, 
which is another womb, and is replaced in a water-basket, which 
again symbolizes the same thing. 

The symbolic meaning of water and fish that is so evident for 
the pre-natal period of life gives us the key to interpret the mean- 
ing of the same symbols with reference to the post-mortem period. 
In the Minyung language dukkai means the dead, a dead man. 
In some dialects duggai, which is evidently the same word, means 
a kind of fish; in the Turrubul! dialect it means man.3_ According 
to Westgarth, some of them think they become fishes after death, 
others think the soul inhabits whales. They believe that the 
porpoises which drive large fish on shore are animated by the 
spirits of their fathers. Thus the development from the miyur 
of each totem (which is an oknanikilla that is especially connected 

1 If a child is born dead this is often attributed by the Kakadu to Numereji, 
the snake who is supposed to have caused the iwaiyu to leave the mother’s body 
while she was bathing. Women who are about to become mothers must not go 
into water while the wind blows, as the swish of the waves is due to Numereji. The 
spirit part of the child is frightened and leaves the mother’s body, hastening back 
to its own camping-place. The natives say that when the body leaves the mother 
the spirit sometimes comes and looks at it, and at a later time may go inside the 
same woman again.—Spencer, N. T. N. T. A., 326. 

2 Spencer, N. T. N. T. A., 345, 346. How does it pass from the father to the 
mother? By way of the semen? Women when menstruating are not allowed to 
eat fish of any kind or go near the water at all because the men could not then fish 
successfully —E. J. Eyre, Journals of Expeditions into Central Australia, 1845, I. 295- 

3 H. Livingstone, Grammar and Vocabulary of the Minyung people (Wimmera) 
joined to Threlkeld, An Australian Language, 1892, 24. asi 

4 W. Westgarth, Australia Felix, 1848, 138. The Dieri lay the body on a plant 
called kuya-mara (new fish) —Howitt, N. T., 778. The Tangara preserve the body 
till a flood occurs, when the bones are pounded and cast into the waters as fish-seed. 

—Howitt, l.c., 450. 
5 L. Ph. Townsend, Rambles and Observations in New South Wales, 1849, 138. 

with water) to the island other-world as the common resting-place 
of all the spirits of the tribe, is effected by the medium of the 
uterine symbolism of fish and water. The tribes whose territory 
adjoins those with the miyur beliefs in the country from Beaufort 
towards Hexham and Wickliffe, like those in the Wimmera district, 
have a spirit home which is called maioga or mungo. All the 
clans have the same maioga, which consists of an island a short 
distance off the coast of Victoria about half-way between Warrnam- 
bool and Portland. On the shores of the mainland facing the 
island there are some large rocks, into the base of one of which the 
ceaseless rolling of the billows has worn a cave-like recess which 
is believed in some way to be connected with Dhinmar, the spirit- 
isle. Every deceased person is laid with his head towards this 
island. His spirit then provides itself with a firebrand and pro- 
ceeds to the shore where the rock is situated, where he divests 
himself of any clothing or trinkets he may be wearing on his body 
and disappears over the intervening sea to Dhinmar. The spirit 
of all the clans and phratries go to this island, which they occupy 
in common just as they did in their native hunting-grounds. 
There they remain until reincarnated.t These ideas are interwoven 
with those of another world in the sky. Collins tells us that after 
their decease some said they went on or beyond the great water, 
but the greater number said that they went up to the clouds. 
Bennil-long said they came from the clouds, and when they died 
they returned to the clouds. He seemed desirous to make it 
understood that they ascended in the shape of little children, first 
hovering in the tops of the branches of the trees; and mentioned 
something about eating, in that state, their favourite food, little 
fishes.2. Their idea is that they will quit this world and enter the 
next in tLe form of little children, under which they would reappear 
in this.3 At Port Lincoln they represent the soul as being so small 
that it might pass through a chink. After death the soul retires 
to an island as so small an atom as to be able to dispense with further 
nourishment of any kind. Some locate this island in the east, 
others in the west. On its journey to the island the soul is accom- 
panied by a redbill, a kind of seabird notorious for its shrill, piercing 
voice audible during the night. They say that their souls will 
be reborn as white men. Probably the island is only the place 
of residence of the souls for a certain time, as they decidedly 
believe in a change of souls and assign this island to them as an 
intermediate place of residence.4 Schiirmann’s account is exactly 
the same, even the expressions he uses. The soul is very small, 

t Mathews, FE. N., 95. 

ee ss pee the English Colony in New South Wales, 1804, 355- 

¢ Ch. Wilhelmi, “ Manners and Customs of the Australian Natives,” Roy. Soc. 
Trans., 1862, 28-30. 

so minute that it could pass through a crack or crevice, and when 
a man dies his soul, accompanied by a redbill, goes to an island 
in the east or west where it requires no food. They believe in the 
pre-existence of souls.t_ The souls of the Nauos go to an island in 
Spencer’s Gulf, while the Parnkallas are supposed to take’ their 
departure to the island of the westward towards the Great Aus- 
tralian Bight. The Narrinyeri say that when Nurundere left the 
world he dived under the ocean and as he descended he saw a 
great fire under the sea. He avoided this, and keeping away at 
last arrived at a land in the far west where he now resides. All 
the dead thus dive under the ocean, see the fire, but by avoiding 
it get to Nurundere3 The Buandik, who lived next to the 
Narrinyeri (to the east) believed that there were two spirits in 
mankind which they called Bo-ong. One went west and down 
into the sea: this one would return a white man; the other went 
up into cloud-land.4 The return of the soul as a white man is 
evidently a recent improvement on the return of the soul as an 
aboriginal baby whose skin is white at birth as compared with that 
of the adult; it is important to note that the idea of re-birth is 
connected not with the cloud-land, but with the island (uterine 
other-world) myth. Perhaps we can also explain the curious 
feature of the fire under the water. If we regard the outward 
aspect of these myths, we shall be reminded of the sun’s rays 
reflected on the ocean and the sun sinking into the western sea. 
But we know that in the Unconscious fire and water frequently 
in conjunction stand for urethral eroticism.s Indeed, we have met 
with something of the like in Australia; the legend of Nurundere 
pursuing and drowning his wives was evidently the mythical 
equivalent of a urethral-erotic dream. 

Now we have a version of this myth as follows: When his 
two wives ran away from him, Nurundere crossed what is now 
called Lake Albert and went along the beach to Cape Jarvis. 
When he arrived there he saw the fugitives wading through the 
shallow water between the mainland and Nar-oong-owie—as 
Kangaroo Island was then called. Enraged at his wives he made 

tC. W. Schiirmann, The Aboriginal Tribes of Port Lincoln in South Australia. 
J. D. Woods, The Native Tribes of South Australia, 1879, 234, 235. Cf. Eylmann, 
Die Eingeborenen der Kolonie Siid-australien, 1908, 189. ‘‘ Pindi: pit, den, ditch, 
grave, the habitation of souls before birth and after death.” C. G. Teichelmann and 
C. W. Schtirmann, Outlines of a Grammar, Vocabulary and Phraseology of the Aborig- 
inal Language of South Australia, 1840, 39. Cf. the Kakadu word for earth-oven: 
peindi.—Spencer, N. T. N. T. A., 27. 

2 G. F. Angas, Savage Life and Scenes in Australia and New Zealand, 1847, I. 108. 

3 Taplin, 58. 

« Howitt, 434. The spirit is called bo-ong (the hereafter), ka-ngaro (up above). 
A fat kangaroo is said to be perfect, like a kangaroo of the clouds.—J. Smith, The 
Booandik Tribe of South Australian Aborigines, 1880, 28. 

5 Cf. H. Flournoy, “ Dreams on the Symbolism of Water and Fire,” I. J. P. A., 
1920, I. 245. 

the water rise and drown them, when they were turned into two 
rocks that are visible to this day. After his wives were drowned 
Ngurundure walked into the water and dived out towards the 
island. There he tried to sleep, but as he could not sleep on 
account of the wailing of his drowning wives, he departed to his 
home in the sky where those who have kept the tribal laws go to 
join him. After death the spirit follows the footsteps of Nurun- 
dere over the island of Nar-oong-owie, and thence it is translated, 
as he was, to his home in the skies. The island is sacred to 
Nurundere and the spirits of the dead.t 

These dreams, as we know, have a double meaning. They 
are urethral dreams and birth dreams, the death of the fugitives 
being “‘a representation by the contrary ”’ of birth, which is also 
directly told in the language of myth in the person of the hero 
Wyungare, who escapes from the floodland and is translated into 
another land. If the dead follow the very footsteps of Nurundere 
it is perhaps justifiable to interpret the fire under the water as 
a symptom of urethral eroticism, the reason why this unconscious 
component should appear in an eschatological myth lying in its 
second meaning of birth and re-birth. It is this myth of the Island 
of the Dead that has, among the western Arunta and Loritja, 
replaced the concept of the totem-centre as other-world. Far 
away to the north, surrounded by the sea, is a narrow long island, 
the Land of the Dead, the Place of Ghosts. On this island there 
are lime-wood trees with white bark (called ilumba, ilumba means 
to die) ; wild cats dotted white, bandicoots with white fur, lizards 
and snakes, white cockatoos and other birds are perched on the 
branches of the trees. White is the mourning colour of the Arunta. 
Pelicans swim about on the waters.3 The souls of the dead are 
flimsy white images: they feed on lizards, snakes, rats and raw 
birds’-eggs, on grubs and berries and jelka (Cyperus rotundus). 
When a person is dead his ghost haunts the grave for some time 
after the mourning ceremonies are finished ; it goes to the island 
and stops there till it rains on earth, when it longs for its relatives 
and comes back. It tells them: Be careful lest the same thing 
happen to you that befell me! “If the dead man had sons, the 

« K. L. Parker, Move Australian Legendary Tales, 1898-99, 100. 

* Cf. O. Rank, “‘ Symbolschichtung im mythischen Denken,” Psychoanalytische 
Beitrage zur Mythenforschung, 1919. Id., Der Mythus von der Geburt des Helden, 1922. 

3 As to the white cockatoo and the pelican in the other-world, the myth of 
Western Victoria according to which Kuurokeetch (the Long-billed Cockatoo) was 
the first “ great-great-grandfather,”’and his wife was Kappatch (Banksian Cockatoo), 
see J. Dawson, Australian Aborigines, 1881, 26. The first name is also the name 
of the white cockatoo; it is the well-known phratry name, its pendant being the 
black cockatoo.—N. W. Thomas, Kinship and Marriage Organizations, 1906, 49. 
The sister-class of Kuurokeetch is the pelican—Dawson, op. cit., 26. The first 

Kurnai marched across the country from the north-west with a bark-canoe on his 

head, in which was his wife Tuk (the musk-rat), he being Boran the Pelican. — 
Howitt, N. T., 485. 

spirit migrates into each of these for some time to promote their 
growth. If the children are full-grown, the spirit will dwell in the 
grandchildren for a time.” After one or two years the Itana goes 
out of his sons or grandsons and goes back to the Isle of the Dead. 
He sees an ulambulamba (Recurvirostra) marching up and down 
the beach ; he is frightened and flies from them. He comes to 
the western part of the island ; there he sees one of the trees of the 
dead and looks at it, from everywhere asking: What sort of tree 
is this? He goes back to his own camp on the island and waits 
for rain. He sees a great black cloud mounting the western sky, 
and says to his friend amongst the ghosts, ‘‘ You are the same as 
Iam.” They go and hunt together, catch a snake and eat it raw.! 
A second time the ghost leaves the Isle of the Dead and calls on 
his relatives on earth: they invite him to come and eat with them. 
He is horrified, and rushes back to the east of the island ; other 
ghosts tell him to stop with them. But he wanders on: he 
sees a big black cloud on the sky and he goes to a raljuka tree. 
Suddenly the lightning strikes down just before him, “‘ er macht eine 
abwehrende Geberde (ilbalama) bis ein weiterer Blitzstrahl sowohl 
den Baum zertriimmert als auch den Geist selber vernichtet.’’2 
The Loritja belief is exactly the same. The first time the soul 
departs it says to the mourners: ‘‘ Why do youcry? I am alive. 
I have only gone for a short time, and soon I shall come back.” 
But when it leaves its son, it says: ‘‘ Now I shall not come back 
any more.’’3 The whole myth, with its repeated comings and 
goings from the Isle of the Dead, reflects the ambivalent feelings 
of the living, who alternate between the wish to expel and to keep 
back the soul of the dead. The soul is continually horrified at 
the objects that remind it of its own death—-that is, the living are 
horrified at what has happened. Hodie mim, cras tibi! The 
second death that annihilates the memory-image of the dead is 
a repetition of the first; both are conditioned by the unconscious 
wishes of the living. It is thunder and lightning that kill the 
ghost, but it is also rain that brings him back to the earth. We 
saw that the Gnanji think the ghost will be reincarnated when it 
rains, and that the rain makes the two spirit-women bear the spirit- 
children, called Murree, who then incarnate themselves in human 
women, according to the South Australian belief. Just as the 
same motive is duplicated at birth, so it is at death; the soul is 
coming and going from Earth to the Isle of the Dead—that is, 

1 Feeding on small animals, eating food raw, etc., shows the survival of a primi- 
tive phase of culture; the island in the north is probably the place whence the 
Arunta migrated to Central Australia.—Cf. Roheim, “‘ Primitive Man and Environ- 
ment,” IJ, J. P. A., 1920. According to Eylmann, the western Arunta believe that 
the soul wanders to the north, where the dead live on the shores of a lake which is 
full of fish—K. Eylmann, Die Eingeborenen dey Kolonie Stidaustralien, 1908, 189. 

® Strehlow, A. & L., I. 15, 16. 31d. 71. 7 

from the Conscious to the Unconscious (Womb) till it is finally 
annihilated. 

But if we compare this belief with that recorded by Spencer 
and Gillen it is not difficult to ascertain which represents the more 
primitive phase of evolution. To begin with, there is an evident 
survival of the reincarnation-belief in this myth: the years that 
the soul spends in the body of his son or grandson. Then there 
is the fact that the connexion of the ghost and the tjurunga sur- 
vives amongst the western Arunta. When a man dies they take 
his tjurunga out of the arknanakaua, lest the sight should make 
his friends sad, but after about two years it is brought back again. 
“Should such a tjurunga break or get lost, it is not renewed. It 
is regarded as a sign that its existence, bound up with the tjurunga, 
is extinguished. Should the soul of the dead be destroyed by 
lightning the tjurunga body also ceases to exist after this accident.”’! 
And lastly, when a man is buried, his face is turned towards the 
tmara altjirealtja—that is, his mother’s totem-centre—otherwise he 
could not reach the Isle of the Dead. ‘‘ The body is placed in the 
side-chamber on its side, with its face towards the tmara altjira, 
so that no weight may oppress it and induce the ltana to injure 
its relations or remove itself quickly to the tmara altjira.”’ 2 

According to Gillen’s first account, when a native dies, his spirit 
is said to ascend to the home of the great Ulthaana (the emu-footed 
Altjira of Strehlow). This Ulthaana (same word as ghost) then 
throws it into the salt water, from which it is rescued by two 
benevolent but lesser Ulthaana, who perpetually reside on the 
seashore, apparently merely for the purpose of rescuing spirits who 
have been subjected to the inhospitable treatment of the great 
Ulthaana of the heavens (alkirra). Henceforth the rescued spirit 
of the dead man lives with the lesser Ulthaana.3 

It is very remarkable to find this idea of one sky-spirit (hostile) 
and two earth-spirits (friendly) connected with eschatological 
beliefs in a reversed form amongst the coastal tribes. The Bin- 
binga have two hostile sky-spirits, who can be heard singing when 
a man dies and who are prevented from killing the natives by 
a friendly spirit called Ulurkura, who lives in the woods. The 
Mara have the same belief.4 

To return, however, to the body buried with its face towards 
the mother’s totem-centre, If the man was put into the grave the 
other way round, he would sink down to the demons (erintja).5 
His mother’s totem-centre is his mother’s symbolic womb—that is, 

t Strehlow, A. & L., IT. 81. 2 Louis Schulze, Op. .cit., 237. 

3 F. J. Gillen, “ Notes on some Manners and Customs of the Aborigines,” Horn 
Expedition, IV. 183. 

4 Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 503, 504. 

5 Strehlow, II. 58. If he is turned the contrary way he goes to the demons, 
which is as much as to say that the demons are negative projects of the incestuous 
libido, where repression has turned pleasure into fear. 

only if he is put in the right direction towards his mother’s womb 
can he find the way to the uterine island other-world. It is quite 
evident that the island other-world is a second phase in the 
successive symbols, by which the same unconscious wish-ful- 
filment—death as a return into the mother’s womb—is repre- 
sented. 

We are now in a position to try and sketch the probable evolu- 
tion of these beliefs in worlds that differ from our own world. 
There is but one basis in actual experience from which a human 
being can project into space worlds that are different from the 
one we live in; previous to birth every human being lives in an 
environment radically different from the one we see every day, an 
environment where everything is far pleasanter than in this world 
—the mother’s womb. As the repression of the Oedipus complex 
leads to a symbolic and projective account of birth, this original 
home is projected into the rocks and caves, glens and woods, pools 
and springs of environment. The “ place from where the babies 
come ”’ is the prototype of all other-worlds. 

On the Daly River, Northern Territory, there is a hill called 
“ alakyinga’”’ in the Mulluk-mulluk language, and “‘ verak yinda’”’ 
in the dialect of the Hermite hill people. These words mean 
“place of children.”” The natives believe that the souls of future 
children, or perhaps the actual children, body and soul, are shut 
up there. They are under the care of one old man. He has to 
see that they do not escape and to supply them with water. This 
he does by means of an underground communication with the 
river about half a mile away. The range of which the hill in 
question is the last one runs right to the river. When a child is 
to be born, the old man sees to his business. The old man who 
supplies the children in the hill with water (seminal fluid) through 
a subterranean passage (introitus vagine) is evidently a projection 
of the father-imago. 

According to the Northern Chingalee it is always a new spirit- 
child that emanates from a rock or tree and is born as a man: 

the soul wanders to the north.2_ The next step would 
Totem-centre | be the projection of this pre-natal state to the period 

after death as a narcissistic (return to the embryonic 
self) and incestuous (intercourse with mother in the womb) wish- 
fulfilment. This phase is represented by the eastern Arunta and 
others: the soul returns to the totem-centre. But as the tribal 
bonds in real life tend to replace those of the totem-group, the 
Unconscious meets these demands of the Reality-principle by 

t Donald Mackillop, ‘‘ Anthropological Notes on the Aboriginal Tribes of the 

Daly River,” Trans. R. S. S. Aust., XVII, 1893, 262. 
a Mathews, Proc. R. Geog. Soc. Queensland, XXII, 1907, 75, 76, quoted by 
Strehlow, Leonhardi, l.c., II. 57. The return to the northern home of these tribes 

just as in the Arunta myth. 

over-emphasizing the uterine symbolism of water and uniting all 
the souls in an island other-world. 

Our view will evidently gain additional force if we are able to 
point out survivals of the totemistic birth beliefs in the other- 
Ses world concepts. We remember the part played by 
op ae the emu as a symbol of the mother, and that birth 
complexin isattributed (in North-Western Australia) to the father 
Bi ea Ag having spearedanemu. When thesoul leaves the body 
it comes to a pathway; this divides into two roads, one of them 
is open and one is obstructed by brambles. The good soul takes 
the second road; this leads him towards an old and ugly, the 
other towards a young and fine woman. We know this road 
well—it is the road of regression that leads us through the tangled 
undergrowth of intrapsychic resistances to the mother-imago. 
He then jumps across a flaming chasm and also jumps over a 
rope held by two women to trip him. Now he is in Heaven 
and fed on heavenly diet. Finally, he is placed at a given post 
while some very fleet emus run past at a terrific pace; if he 
succeeds in driving his spear through one of the emus he is fit 
for introduction to Tha-tha-pulli. The shooting-stars are the 
spears of the departed thrown at the emu.! Cameron gives us 
a second account of these beliefs of the Wathi-Wathi with a slight 
variation of details. The moment the spirit leaves the body it 
is called Bo-oki, but afterwards the ghost of a dead man is called 
Boongarnitchie. The ghost having started on its road to the 
sky is met by another Boongarnitchie which directs it to the road 
for good men. After proceeding some distance he sees two roads 
running parallel and close together, one of which is swept clean, 
while the other is dirty. The spirit of a good man would choose the 
dirty road (regression to anal-eroticism), as it would know that 
the other is kept clean by bad spirits to allure him. He is next 
met by a woman who endeavours to seduce him, but escaping 
from her lures he soon meets two women holding a rope which they 
are twirling round like a skipping-rope. The woman who stands 
on the clear side of the road is blind and endeavours to trip the 
ghost, but keeping on the dirty road, and as far as possible from 
her, he avoids such mishap. 

The blind woman seems to be a repetition of the seducer: she 
again represents actual intercourse, the talion-punishment (eye- 
vagina) being her blindness. Before the ghost has a place in the 
other-world assigned to him, Nurunduri carefully observes his 
eyes. If tears are flowing from one eye only it is a sign that he 
has only left one wife; if from both, two. If they cease to flow, 
he has left three, and according to the number he has left, Nurunduri 

* A. L. P. Cameron, ‘‘ Traditions and Folklore of the Aborigines of New South 
Wales,” Science of Man, 1903, 46. 

provides him with others. We may compare this blind woman 
with Kui the Blind in Polynesia. Two lads go to the other-world 
in Tahiti in search of their departed father. Obedient to the 
charm of which they are possessed, the earth cleaves asunder and 
they find themselves in the land of Kui the Blind. She prepares 
food for herself which they steal; she comes out with her fish- 
hook and secures first merely a log and then one of the brothers. 
Fish for man is the usual Polynesian symbolism, but there is a 
special reason for employing it here. The boys say “ Carefully 
secure thy fish before thou beest overtaken by a shark.” She 
answers “‘ For him that is caught by my hook there is no hope. 
Strong is my hook. Its name is Furnisher of Food for Immortals.” 
The children are the fish in the womb of the mother, in this case 
in her negative aspect as the ‘“‘dreadful mother.” We shall see 
presently what the shark means. On seeing his brother caught, 
the other boy rushes in, seizes the fatal string of the fish-hook, 
snaps it asunder by sheer force and rescues his brother from her 
pitiless clutches. The brothers then enter the house of the now 
defenceless Kui, and discovering the stone-axe with which she is 
accustomed to dispatch her victims, slay her therewith. Her body 
is next chopped to pieces, her house pulled down and set on fire, 
and thus this foe of mankind is consumed. 

_ As the “dreadful mother” is the reversed aspect of the 
beloved mother, this descent to the other-world is really birth, 
the snapping of the line being the cutting of the navel-string which 
frees the babe from the clutches of the mother’s womb. It is 
not the mother who eats the children (cf. Hansel and Gretel), but 
the children whose first food consists of the mother. Children 
really steal food from their mother whilst in her womb, as in the 
legend, only it is not the mother who is blind but the children. 
This is perhaps a still deeper source of the “ blind old woman ”’ 
motif than that given above. She is blind from the point of view 
of the embryo, as she does not see him. 

They come back to this world on the back of a shark, who turns 
out to be their grandfather: they find another old woman (a 
doubling of Kui the Blind), who has charge of their father’s corpse ; 
they kill her also and set her house on fire. The occurrence of 
so many “ opposite aspects’”’ is to be attributed to the fact that 
the myth is conceived from the standpoint of an inverted Oedipus 
complex, love for the father and enmity towards the mother being 
the dominant feelings. The myth begins by ascribing the father’s 
death to the fact that their mother was enraged: Kui the Blind 
being thus a supernatural projection of the “ dreadful mother.” 2 
We have a Mangaian version of the same myth: the god Tane 

t Taplin, Narrinyeri, 61. 
s W. W. Gill, Myths and Songs from the South Pacific, 1876, 250-55. 

comes to the land of Kui the Blind, deludes her first with the 
food, then with the fish-hook, and at last lets himself be caught. 
She grabbed him tightly whilst demanding his name. He calmly 
said, ‘‘IamTane.” Kui instantly forgot her anger, and exclaimed, 
‘‘Why, you are my own grandson, Tane; stay with me.” Now 
there is no water in the land except in the coco-nuts (symbols 
of the womb), that are guarded by the giant lizard, the centipede, 
the beetle, and the mantis, who are called her children by Kui, 
and as she is Tane’s grandmother we must say that these are, for 
Tane, the projections of the father-imago. He kills them all; and 
then slakes his thirst from the coco-nut (maternal womb). Now 
comes a duplicate episode with the same meaning. Tane throws 
(cf. the throwing of the tjurunga at conception) coco-nuts at the 
old woman’s eyes; she cries out in agony (birth-pangs), but her 
eyesight is restored. That throwing something at her eyes and 
restoring her eyesight really means having intercourse with her 
and subsequently being born from her (she has her eyesight, she 
can see the child, the child has his eyesight; cf. the myth of the 
blind kangaroo-goddess) is quite evident from the sequel; Tane 
marries Kui’s daughter Ina, that is a second edition of herself, 
and becomes her son.t In the third version of the myth it is Maui 
who visits the old woman; she is his grandmother and is herself 
called Ina the Blind. 

Returning to the Wathi-Wathi we find that the next obstruc- 
tion is a deep and narrow pit extending between the two roads 
(the vagina), from which flames alternately rise and fall. Watching 
his opportunity, the good spirit leaps across in safety and is then 
met by two very old women, who take care of him till he becomes 
accustomed to his new abode. After a time, the deity, Tha-tha- 
pulli, comes with a host of spirits to see the new arrival and try 
his strength. A “nulla-nulla’’ is given by Tha-tha-pulli to one 
of the old women, who hands it to him. A number of emus are 
next driven past, at one of which the weapon is hurled and the 
emu stricken down.3 When they see a shooting-star it is Tha-tha- 
pulli trying the strength of a new spirit.4 

We arrive at an explanation by forming a composite picture of 

1 W. W. Gill, Myths, 111-114. 2 Id., ibid., 65. 

3 We have seen above that Bahloo (the moon) partakes of the nature of both 
sexes. The Arunta say that “the moon is an unsexed male.’’—Louis Schulze, 
op. cit., 221. For while the crow only makes girls and the lizard boys, Bahloo lends 
a hand in making both. Spirits sit at the ends of the sky with ropes in their hands 
and will not let him pass, so when he wants to go to the earth and go on with the 
creation of baby-girls he has to sneak down past the spirits in the form of an emu. 
—K. L. Parker, The Euahlayi Tribe, 1905, 98. On the voyage to Kurrilwan, the 
home of their ancestor Byama, the Kamilaroi meet a tribe with emu-feet (genitalia), 
and it is said that if these succeed in touching a man’s feet his feet will be trans- 

formed into those of an emu, that is sexual intercourse with them will make the 
wanderer one of their number.—R. H. Mathews, Folklore, 15. 

4 A, L. P. Cameron, “ Notes of some Tribes of N.S.W.,” J. A. I., 1884, 364, 365. 

_ the Kariera beliefs with those described by Cameron. As his father 
speared an emu (his mother) he was born. When he dies the scene is 
repeated with a slight modification : his father gives him the spear, 
and now it is his turn to “spear the emu.” We have all reason 
to believe that the two old women and the emus both symbolize 
the mother-imago, the dual-number of the old women reminding 
us of Daramulun’s two mother-wives of the two marriage-classes, 
and of the two women who give birth to the spirit-children in the 
Nimbalda myth. 

The aborigines of Western Victoria believe every adult has 
a wraith or likeness of himself which is not visible to anyone but 
himself, and visible to him only before his premature death. If 
he is to die from the bite of a snake (narcissistic dread of cas- 
_ tration) he sees his wraith in the sun, but in this case it appears 
to him in the form of an emu,! that is death is foreshadowed by 
the return of the narcissistic double into the mother’s womb or, 
what amounts to the same thing, by an identification with the 
mother.2, The two mothers also appear in the rejuvenated form 
as seen and desired by the infant. According to the Wide Bay 
blacks, the men of good character are allowed to enter the happy 
hunting-grounds at once, being ferried over the wide river which 
bounds it by two young women in a bark-canoe, one of whom 
subsequently becomes his wife.3 

Another of these other-world myths may form the subject of 
discussion ; it will perhaps serve to bring out the part played by 
the father-imago in the unconscious origin of the other-world 
concepts. The myth is current among the natives occupying 
the south-east coast from Botany Bay to the Victorian 
boundary. There is a remarkable rock on the coast, the 
sloping of which is suggestive of having been worn by the feet 
of many persons. This has given rise to a legend among the 
natives that these marks were made in the rock by the feet of 
the spirits of many generations of natives sliding from the upper 
to the lower side of it.¢ It was from this rock that the shade of 
the native took its final departure from its present hunting- 
grounds, and this was accomplished in the following manner : 

A very long stem of a cabbage tree, imperceptible to human 
vision, reached from some unknown land across the sea to 
this rock. When a blackfellow died his soul went in the night 

i Dawson, Australian Aborigines, 1881, 51. 

a The sun itself is a mother-symbol—they call it “the feminine light’’; the 
moon is the “‘ masculine light.’’—Dawson, op. cit., 99. 

3 Curr, The Australian Race, 1886, III. 137. 

4 Cf. the leaping-place of the souls, passing through Backstairs Passage towards 
Kangaroo Island (see Eylmann, Die Eingeborenen dev Kolonie Stidaustralien, 1908, 
189; and for parallels in Oceania, Gill, Myths and Songs, 1876, 159; Turner, 
Samoa, 257). 

to the top of the rock, and standing there for a few moments 
looked out towards the sea, which is about two miles distant. 
Then he slid down the hollow grooves, and when he got to 
the lower side of the rock he could distinguish the end of a 
long pole on to which he jumped and walked away along it 
to the sea-coast and onward across the expanse of water. 
The pole continued over the sea ;! following it along the ghost 
came to a place where flames of fire seemed to rise out of a 
depression in the water.2 Bad men fell into the fire or the 
sea. After a while the end of the pole was reached at the 
other side of the sea. The traveller then continued along 
the track through the bush and after a time met a crow, who 
said, ‘‘ You once frightened me,’ and thereupon threw a 
spear at him but missed him, and the man kept on his way, 
the crow calling him bad names and making a great noise. 
At another place he came to where a large native fig tree 
was growing, and two men were there. One of these men 
was standing on the ground and was some relative of the 
traveller; but the other man, who was up in the tree, was 
a vindictive person and would kill him if he got a chance. 
He gathers figs and squeezes them together to a quartz crystal, 
which has the effect of causing the figs to increase in size and 
weight. He then calls to the traveller to stand out in a clear 
space, but the soul walks into a scrubby place under the tree, 
and, being hungry, stoops down to pick some of the figs. The 
enemy in the tree then throws a bundle of figs that have been 
changed into a large stone at him but misseshis mark. The soul 
now passes through a narrow rocky gorge (Symplegades!) with 
scrub growing on either side in which were some king-parrots 
of gigantic size who tried to bite him with their strong beaks, 
but he defended himself with his shield and succeeded in getting 
through the pass.3 When he at last arrives at the happy 
hunting-grounds, an old dirty-looking blackfellow with a sore 
upon his body comes and asks, ‘‘ Who came just now when 
the noise was made,” and the other spirits say it is only the 
young people playing about. The hunting-grounds of this 
old man are separated from the other by a watercourse which 
he dare not pass.4 If he were to see the new arrival he might 
point a bone at him. If the soul, however, is that of a greedy 
or troublesome fellow the crow’s spear pierces him and the 

* Cf., when the departing soul reaches the extreme edge of the cliff a large wave 
approaches the base, and at the same moment a gigantic Bua tree (Beslavia tauvifolia) 
covered with fragrant blossoms springs up from Awaiki to receive the human spirits 
on its branches. There is a particular branch reserved for every tribe.—Gill, L.c., 
160, 161. + Cf. above, p. 197. 

3 Cf. the paroquet on the road to the other world—tTh. Williams, Fiji and the 
Fijians, 1858, I. 245. 

¢ Cf. on water as a boundary of the spirit world —Réheim, Spiegelzauber, 1919, 64. 

crow comes and picks mouthfuls of flesh out of him and knocks 
him about, after which he pulls out the spear and starts the 
man on the journey again. When he reaches the fig tree there 
is nobody to warn him of the danger, so he is stretched almost 
lifeless by the figs that are changed to stone. Bruised and 
bleeding from wounds he goes on. When he comes to the 
camp of his countrymen the people shout out to him that 
they do not want him there, and make signs for him to go on. 
When the scabby old man comes they tell him that a stranger 
has arrived, and he takes him away to his camp. The wounds 
made by the crow and the man in the fig tree never heal pro- 
perly, and give the injured man a scabby and dirty appearance 
ever afterwards.! 

We shall have to make a somewhat lengthy detour to get the 
key to this myth, and, speaking more generally, to the combat 
that awaits the soul on its journey to the other-world. Why is 
the soul of the dead considered dangerous, and especially so for 
those who are its nearest relatives? Freud reminds us of the 
unconscious feelings of enmity entertained by the relatives of the 
dead that, undergoing repression, are projected into the supposed 
feelings of the ghost, so that it is the mourner’s own aggressive 
tendencies which turn upon him in the person of the vampire- 
dead. Undoubtedly in the normal course of events the father 
becomes the prototype of all those who are dead.3 It is against 
him that the feelings of resentment were first felt and first 
repressed, and the father’s ghost is the vengeful demon par 
excellence. But there is another way by which the Australian 
rids himself of the contrition that follows the endopsychical 
acknowledgment of guilt—by projection to others. It is not 
he who is responsible for his father’s death through the 
omnipotence of his unconscious wish; it is other men, pre- 
ferably foreigners, who have caused the death of his beloved 
relative by their magic arts, and it is his duty as a loving 
son to identify himself with his father and revenge his death 
accordingly.¢ 

When Ben-nil-long’s wife died many spears were thrown and 
several men wounded. Ben-nil-long himself had a severe contest 
with Wil-le-mer-ing, whom he wounded on the thigh. Ben-nil-long 
had chosen the time for celebrating the funeral game in honour 
of his deceased wife when a whale feast had assembled a large 
number of natives together, among whom were several people 
from the north who spoke quite a different language. Ben-nil-long 
said repeatedly that he would not be satisfied until he had sacrificed 

t R, H. Mathews, Folklore of the Australian Aborigines, 1899, 30-35. 

3 Freud, T. & T., 1919, 102, 103. ase 
3 Cf. Réheim, Spiegelzauber, 1919, 226. « Cf. id., ibid., 200. 

someone to her ghost.t In Western Victoria a widower mourns 
for his wife three moons. Every second night he wails and 
recounts her good qualities and lacerates his forehead with his 
nails till the blood flows down his cheeks and covers his head and 
face with white clay. He must continue to mourn and wear the 
white clay for another nine months, unless he shall succeed in 
taking a human life in revenge for her death. If he cease wearing 
the clay before the expiry of three moons without taking a life, 
his deceased relatives say “‘ He has told a lie,” and they will 
attempt to kill him.2 The reason why every death is attributed 
to the magical devices of unknown wizards is the fact that between 
all those who stand near to each other there is a certain amount 
of unconscious repressed ill-feeling, and the mourning ritual is 
essentially an expression of the pangs of remorse felt at having 
been responsible for the death. 

That is why all contrary tendencies are repressed by a 
mechanism similar to that of the obsessional neurotic: the 
function of the continual howling and the continual praise of 
the dead is undoubtedly to inhibit the manifestation of the 
hostile feelings. Self-punishment is effected by the laceration 
and by the white paint laid on. These indicate a readiness to 
suffer at least a symbolic talion-punishment for having caused the 
death of the beloved: white, being the colour of the dead, shows 
that the mourner is dead and the ghost has its revenge. The 
symbol, however, is evidently not sufficient to give peace to the 
community and restore the equilibrium between the Conscious and 
the Unconscious. By wearing the colour of the dead the mourner 
represents the loving side of the ambivalent attitude (identifica- 
tion with the ghost); the second murder that he must commit 
in atonement for the first is the second part of a symptomatic 
double action which annuls the effects of the former, although 
at the same time it repeats the very deed which it expiates. If 
the atoning element of the symptomatic double action is not 
carried out, “‘he has told the relatives a lie”’ by putting on the 
mourning paint and indicating his identification with the deceased ; 
they are then justified in regressing towards the original form in 
phylogenetic evolution, for which the whole ritual was merely a 
milder substitute,3 and in taking his life. 

The Barkunyj on the Darling River say that the ghost will 
not be appeased till the sorcerers’ caul-fat is taken. When this 
is done the pipeclay worn on the head as a sign of mourning is 
removed.$ 

* Collins, An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales, 1804, 379. 

+ Dawson, Australian Aborigines, 1881, 66. 

3 The white clay is worn in mourning for the death of a chief till a person of 
a strange tribe is killed —Dawson, l.c., 67. The dead promise not to haunt the 
tribe if sufficiently avenged.—R, Brough-Smyth, The Aborigines of Victoria, I. 107 

¢ E. M. Curr, The Australian Race, II. 199. ; 

On the Pennefather River the avenger, who is usually one of 
the deceased sister’s sons (instead of his own son), carries the fibula- 
bones wrapped in a bag and slung round his neck; besides this 
memento he identifies himself with the dead by eating little bits 
of his flesh. He is supposed to have lost the power of speech, a 
symptom that expresses the self-punishment for having caused 
his relative’s death; he is as dumb as the corpse.t During all 
this loss of speech and eating of human flesh he has gradually 
discovered the murderer who doomed the deceased ; now he regains 
his speech and makes a pointing-bone of the fibula he has been 
carrying about. If the pointing-bone does not take effect, the 
accused may have to stand the ordeal of having spears thrown 
at him, and this may lead to general fighting and trouble. Eating 
the dead man’s flesh and obtaining revenge for him are rites that 
have a parallel fore-conscious and a corresponding unconscious 
meaning. From the point of view of the former they are expressive 
of identification, from that of the latter both of them are outlets 
for pent-up animosity. The dead man is eaten, that is com- 
pletely annihilated; another man is killed; the unconsciously 
committed murder is repeated in good earnest. The loss of speech 
is evidently an over-determined symptom, besides being a visible 
sign of the horror felt at having caused the death; and besides 
being expressive of identification with the dead, it also represents 
abstinence from the other oral function, eating. Fasting may 
be a form of self-punishment that is equivalent to dumbness, 
but, on the other hand, eating as such may represent the anthro- 
pophagous meal—such being the case, for instance, on the Lower 
Gulf Coast. The ritual is similar to that of the Pennefather River 
with slight variations. During the period of discovering the indi- 
vidual guilty of killing the deceased the nearer relatives, instead 
of losing their powers of speech, have to avoid eating red meats, 
e.g. opossum, bandicoot, etc.—such foods as iguana, etc., being 
permissible.3 Evidently because the red meat is like the human 
flesh of the deceased, showing a case in which the original inhibition 
spreads beyond the limits of the action which it intends to repress.4 

At Cape Bedford, when one’s elder brother dies, the younger 
one prepares to spear the wife of the deceased, and pulls her about 
before the others because of the man’s death; but one of the men 
gets hold of a spear and prevents him wounding the woman. Next 
day the wife of the dead man comes along crying, offering her 
head to all the men around to be struck; they strike her till she 
is covered with blood, after this they are no longer angry with 

t Cf. Reik, ‘‘ Die Bedeutung des Schweigens,” Imago, V. 354. 

a W. E. Roth, “‘ Burial Ceremonies and Disposal of the Dead,’’ North Queensland 
Ethnography Bull., 9, 368, 369. 3 Roth, l.c., 370, 

4 Thus it is not only prohibited to kill the father, but also the totem; not only 
to have intercourse with the mother, but also with all the women of the same clan. 

her. If a woman dies the old men spear the husband in the leg, 
both being a sort of crying quits; they may have been jealous of 
each other, quarrelled with each other and the dead person may 
not have had the occasion in lifetime to settle accounts—now it 
is the mourners’ duty to do this for him (or her).! When visitors 
come who have not seen the dead for a long time, although they 
used to be friendly with him, they protest against the possibility 
of his death being attributed to their agency: on the contrary, 
it is they who turn the tables of the usual projection—they throw 
spears at his own people, showing whom they consider responsible 
for his death.? 

In the Bloomfield District, when the culprit is found, he denies 
having had any quarrel with the deceased, and tries to shift the 
blame on to somebody else; if he does not succeed in this he offers 
expiation by challenging his accusers to spear him. Should he 
come through the ordeal successfully, much depending upon his 
previous conduct and the influence of his powerful friends, his 
accusers will cling round his neck and make friends again, finally 
fixing the guilt generally upon the weakest tribe and its most 
friendless member. In this district someone must be killed for 
the death of every important male aboriginal.3 Although there 
is a certain amount of repressed ill-will between all those who are 
closely related to each other, and hence the mourning ritual and 
the duty of revenge obtains for relations (and members of the same 
clan, tribe, etc.) of all sorts, it seems very probable that the 
repressed current of animosity is strongest between father and 
son. This may lead to an inhibition of the identification-tendency 
as in the case of the Dieri: the nearest relations eat of each other 
after death, but the father does not eat of his children nor the 
children of their sire.¢ The typical avenger is the son: it is he 
who, more than all others, is obliged to project his own repressed 
feelings into the person of the wizard. If once the unconscious 
hatred against the jealous sire is projected into the figure of an 
enemy (‘‘It is not I who hated my father and thus caused his 
death, but X.”’), the feeling itself may become manifest in an 
altered form: “I do not hate the father (I love him), but X., 
whom I must kill to show that I am not responsible for my father’s 
death.” At this point there is a curious return of repressed 
elements, which shows that the enemy who must be killed after 
death is a duplicate of the father-imago, and the deed is a repetition 
of the very deed it is meant to expiate: the enemy is represented 
by his father-symbol, by his totem. 

In the Belyando River tribe the culprit was determined by 

t Roth, Burial Ceremonies, 380, 381. The meaning of the self-inflicted wounds 
as a form of self-accusation is clearly brought out in this ceremony. 

2 Id., ibid., 382. 3 Id., ibid., 387. 

¢ A. W. Howitt, N. T., 1904, 449. 

CONCEPTION AL TOTEMISM 211 

the following method: The ground which had been smoothed 
round the grave would be carefully examined, and if any animal, 
The totem in the Dird or reptile had passed over it, its track would 
post-mortem be easily seen and the murder be assigned to some 
aa member of the tribe in whose dietary scale the animal, 
bird or reptile is included (these being subclasses with positive 
totems). Ifa brown or black snake had been there, some Wongoo 
would be declared to be the culprit ; if a carpet-snake, an Obad; 
if a dog, a Banbey, and so on.? 

Amongst the Buandik, a man does not kill or use as food any 
of the animals of the same subdivision to which he belongs. These 
animals they call wingong (friends) or tumanang (their flesh), and 
they believe that the killing of his wingong will hasten a person’s 
death. In the blood revenge arrangement these subdivisions bear 
a prominent part, and in cases of uncertain death the tuman of 
the slayer will appear at the inquest.? 

The Australian ritual of eating the dead and obtaining revenge 
for them as a repetition of death is paralleled in a symbolic form 
by the custom of the Bini in Southern Nigeria, where on the first 
day of the burial ceremonies some families will make soup out 
of their totemic plant or animal with which to sacrifice to the feet 
of the dead man. The sacrificed portion is sometimes put to the 
lips of the members of the family and then thrown away.3 On 
the other hand, we find the same thing in a symbolic but inhibited 
form in the Waduman tribe, for if a man of any totemic group 
dies the animal or plant is taboo to all members of that totemic 
group until after the performance of a special ceremony. 

Tf we inquire into the question of the duration of the soul’s 
journey on the one hand and of the mourning ceremonies on the 

other, we shall find that everywhere, where informa- 
ee ah tion is forthcoming, the two periods correspond to 
road to the each other.5 It is not going too far to see a mythical 
ere reflection of the ritual in the belief, and thus the fight 

are mythical 

reflections of the for the soul at the grave would be projected into the 
combats fought 

out by the myth as a fight of the soul at the entrance of the 
enon at other-world. Mourners and the soul are identified 
the grave. 

in a certain sense, and as the mourners or their 

1 J. Muirhead, Belyando River. Curr. III. 28. When a person dies the grave 
is swept, and according to the track they see next morning they determine the 
totem to which the murderer belonged.—K. L. Parker, Euahlayi, 89. 

a Fison and Howitt, Kamilaroi and Kurnai, 149. 

3 Frazer, T. & E., IT. 588. 4 Spencer, N. T. N. T. A., 198. 

s On the question of “‘ delayed burial’ and the journey of the soul to the other 
world, see Hertz, ‘‘ Contribution a l’étude d’une représentation collective de la 
mort,” Année sociologique, X. 1907. A van Gennep, Les Rites de Passage, 1909, 209. 
Negelein, ‘“‘ Die Reise der Seele ins Jenseits,” Zeitschrift des Vereins Sir Volkskunde, 
XI. 161, 149, 263. N. W. Thomas, ‘“ Disposal of the Dead in Australia,” Folk Lore, 
XIX. 388. G. Elliot Smith, ‘‘ On the Significance of the Geographical Distribution 
of Mummification,”’ Manchester Memoirs, 1915, LIX. No. ro. 

representative have to obtain a victory in a combat before they 
can return to the world of normal human beings, the soul must 
conquer its principal enemy personified in the demon on the road 
before it can enter the other-world. Accounts must be squared, 
the law of talion must be observed. This is done for the soul by the 
mourners, but it has to be squared also against the soul on the 
Mythical Journey. The crow, who attacks the soul, says, “ You 
once frightened me.’’! The soul of the Macateca Indian has to 
pass through the realm of the dogs, bulls, serpents and birds. He 
who has been friendly to the animals has nothing to fear from 
them, but if anybody has been wicked to them or has perhaps 
killed one, they will bite his feet and will not let him pass.2_ This 
retribution-fear is most probably rooted in the infantile Oedipus 
complex ; everybody committed these unconscious sins against his 
father in infantile life: it is from that quarter that he has to 
dread retribution. Moreover, as everybody “killed his father” 
in the very act of obtaining revenge for him, everybody has good 
reason to dread his father’s ghost. 

If we remember the part played by the crow in cosmological 
legend, and as one of the phratric totems, we shall be inclined 
to say that the crow who attacks the man on the road is a repre- 
sentative of the father-imago. The next adventure the soul 
undergoes is at the fig tree: we see an enemy who attacks and 
a relative who protects the soul, which tallies with the ambivalent 
splitting of the paternal-imago in mourning ritual: there also we 
have the enemy who must be punished and the father whose soul 
is to be appeased (together with the relatives who help in the 
enterprise). The gigantic parrots that try to bite the soul evidently 
represent the castration-complex which can hardly be absent 
when the soul has just fought the father and is about to enter 
the maternal womb. Lastly, we have the dirty-looking old man, 
who represents the Father-Imago as embodied in Society; for 
those who have behaved ill towards Society, Society presents but 
an ill-aspect. That the dirty appearance of the old man is pro- 
jected into him from the endopsychical dissatisfaction of the indi- 
vidual is evident from the fact that the ghosts who live with him 
have the same dirty aspect as himself. 

All this certainly partakes of the nature of a conjecture, but 
that it is at least legitimate guesswork we are indulging in, is, 
I think, proved by the beliefs of the Lushei. The first man is said 
to have been Pupawla; he died before all those born after him. 
This Pupawla, the man who died first, shoots at those who died 
after him with a big pellet-bow, but at some he cannot shoot.3 

t Mathews, 32. 
+ W. Bauer, “ Aberglaube der Macateca Indianer,” Z, E., 1908, 858. 
3 Shakespeare, The Lushei-Kuki Clans, IQI2, 62. 

These are (a) the Hlamzuih, the first born who died shortly after 3 

birth and are buried without ceremony under the house,! the reason 
probably being that these children die before they can evolve an 
Oedipus complex ; (b) Thangchuah, that is, those who have killed 
a man, elephant, bear, sambhur, barking-deer, wild boar, wild 
mithan, and by giving feasts in honour of the ancestor? (that is, 
conquering and appeasing the father); (c) he may not shoot at 
a man who had enjoyed three virgins or seven women who were 
not virgins,3 erotic victories being evidently considered as good 
a title to the entry of the other-world as murder—both correspond- 
ing to one of the two main elements of the Oedipus complex. At 
any rate it is evident that the man who died first represents the 
father-imago, and thus if we see that the emus hunted in the other- 
world correspond to the pre-natal emu-hunt, we may say that 
the Fight with the Demon is a post-mortem projection of the pre- 
natal Duel with the Father. 

The world after death is a repetition of the existence previous 
to life: the soul goes back to the womb whence it came. 

To sum up: the evolution of the other-world in Australia is 
clearly traceable through the following stages: (a) Projection of 
the pre-natal environment into the actual environment gives rise 
to totem-centres as baby-caves. (b) Narcissistic regressive ten- 
dencies of old age are continued in an uterine regression after 
death. (c) There is a narcissistic tendency of a libidinal repression 

of the unbearable concept of total annihilation, and (d) the feelings 

felt by the father towards his father are revived in relation to his 
son: this leads to the idea that the children are the dead re-born 
and that ghosts go back to the totem-centre. (e) The double 
concept of a pre-natal post-mortem world splits into two; the 
form which projects the first into the future (ghost-land) long sur- 
vives after the disappearance of the original (baby-land), although 
it conserves traces of its primitive origin. 

1 Shakespeare, The Lushei-Kuki Clans, 1912, 86. 2 Id., ibid., 64, 88. 
3 Id., ibid., 62.

INTICHIUMA CEREMONIES 

We have already pointed out that the mythical accounts of the 
Alcheringa, the beliefs intended to explain childbirth, and the 
Intimate con.  itichiuma ceremonies are three aspects of the same 
nexion between complex. The totem-ancestors were closely connected 
Bra ea myths with the Churinga ; it is from these Churinga that the 
allel, and spirit-children are supposed to emanate and the same 
—— Churinga are used in the ceremonies, the object of 
which is to make the totem-animal increase and multiply. 

In connexion with the times at which the ceremonies are held, 
it may be said that while the exact time is fixed by the Alatunja in 
each case, the matter is largely dependent on the nature of the 
season. The Intichiuma are closely associated with the breeding 
of animals and the flowering of the plants with which each totem is 
respectively identified, and as the increase of the number of the 
totemic animal or plant is the object of the ceremony, it is most 
naturally held at a certain season. In Central Australia the seasons 
are limited, so far as the breeding of animals and the flowering of 
plants is concerned, to two—a dry one of uncertain and often great 
length, and a rainy one of- short and often irregular occurrence.! 
The rainy season is followed by an increase in animal life and an 
exuberance of plant growth, which almost suddenly transforms what 
may have been a sterile waste into a land rich in various forms of 
animals, none of which has been seen perhaps since many months, 
eae and gay with the blossoms of endless flowering plants. 

é Intichiuma 3 ubetaee : 
ceremonies are In case of many of the totems it is just when there is 
Po sermed ai the promise of the approach of a good season that it 

reeding season + : 

of nature in is customary to hold the ceremony.t Neither the 
eps sisate fag category of time nor that of space is a negligible 
symbolic quantity in trying to pierce the complicated strata 
equivalents of — of historic development that go to make up a cere- 

é uterus. . ° . 

mony of this sort. They are performed in the breeding 
season of nature, in places that we have recognized as symbolic 
equivalents of the maternal womb. 

When an Intichiuma is about to be performed the indispensable 
Churinga are brought out of the Ertnatulunga. The Intichiuma 
ground of the Honey-ant totemis situated in a depression in a rocky 
Tange at a considerable elevation above the surrounding plains, and 

* Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 169, 170. 

all over the depression are blocks of stone standing up on end and 
leaning in all directions, each of which is associated with a Honey-ant 
man of the Alcheringa. On the east side of the pit there is a mulgy 
tree, which is the abode of the spirit of an Alcheringa man, whose 
duty it was to guard the sacred ground. In the centre of the pit 
there is a stone, which projects about eighteen inches above the 
ground and is the Nanja of an Alcheringa man who originated here 
and performed Intichiuma.: 

The Intichiuma ceremony of the Kangaroo totem is performed at 
the Nanjastone of agreat Alcheringakangaroo.2, Whenan Intichiuma 
(mbatjalkatjuma) is about to be performed the head man who has 
the charge of the ertnatulunga (arknanaua) or holy cavern orders a 
place to be swept clear near the arknanaua in the totem-centre, 
and has the Churinga brought out of the arknanaua and greased 
with fat and red ochre. The performers must either belong to the 
totem whose Intichiuma is about to be performed or at least it must 
be their altjirra (maternal totem).3 Here the Intichiuma can only 
be performed in the totem-centre in thesame spot where the spirit- 
children are incarnated. 

In the Warramunga tribe, on the other hand, each totemic group 
has usually one great ancestor, who arose in some special spot and 
walked across the country making various natural features as he 
did so, and leaving behind him spirit-individuals who have since 
been reincarnated. The Intichiuma ceremony of the totem really 
consists in tracking these ancestors’ paths and repeating one after 
the other ceremonies commemorative of what are called the mungai 
spots, the equivalent of the oknanikilla amongst the Arunta (totem- 
centres, that is places where the great ancestor left the spirit-children 
behind).4 Any convenient place may be chosen by the Warramunga 
for the performance, but though this modification, this adjustment to 
the Reality Principle, seems to have obscured the original meaning 
of the rite, the unconscious meaning comes out again in the fact 5 
that the original mungai spots are represented by highly conven- 
tionalized drawings, by concentric circles painted either on the 
ceremonial ground or on the body of the performers.® 

The Intichiuma as such is a ceremony that is connected—in 
space, with a symbolic representation of the womb; in time, with 
The Caaro the general breeding season of nature. We shall 
ceremony of the proceed to quote the account given by Oldfield of the 
Watchandie.  Watchandie (Western Australia) ceremony called 
Caaro; we think there is sufficient evidence to prove this to be an 
instructive variant of the Central Australian Intichiuma. 

t Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 187. a Id., ibid., 194. 

3 Strehlow, A. & L., III. 2. 4 Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 297 
5 The ground-drawings are, except for a single case, absent in the Arunta tribe 

—Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 737. 
6 Cf. G. Durkheim, Les formes élémentaives de la vie veligieuse, 1912, 532, 533- 

“Like the beasts of the field, the savage has but one time for 
copulation in a year—a season marked out by nature, and deter- 
mined by the abundance of food and the comparative ease with 
which it is to be procured, as well as by the genial warmth of the 
season. Theassemblage of these conditionsis essential to the proper 
performance of this act in man and beast, and accordingly we find 
that spring has been accounted the season of love in all ages and 
climates.t About the middle of spring, when the yams are in 
perfection, when the young of all animals are abundant, and when 
eggs and other nutritious food are to be had, the Watchandies begin 
to think of holding their grand semi-religious Festival of Caaro, 
preparatory to the performance of the important duty of procrea- 
tion. At the time of the first new moon after the yams are ripe 
the Watchandies begin to layin a stock of all kinds of food sufficient 
to subsist upon during the continuance of the ceremonial. On the 
eve of the feast the women and the children retire from the company 
of the men, and henceforth, until the conclusion of the ceremony, 
the men are not permitted to look on a female. The men, thus left 
to themselves, rub their bodies with a mixture of charcoal ashes 
and wallaby fat, after which, having dug a large pit in the ground, 
they retire to rest. Early next morning they reassemble and 
proceed to decorate themselves with a mixture of ochre and emu- 
fat, dressing their hair with shavings and garlands. They dance 
round the pit they have dug, shouting, singing, and some few 
whistling (this they never do in their common corrobories), and 
thus they continue all night long, each in turn snatching a few 
moments for rest and gormandizing. Every figure of their dances, 
every gesture, the burden of all their songs, is calculated to inflame 
their passions. The pit is so dug and decorated with bushes as to 
represent the private parts of a female. As they dance they carry 
the spear before them to simulate priapus ; every gesture is obscene 
and the character of the songs in vogue on such occasions may be 
understood from the following: Bool-lie (hair on female private 
parts), neera (none), bool-lie neera Bool-lie neera, Wadaga (private 
parts of female).2 At the conclusion of the ceremony the men 
copulate with the women ; then, to mark the scene of their orgies, 
they place sticks in the ground, which is a tabooed place, anyone 
looking on it will infallibly fall sick and die. For some time after 
the feast the men who have taken part wear shavings in their hair, 
to distinguish them as Caaro men.” 3 The season is the same as 

t On the evidence for a human or pre-human pairing season, see E. Westermarck, 
The History of Human Marriage, 1901, 25-38. Q 

+ The translation usually given in anthropological books that refer to this ritual, 
“ Non fossa, non fossa, sed cunnus ”’ (cf. Globus, XVIII. 230) seems to be erroneous ; 
at any rate I cannot find “ Bool-ie ” in the sense of ‘‘ fossa” in the vocabulary given 
by Oldfield. ‘ Bool-ie”” means hair on the female private part—A. Oldfield, 

“The Aborigines of Australia,” T. of the E. S., III. 1865, 295. 
3 Oldfield, op. cit., 230, 231. 

with the Intichiuma ceremonies, and the pit that represents the 
female genital organ corresponds exactly to the Ertnatulunga as a 
symbolic uterus. The whistling corresponds to the characteristic 
vibrating sounds produced at the Intichiuma, whilst the garlands 
and shavings in the hair of the men are the equivalents of the 
peculiar head-dresses made up of mulga-branches and fur-string 
in which the tjurunga are hidden at the Intichiuma.t' The absence 
of the women, the tabooed character of the place, would accord 
with the general character of the Intichiuma,? whilst the closing 
feature of a general promiscuous intercourse is absent in the In- 
tichiuma ritual. Unless, then, our parallel be a mistake, we shall 
expect to find some ritual survival of this feature. 

In certain traditions we find magical and totemic ceremonies as 
a substitute for coitus. Intercourse is attempted by the hero but 

4. declined by the women, whereupon the hero straight- 

substitute way proceeds to perform magical ceremonies. An old 
for cottus in man named Illipa came to a camp of Yelka (Cypferus 
traditions. 

votundus) women and tried to cohabit with one of 
them. She resisted him; he struck her on the neck with his toma- 
hawk and killed her (killing = coitus). The old man went back 
to his camp, where he made ceremonies of the Wild-Cat totem, 
and at last died there forming a big oknanikilla) The man was 
a Panunga and the women a Purula whom he might lawfully have 
married.3 

A Dieri legend equally points to magical ceremonies as a sub- 
stitute for intercourse between an old man and young girls; but 
in these cases it is the ‘‘ daughters ”’ (tribal) of the old man who 
frustrate his desire. He goes forth thinking of revenge, as his 
incestuous desires are not satisfied. Through his songs he causes 
plants to grow,‘ that is he performs a real Intichiuma. 

These legends emphasize the fact that the totemic magic is the 
result of a compromise formation between the libido (as personified 
by the old men) and repression (represented by the resisting women) 
It seems also to indicate that the repression is directed primarily 
against the incestuous manifestation of the libido.5 If we can point 
out certain seemingly unimportant but ever-recurring details in the 
complicated and elaborate structure of a variable ritual and find 
out the meaning of these details, we shall be probably very near 
to the unconscious meaning of the ritual itself. 

t Strehlow, A. & L., III. 3-5. 

2 An alternative hypothesis would be that the Caaro is an initiation. This 
view finds strong support in the last sentence of the account quoted above. We 
shall see that the two possibilities are not irreconcilable. 

3 Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 395. 

« Howitt, N. T., 781. oA 
s In the first legend the connexion would have been permissible according to 

tribal law; nevertheless it is an old man (Father) who desires a young woman 
(daughter). (Killing of the two girls as in the other variant.) 

Such a common feature of all Intichiuma rites are the quivering 
and shaking movements of the performers. In the Honey-Ant 
ceremony the performer pauses every now and then 
to quiver. In the water Intichiuma the head-man 
quivers his body and legs in the most extraordinary way, more even 
than is customary in other ceremonies, in many of which a quivering 
movement is a characteristic feature. ‘‘ As soon as all the prepara- 
tions for the ceremony have been completed, one of the old men 
utters a loud long-drawn exclamation, waving his hollowed hand in 
front of his mouth, producing vibratory sounds. At this call the 
young men run up and perform rhythmical movements to the sounds 
‘ wa-wa-wa-jai-jai-jai,’ circling round the old man. The Arunta 
call the young men’s performance warkuntama. In current Arunta 
‘wa’ means ‘ yes,’ but in this connexion means rather ‘ to make 
good ;’ ‘ jai’ means ‘ move yourself, move your bodies in trembling 
movements, tremble.’ The call is thus a request to the performer 
to play his part, but at the same time the young men express their 
applause by whirling round him.”’ 3 

This quivering movement is absent from scarcely any of the 
Arunta or Loritja rituals as described by Strehlow.4 In the Ura- 
bunna rain-intichiuma the performer rose from the ground to a 
stooping position, quivering his body and turning his head from side 
to side.s In an Arunta ceremony connected with the Unchalka- 
grub totem the performer quivers with his extended arms or wriggles 
in imitation of the grub. In a ceremony of the Kaitish and Unma- 
tjera the performers swayed their bodies, and wriggled backwards 
and forwards on their knees.7_ Fortunately, the legends give a clue 
to these movements. In the Nullakun tribe each of the Alcheringa 
(Musmus) ancestors is supposed to have had numbers of spirit- 
children who emanated from them when they shook their bodies 
during the performance of corrobories. It is these who are now 
constantly entering lubras and being born.’ In the Mungarai tribe, 
whenever the ancestors stopped in their wanderings they performed 
ceremonies, and when doing so shook themselves, with the result 
that spirit-children (mall-mall), who, of course, belonged to the totem 
of the ancestor, emanated from their bodies. These spirit-children 
now go into the right lubras and are born as natives.) Warramunga 
tradition says that after coming up out of the earth the black snake 
made the creek now called Tennant Creek and travelled on to the 
Macdonnal Range, which indeed he also created. As he went along 
he made thuthu or sacred ceremonies (the representations of which 
are now performed by his descendents) and where he did so he left 

Ouivering. 

1 Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 189. 2 Td., ibid., 192. 

3 Strehlow, A. & L., III. 4, 5. 4 Id., ibid., III. 2 et passim. 

5 Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 285. 61d. Ibid; 180; Ne fe neg, 
7-1d.; Nor. T., 186, 187; N.T., 192. 8 Spencer, N. T. N. T. A., 267. 

9 Id., ibid., 266. 

spirit-children behind him. When he performed the ceremonies 
he always shook himself, preparatory to going on to the next place, 
and this shaking was represented in the two next ceremonies which 
were associated with the small rockholes at the foot of the Macdonnal 
Range. This shaking of the body, which is very characteristic of 
these ceremonies, is done in imitation of an old ancestor who is 
reported to have always shaken himself when he performed sacred 
ceremonies. The spirit-individuals used to emanate from him just 
as the white down flies off from the bodies of the performers at the 
present day when they shake themselves! We have recognized 
the spirit individuals as representative of the spermatozoa (seed), 
now we see that the white down, a characteristic feature of these 
ceremonies,? represents the same concept. If the white down is 
a “spirit-child”’ or spermatozoén, the wriggling which makes it 
fly off in all directions (spirit-children emanate) is a symbolic 
survival of the rhythmic movements of coitus. 

This conclusion will be corroborated by examining two other 
constant elements of the Intichiuma ritual, rubbing and _ blood- 
letting. In the Intichiuma of the Witchetty-grub 
totem (Arunta) the stomachs of the men are rubbed 
with the Churinga uchaqua (represents the chrysalis stage from which 
the adult animal emerges) and the Churinga unchima (the egg).3 
Before the ceremony of the Hakea flower totem commences the pit 
is carefully swept clean by an old Hakea flower man, who then strokes 
the stone all over with his hands. After this the men sit around the 
stone (which represents a mass of Hakea flowers) ; by the side of it 
is the Nanja tree of an Alcheringa woman, and a considerable time 
is spent in singing chants, the burden of which is a reiterated invita- 
tion to the tree to flower much and to the blossoms to be full of 
honey. The stone is regarded as a Churinga and is forbidden to 
women, children and uninitiated men.4 When the Intichiuma of 
the Manna totem is being performed the headman climbs on the top 
of a large boulder that represents Manna and discloses to view a 
Churinga that has been buried there ever since the Alcheringa, and 
is also supposed to represent a mass of Ilpirra. He rubs the boulder 
with the Churinga, after which he takes the smaller stones and with 
these rubs the same spot while the other men sit around and sing 
loudly, telling the dust produced by the rubbing of the stones to go 
and produce a plentiful supply of Manna on the mulga trees. Then 
with the twigs of the mulga he sweeps away the dust which has 
gathered on'the surface of the stones, the idea being to cause it to 
settle on the mulga trees and so produce IIpirra.5 

5 Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 301. Spencer, N. T. N. T. A., 266, 

Rubbing. 

+ Totemic ceremonies are called ‘“‘quabara undattha’’ = down ceremonies. 
NOP) May 179; ig 
3 Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 174, 175. 4 Id., ibid., 184, 185. 

5 Id., ibid., 185, 186. 

In the Honey-Ant ceremony a stone which has been taken out 
is rubbed over reverently with their hands by the old men and 
then rubbed over with the smaller stone, after which it is replaced 
in the ground. In a kangaroo ceremony the stone is rubbed by 
the Alatunja and then examined by those present. The sides of 
the stone are worn smooth by constant rubbing.2 They stroke the 
drawing of the snake on the back of the performers, an action which 
is supposed to please the Alcheringa snake on whose account the 
ceremony is performed.3 In the Grass-seed ceremony the Alatunja 
takes two of the Churinga, red-ochres them and decorates them 
with lines and dots of down, the latter representing the grass-seed. 
When this is done he rubs them together so that the down flies 
off in all directions. We know what the white down that flies 
about means and it seems that the rubbing is but a symbolic 
repetition of the friction produced by coitus. 

The Yaroma is a hairy demon that eats the blackfellows. When 
one of the monsters is heard in the vicinity of camp during the 
evening the people keep silent and rub their genitalia with their 
hands and puff or spit in his direction.s The Churinga unites the 
individual not only with the totem ancestor but also with the 
totem-animal or plant itself, and gives him the power to multiply 
the animal and make it grow fat the same way as the ancestor did. 
“Tf the tjurunga is smeared with fat and red ochre, creative 
power emanates from it which has a powerful effect on the totem ; as 
the old men said, when the tjurunga is smeared, totem animals jump 
out of it.’’ 6 

This reminds us of the erathipa stone that has to be rubbed for 
spirit-children to emanate from it. The fat used for greasing the 
stone is evidently symbolic of semen, and this explains the kangaroo 
fat laid aside by the hunter in North-West Australia, out of which 
spirit-children are said to emanate and incarnate themselves in the 
child in the womb of the hunter’s wife as well as the magical value 
attached to fat all over Australia.7 The tjurunga from which man 
originates is his father’s body, the father being represented by his 
mythical projection in the Father-Imago, the Alcheringa ancestor, 
or more precisely by stone Churinga and rocks, a choice which may 
be attributed to the fact that hard substances are the best symbols 
of the penis in erection. Smearing the tjurunga with fat would then 
be a symbolical repetition of onanistic proceedings. The close 

1 Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 187. 
» The stone represents the tail of an Alcheringa kangaroo.—Spencer and Gillen, 

N. T., 200. 3 Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 300. 
4 Id., ibid., 292. 5 Mathews, £. N., 159. : 
6 Strehlow, 4. & L., II. 76, 77. 7 Cf. Roheim: Imago, VII. 20-22. 

8 According to a communication from Dr. Hollés, a patient of his in the lunatic 
asylum attributes creative force to the ritual of rubbing. He says: ‘ When I rub 
myself, then Adam is born.” Thus both the psychotic (dementia precox) and the 
Australian native regress to an infantile form of the libidinal impulse, which they 
substitute for coitus, declaring that this will bring forth human or animal beings. 

parallel which connects the Intichiuma ritual with the childbirth 
belief is well brought out by this rubbing rite. If a man wishes to 
make the ratapa emerge from the erathippa stone, all he has to do 
is to mutter an incantation to this effect and rub the stone with his 
hands. To cause a child to enter a woman a Kaitish man will take 
a Churinga and carry it to a special spot where there is a stone called 
“ kwerka-punga ’’ (child-stone), at the same time asking the 
“kurinah ”’ or spirit of the child to go straight into the woman. 
It is in full accordance with the ways of thinking of a primitive 
people to suppose that both humanity and the totem species will be 
multiplied by rubbing the mother’s womb (child-stone) with the 
father’s penis (Churinga). 

The poverty and extreme primitiveness of the material culture 
of the Central Australian natives is perhaps best emphasized by the 

aps Oe fact that they have not yet completely attained the 

character of stage of evolution in worldly goods that clearly marks 
oa off Man from the Animal kingdom. Manaccommodates 
culture. 

himself to environment by acting on it. He does not 
grow fur to meet the requirements of a cold climate, but he uses the 
skin of animals; he has no claws for attacking other beasts, but 
weapons the materials of which are derived from environment itself. 
The Australian native has conserved the rudiments of a pre-human 
stage of development ; hiscultureis autoplastic (to use a word coined 
by Ferenczi) ; in a certain degree he uses materials derived from his 
own body for practical, ornamental and ceremonial purposes. 
Strings used for various purposes are made of human hair.?_ Strings 
of animal or human hair are used for corroboree armlets.3 Belts of 
human hair are used in North-Western Australia.4 Hair strings used 
as charms against sickness are made of hair from the beard.s_ In the 
Arunta tribe a man’s hair goes either to his brother-in-law or his 
wife’s brother (tribal). A man receives hair: (a) From his actual 
mother-in-law (his principal supply); (0) from a son-in-law ; 
(c) from his brother-in-law. In addition to this he will sometimes 
receive hair-string in return for a favour rendered.6 Human blood 
is required as gum to fix the down on the bodies of the performers 
during the ceremonies.7 Blood may be given by young men to 
old men with a view of strengthening the latter. When very 
thirsty and no water is procurable men will either drink their own 
blood, obtained by cutting open a vein in the arm, or else they will 
exchange blood with another man. Sometimes under the same 

: Spencer and Gillen, INAPDASOSs La NOV aL os 2 7Le 

s Spencer, N. T. N. T. A., 411. 

3 H. Basedow, ‘‘ Notes on the Natives of Bathurst Wsland,"? J. Az d,, ror3, 207. 

4 A. R. Brown, “‘ Three Tribes,” J. A. Z., 1913, 167. 

s A. J. Peggs, ‘“‘ Notes on the Aborigines of Roebuck Bay, Western Australia,” 
Folk-Lore, XIV. 365. 

6 Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 465, 460. 
7 ee Ned. Not. AS 144. 8 Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 461. 

conditions they will sprinkle blood over one another’s heads with 
the idea of thereby cooling each other. But ‘it is very natural 
that this poverty of external resources should go hand in hand with 
a corresponding autoerotic fixation of the libido which is demonstrated 
by the still greater ceremonial use of portions of their own body, or 
objects unconsciously equated with such portions. 

The drawing of blood from the body is of very frequent occurrence 
in all tribes in connexion with the performance of ceremonies. Its 
most common use is to fasten the down used for drawing designs 
either on the man’s body or some implement. For this purpose 
it is either taken from the arm or from the subincised urethra. 
It is astonishing what an enormous amount of blood is used for 
decorative purposes by these savages, one of whom will think nothing 
of bleeding himself perhaps twice a day for a week or two in 
succession. We are here concerned primarily with the meaning 
of blood-letting in intichiuma and analogous rites, and we only intend 
to mention the other variants of the custom in so far as the parallels 
will prove indispensable to our purpose. 

When the Kalkadun of the Selwyn Ranges make rain the feather 
down of the emu is stuck with blood over the whole face, neck and 
chest, back and front, down to the waist, including 
the upper limbs as far as the wrists.2 In the Dieri 
tribe, when they wish to make rain, all the men huddle together; an 
old man takes a sharp flint and bleeds two men who are especially 
inspired by the Murramurra inside the arm below the elbow on one 
of the leading arteries, the blood being made to flow on the men 
sitting around, during which the two men throw handfuls of down, 
some of which adheres to the blood, therest floating in the air. The 
blood symbolizes the rain and the down the clouds.3 In the rain 
Intichiuma of the Kaitish tribe small pieces of white down are 
thrown about at intervals. The white down represents the clouds 
and throwing it about will make the rain fall. In the Intichiuma 
of the Emu totem, several of the men, the Alatunja and his two sons 
amongst them, each opened a vein in their arms and allowed the 
blood to stream out until the surface of a patch of ground occupying 
a space of about three square yards was saturated with it. The 
blood was allowed to dry, and in this way a hard and hardly permeable 
surface was prepared on which it was possible to paint a design. The 
sacred design of the Emu totem was then outlined on the ground. 
In the Hawk ceremony the men let blood flow into their shields, in 
the Dove Intichiuma the blood flows on to a stone Churinga.6 In 
the Water-hen ceremony the blood flows into a crevice in the rocks.7 

Blood-letting. 

t Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 596. 2 Roth, S.M.M., 10, 

3 Curr, II. 66, 67 (Gason). Cf. Eylmann, Die Eingebovenen der Kolonie 
Sidaustralien, 1908, 209. 

4 Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 179. 5 Strehlow, A. & L, III. 43. 

6 Id., ibid., IIT. 43, 46. ? Id, ibid., III. 56. 

In the Lizard ceremony the old men let their blood flow on dry leaves 
in a crevice,‘ in the Snake Intichiuma it drips into a shield. In the 
Intichiuma of the Hakea flower totem the old leader asks one of 
the young men to open a vein in his arms, which he does and allows 
the blood to sprinkle freely over the stone while the other men 
continue “‘ singing”’ the Unjiamba tree and asking it to flower much. 
The blood flows until the stone is completely covered, the flowing 
of blood being supposed to represent the preparation of Abmoara, 
a very favourite beverage of the natives,3 made by steeping the 
flower in water. As soon as the stone is covered with blood the 
ceremony is complete. The stone is regarded as a Churinga and 
the spot is ekirinja to the uninitiated. That the reference to the 
Abmoara drink is merely a rationalization of the real purpose of the 
rite adapted to the special requirements of a Hakea flower ceremony 
is self-evident. 

A meaning that is applicable not only to one totem but very 
probably holds good for all, is given in the various kangaroo 
ceremonies. In the ceremony of the ara (Macropus rufus Desm), 
“the old men open a vein of the upper arm, allowing the blood to 
flow into a plate; the blood is then poured out on to a place with 
hard earth where in prehistoric times an ara altjirangamitjina 
rested or where he is said to have become a tjurunga. This blood, 
poured forth on the earth, makes the kangaroos in the earth grow 
and come out of the ground.” 5 

In the cult of the aranga (grey kangaroo, Macropus robustus 
Gould), ‘‘ the old men open a vein in the arm and allow the blood 
to flow on to a rock where in prehistoric times an aranga-altjira- 
ngamitjina rested or tjurungeraka. By this means many grey 
kangaroos came forth from the earth.’’ 6 

In the Intichiuma of the Kangaroo totem at Undiara the same 
element of the ritual is found as follows: ‘‘ When the painting is 
done acertain number of young men, two or three Panunga and Bultara 
and five or six Purula and Kumara, go on to thetopof the ledge. The 
former sit down at the left and the latter at the right side, and then 
they open veins in their arms and allow the blood to spurt out over 
the edge of the ceremonial stone on the top of which they are seated. 

t Strehlow, A. & L,, III. 67. 2 Id.,ibid., III. 71. Cf. 80, 87, 89. 

3 Curiously enough the same term (Abmoara) is used to express the mutual 
relationship existing between a young man and the old man under whose charge 
he has been placed during the Engwura ceremony.—Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 645. 

4 Id., ibid., 185. 

5 Strehlow, A. & L., III. 13. ‘“‘ These kangaroo ceremonies, as we may call 
them, are usually performed at some rock or stone specially sacred to this par- 
ticular animal and believed by the natives to have imprisoned within it, or at any 
rate in its near neighbourhood, anumber of kangaroo spirits, who are only awaiting 
the due performance of the ancient ceremonies to set them free from their prison 
and again go forth and become once more embodied.”—H. Pitts, Children of Wild 

Australia, 1917, 50, 51. 
6 Strehlow, A. & L., III. 14. 

While this is taking place the men below watch the performers and 
sing chants referring to the increase of the numbers of kangaroos 
which the ceremony is supposed to ensure.” ! The members of 
each totem claim to have the power of increasing the number of 
the animal or plant, and in this respect the tradition connected with 
Undiara, the great centre of the Kangaroo totem, is of especial 
interest. In the Alcheringa a special kangaroo was killed by 
kangaroo men,? and its body brought to Undiara and deposited in 
a cave close by the water-hole. The rocky ledge arose to mark the 
spot, and into this entered its spirit part and also the spirit parts 
of many other kangaroo animals (not men) who came subsequently 
and went down into the earth here. The rock is, in fact, the Nanja 
stone of the kangaroo animals, and to them this particular rock 
has just the same relationship as the water-hole close by has to the 
men. The one is full of spirit kangaroo animals, just as the other 
is full of spirit men and women. 

The purpose of the Intichiuma ceremony at the present day—so 
say the natives—is by means of pouring out the blood of kangaroo 
men upon the rock to drive out in all directions the spirits of the 
kangaroo animals and so to increase the number of the animals. 
The spirit kangaroo enters the kangaroo animal in just the same 
way as the spirit-child enters the Kangaroo woman.3 

If we add to this the fact that though we have no imitation of 
human coitus in the Central Australian ritual that could be said 
to correspond to the Watchandie Caaro scene, yet the intercourse 
of the kangaroos is imitated in the kangaroo Intichiuma of the 
Loritja,4 we shall be in a position to draw three inferences of the very 
greatest importance. (a) That the pouring out of blood is a sym- 
bolical effusion of semen. (0) That the childbirth beliefs and the 
Intichiuma ritual have one common root in the Unconscious. 
(c) That the ritual must originally, like the belief, have had to do 
with the multiplication of human beings whence it has been projected 
into nature. 

We remember that Frazer has shown in connexion with initiation 
ceremonies and the bullroarer that the ‘‘ same processes which had 
been formerly directed to the multiplication of the species were now 
directed also, on the principle of sympathetic magic, to promote 
the fertility of the earth.’’ We think we can show that the same 
evolution has taken place in the case of the Intichiuma ceremonies 
if we substitute “‘ the fertility of the totem animal” for “the fertility 
of the earth.”’s We shall attempt to show the common root to which 
both initiation and Intichiuma ceremonies must be traced back,é 
and at any rate it is obvious that the bullroarer (the instrument 

x Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 201. 2 Cf. the tradition.—Id., ibid., 198, 199. 

3 Id., ibid., 206, 207. 4 Strehlow, A. & L., III. Part ii. Dan2s 

5 J. G. Frazer, ‘On some ceremonies of the Central Australian tribes,”’ Austy. 
Ass. Adv. of Science, 1901, V. 321. 6 Cf, below. 

ts 

of the initiation ceremonies) is a special kind of tjurunga (the 

instrument of Intichiuma ceremonies). 

We shall begin by examining further proofs obtainable for the 
first of these three inferences. 

Whenever there is a bad season for iguanas some of the natives 
proceed “to make them.” Each old man sings a song and pierces his 
ear while doing so, telling “the male and female iguanas to come 
together and increase.’ The ear is evidently a displacement 
upwards for other parts of the body : when the Dieri wish to make a 
species of frog called tidnamara they pierce their own body to the 
right and left of the navel with a pointed bone. When they want 
to “ make ” snakes they pierce first the right and left arm and then 
the scrotum ; when they ‘‘make” black swans they pierce the scrotum 
first with an emu and then with a kangaroo bone. If they want 
to make the wild fowl lay eggs they pierce their scrotum with the 
bone of a leg of a kangaroo several times and sing a song “‘ too obscene 
to be translated.” After this they are generally laid up for two or 
three weeks, unable to walk.3 The Urabunna make snakes by 
piercing the skin of each arm with three or four bones.4 In the 
Wonkgongaru tribe the headman of each totemic group paints himself 
all over with ochre and, taking little pointed bones, goes into a pool 
of water. He pierces his scrotum and the skin around the navel 
with the bones and sits down in the water; the blood from the 
wounds goes into the water and gives rise to fish.s The part played 
by blood from the masculine genital organ makes the meaning of 
blood in these rites doubly clear. We know that there is a close 
connexion between hate and love, and we find blood from the vulva 
or from the subincised urethra playing an important part in various 
magical means of destroying enemies. Blood drawn from the penis 
is used to smear the namatuna or “ gin-buster.’’7 Blood is given 
to both men and women to strengthen them when they are ill. 
When given to a man it is drawn from the labia minora, when to a 
woman from the subincised urethra. When blood is drawn from 

t Gason, Curr, II. 68, 69. 

3 O. Siebert, ‘“‘ Sagen und Sitten der Dieri,’’ Globus, 97, 55. 

3 Gason, Curr, II. 68. See also K. Eylmann, Die Eingeborenen dey Kolonie 
Siidaustralien, 1908, 207, 208. 4 Spencer and Gillen, Norv. T., 286. 

$ Id., ibid., 287, 288. The Wiimbaio have the negative aspect of the same 
complex. They were afraid of blood falling into lakes or rivers lest the fish should 
be destroyed.—Howitt, l.c., 399. 

6 Strehlow, A: & L., IV. 2, 33, 37, 38. 

7 Strehlow, A. & L., II. 81. 

8 Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 464. The man draws a quantity of blood from the 
subincised urethra, and she drinks part of it, while he rubs the remainder over her 
body, adding afterwards a coating of red ochre and grease. In all cases where a 
man or woman falls ill the first thing to be done is to rub red ochre over the body, 
which may possibly be regarded in the light of a substitute for blood, just as sometimes 
a ceremonial object may be rubbed over with red ochre instead of blood. This 
would throw a new light on the smearing of the tjurunga with fat (cf. above, 
pp. 219, 220) and red ochre. 

a woman it is always taken from the labia minora.t_ The son-in-law 
in the Kaitish tribe will give his father-in-law, when ill, blood from 
his arms, the daughter-in-law will give some from her labia minora.? 
But this is certainly not the only meaning contained in the ritual. 
Other aspects of the blood-letting rite must be taken into account 
before we can say that we have laid bare all the strata that go to 
make up this over-determined ritual. There is a close parallelism 
between legend and ritual, the latter being a dramatization of the 
former. We remember that blood-letting played an equally great 
part in the Alcheringa myths, the blood that flowed from the veins 
of these mythical heroes usually giving rise to a flood. This is in 
the first instance simply a new proof of the wish-fulfilment character 
of these myths, the actor in the ritual trying to identify himself 
with the Father who had so much semen that it was sufficient to 
flood the whole country. 

Going further back towards the infantile background of these 
concepts, and remembering that blood is a substitute for water in 
the arid desert of Central Australia, we shall not be far amiss if we 
regard it also as an equivalent to ‘“‘ making water”’ and interpret 
the flood episode in the myth as an urethral erotic fancy and the 
ritual as a dramatization of the same, especially if we remember that 
blood taken from the urethra plays an important part in magic. 
When we are speaking of the sexual determinants in the magical 
value of blood we must not forget its connexion with the sado- 
masochistic complex : the pain felt is projected into nature with the 
same consequences as if it were lust. Moreover, there is a special sort 
of blood prominent in savage fancy, which may with full biological 
truth be connected with multiplication: the menstrual flow. At 
the time of the menstrual period women are strictly taboo,3 and 
the horror of the menstrual blood is extended to women’s blood in 
general. Men had a peculiar dread of contact with the blood of a 
woman, and for this reason the ornamental scars on women were 
cut by those of her own sex. They have a great aversion to pass 
under a rail or a leaning tree: they said it was owing to the fear 
that the blood of a woman might have been upon the wood and that 
some might fall upon the person passing underneath.4 The explana- 
tion seems at first sight somewhat farfetched unless we regard 
it as a displaced form of the castration complex : passing under the 
leaning tree would be symbolic of having connexion. Women are 
never allowed to witness the drawing of blood for decorative 
purposes ; indeed, the feeling with regard to women seeing men’s 
blood is such that when a quarrel takes place and blood is shed in 
the presence of women it is usual for the man whose blood is first 

‘ 

t Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 599. 2 Id., ibid., 600. 
3 Roth, S. M. M., 24. Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 466; Nor. T., 601, 
4 J. Mathew, Two Representative Tribes of Queensland, 1910, 177, 178. 

shed to perform a ceremony connected with his own or his father’s 
or mother’s totem by way of reconciliation.t Woman gives birth 
when she ceases to bleed, but only in the period of life when she 
has her bleedings, and as mythical representations go by negatives, 
the rock is likely to give birth when a bleeding is produced. Death 
by a flood is merely a reversal of the typical birth- (and urethral) 
dream, birth in a flood. We see this fully corroborated in our 
material: the Alcheringa heroes die in a flood of blood and they are 
reborn in another flood of the same nature. But as the blood is 
the blood of a man, we come to the seemingly curious conclusion 
that the Central Australian native at least in one of the strata of 
the Unconscious regards himself as not merely engendered by, but 

“also born from the representative of the father. 

This reminds us of a category of dreams and the unconscious 
attitudes involved in them that has been analysed by Silberer. 
The dreamer sees himself and others as spermatozoa, represented by 
various small objects, such as seeds, but also by mythical beings, 
small angels; he passes in the dream from the father’s penis into 
the mother’s body, symbolized by another country and so on.3 We 
may compare this with the spirit-children, the down, the dust and 
the blood that emanate from the body of the Alcheringa ancestor 
(Father-Imago) or with the blood that flows to the rock (uterine 
symbol) from the vein of the totem headman. Anyhow in these 
phantasies of existence as a spermatozoén we clearly have the 
features of what is called a “‘ Vaterleibs-phantasie,’’ which I would 
interpret as the repression of the usual uterine phantasy to which 
the phantasy of existence prior to the uterine life as a spermatozoén 
in the father’s body is substituted. Silberer surmises that as 
the uterine phantasy of a male is really the wish to have 
intercourse with the mother, this second variant of pre-natal 
phantasies must be founded on the homoerotic variant of the Oedipus 
complex.4 Now it is at any rate remarkable that similar rites of 
blood-letting between men are found in Australia, the fore-conscious 
determinant of the rite being always that of magico-mystical union 
between two parties. We know that the function of the initiation 
ritual is a social sublimation of the Oedipus complex and that this 
is facilitated by an appeal to the auto- and homoerotic components 
of the libido. These components are to be utilized as the un- 
conscious sensual basis of good-fellowship between those of the 
same sex and as mitigators of heteroerotic rivalry. 

t Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 463. 

a Cf. H. Silberer, “‘ Spermatozoéntraume,”’ Jahrbuch, IV. 141. 

3 The conscious denial of fatherhood is, of course, followed by a corresponding 
return of repressed elements: by birth-beliefs, in which the origin of life is attributed 
to the Father alone. Cf. ‘“‘ Notwithstanding this, they believe that the daughter 

emanates from the father solely, being only nurtured by her mother.”—A. L. P. 

Cameron, l.c., J. A. I., 1884, 352. 
4 H. Silberer, ‘“ Zur Frage der Spermatozoéntraume,” Jahrbuch, IV. 708. 

The kuntamara ceremony of the Warramunga is a case in point. 
The kuntamara is a repetition of subincision so as to make the cut 
more complete. It is the regular custom for the newly initiated 
youth and the older men to gather together and for every man to 
cut himself or be cut by someone else. After the performance of a 
sacred ceremony on the corroboree ground, all the men gathered 
together in the bed of the creek where the youths were camped 
and performed the kuntamara. Each man took a sharp flake of 
stone and cut himself till the blood flowed freely, the newly initiated 
youths following their example. The object of the custom is said 
to be that of assisting the boys in their recovery to strengthen the 
bond amongst the men and to make the youths grow up into “‘ good ”’ 
blackfellows. When it was all over, the Thakomara youth first of 
all touched the head of his actual father with a little of the blood 
from himself and then, taking a green twig, stroked the head of a 
very old Thakomara man who was his kankwia or grandfather. 
After the ceremony of Karaweliwonkana or circumcision the Dieri 
perform the ceremony called Wilyaru. A young man, without 
previous warning, is led out of the camp by some old men who are 
in the relation of Neyi (elder brother) to him, and not of near but of 
distant relationship. On the following morning the men, except his 
father and elder brother (actual) surround him and direct him to 
close his eyes. One of the men then binds the arms of another old 
man tightly with string, and with a sharp piece of flint lances the 
vein about an inch from the elbow, causing a stream of blood to 
flow over the young man until he is covered with it and the old 
man is becoming exhausted. Another old man takes his place, 
and so on until the young man becomes quite stiff from the quantity 
of blood adhering to him. The reason given for this practice is that 
it infuses courage into the young man and also shows him that the 
sight of blood is nothing, so that should he receive a wound in warfare 
he may account it as a matter ofno moment. The next stage in the 
ceremony is that the young man lies down on his face, when one or 
two of the other young men cut from three to twelve gashes on the 
nape of his neck with a sharp piece of flint. These, when healed 
into raised scars, denote that the person wearing them has passed 
through the Wilyaru ceremony.2 We know that the Wilyaru 
ceremony is also performed in the Urabunna tribe, and a myth that 
turns on the fight with the Primeval Sire (the eagle-hawk) is told 
to explain its origin.3 

The cuts which are made on the body of the Wilyaru men are 
supposed to represent the marks on the back and on the neck of the 
bell-bird,4 who defeated the Eagle-hawk. On the other hand, when 

1 Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 359-361. 
+ Howitt, N. T., 658, 659. Curr, The Australian Race, II. «8 
: : , II. 58, 59 (Gason), 
3 Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 640, above p. 53. Z 1d. bis = a 

_ the novice is painted during the ceremony he is supposed to resemble 
the Eagle-hawk.: 

There are two points of importance to be noted here. (a) The 
blood-letting is a sort of sequel to another ceremony. (b) It is 
brought into mythical connexion with a legend that explains how 
a great man-devouring bird, who, as we have shown above, evidently 
symbolizes the Father as a Monster, was vanquished. A Yerkla- 
Mining variant says that Budera, who vanquished the bird, marked 
his own sons with their class mark :? it seems as if the marks were 
a punishment dictated by the Retaliation Fear of Budera, and 
intended to prevent them doing by him as he did by the bird. The 
Port Lincoln tribe has three man-making ceremonies that form a 
series: (I) The Warrara (at fifteen) ; (2) the Pardnappa (at sixteen 
or seventeen) ; and (3) the Wilyalkinyi (at eighteen). In the first 
ceremony one of the men opens a vein, causing the blood to run on 
the Warrara’s head, face and shoulders, and also in a few drops into 
his mouth ; in the second ceremony the youth undergoes circum- 
cision ;3 and in the third ceremony, the name of which, Wilyal-kinyi, 
proves it to be a variant of the Wilyara, several men open veins in 
their lower arms while the young men are raised to swallow the first 
drops of the blood. They are then told to kneel on their hands and 
knees so as to give a horizontal position to their backs, which are 
covered with blood. As soon as this is sufficiently coagulated one 
of the men marks with his thumb the places where the incisions are 
to be made, namely, one on the middle of the neck and two rows 
from the shoulders down to the hips. These are named Manka, 
and are ever after held in such veneration that it would be deemed 
a great profanation to allude to them in the presence of women.‘ 
The details of these rites furnish the key to their meaning. In the 
Kunta Mara ceremony the elders repeat the subincision they 
performed on the youths on their own person, that is they confess to 
being guilty of the same unconscious sins for which they inflicted 
the same punishment on the youths. The youths also repeat the 
ceremony, and henceforth the common guilt (of Unconscious Rebellion 
against the Sire) is to unite the two contracting parties (Old and 
Young), and by uniting them to their elders make the young into 
“good ”’ blackfellows. 

The sequel of the rite clearly indicates against whom the youth 
committed the original rebellion in the course of phylogenesis, and 
with whom the union of a blood covenant must be cemented, for he 
touches the head of his own father with a little of the blood drawn 
fram his subincision wound. In the Dieri ritual there is no such 
return of the repressed elements ; the rite is carried out by the “elder 

t Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 641. a Howitt, N. T., 666. 
3 Id., ibid., 668, 669. Schiirmann, The Aborigines of Port Lincoln. Woods, 
Native Tribes of South Australia, 1879, 226, 234. 4 Howitt, N. T., 670. 

brothers” as representatives of the Father-Imago, but the actual 
father is conspicuous by his absence. Then the old men bleed 
themselves till they are exhausted and the blood that flows on the 
young man is said to infuse courage into him. Very naturally so ; 
we should say the young man must gain courage when he sees the 
old men doing the very same thing to themselves which he, although 
he dares not confess as much to his own consciousness, would himself 
like to do. The next phase of the ceremony clearly shows that it is 
he who has been allowing free play for his aggressive impulses against 
the old men ; he is punished for what has happened by the Wilyaru 
gashes. It is the same in the Port Lincoln ceremony : first the men 
are bled and then the youths are circumcised and scarred. 

We must not forget, however, that the blood that flows from the 
scars and the veins is but a substitute for the blood that flows from 
the penis (semen), and the union between the Elders and the Youths 
is one not only of mutually confessed guilt, but also an ambivalent 
over-compensation for original aggressiveness, one of mutually 
confessed homoerotic feelings. This explains the belief that par- 
taking of blood together prevents the possibility of treachery. If, 
for example, an Alice Springs party wanted to go on an avenging 
expedition to the Burt country, and they had with them in camp 
a man of that locality, he would be forced to drink blood with them 
and then he could not warn his friends of the danger impending. 
The men taking part in an Atninga avenging party of the Arunta 
tribe assembled together and after each one had been touched with 
the girdle made from the hair of the man they were about to avenge, 
they draw blood from their urethras and sprinkle it over one another. 
Sometimes blood is drawn from the arm and drunk for the same 
purpose.2 The avenging party is an effort of the Unconscious to 
project the guilt for the death out of the tribal boundaries; it is 
when thus identifying themselves with the dead that the cutting 
as self-inflicted punishment is performed, which, together with the 
homoerotic tendency apparent in the sprinkling of urethral blood, 
cements the new union of common guilt and common over-com- 
pensation. The sham fight (as an outlet for the traces of animosity) 
and the blood-drinking at a reconciliation-meeting are cases to the 
point.3 

The same rite is also found as a sign of renewed friendship. Two 
friends who had not met for a long time sat down by the fire facing 
each other, until the younger or inferior rose, banged herself on the ~ 
head with a stick and made blood run, then banged her friend, 
and there was a mingling of blood, a sign of renewed friendship.4 

The blood that the elders let flow on the rock which symbolizes 

t Spencer and Gillen, Norv. T., 461. 
4 Id., ibid., 598. 3 Id., N. T., 462. 
4 A. J. Peggs, ‘‘ Notes on the Aborigines of Roebuck Bay,” Folk-Lore, XIV. 336. 

the dead ancestor is the sign of self-punishment for having caused 
his death, but also the sign of being willing to undergo this punish- 
ment, that is, being willing to make their peace with him. This 
peace-making is effected by utilizing the homoerotic current of 
feeling; the father is made to take the place of the mother when by 
letting their own blood (semen) flow on him “ spirit-animals’’ are 
called into existence. When the performers of the ritual run round 
the elder man who represents the Alcheringa ancestor and ask him 
to wriggle his body well, or when they wriggle together with him, 
they are—in the Unconscious—identifying themselves with the 
Father in the moment of cohabitation. When they rub the Churinga 
or the boulder they are performing onanistic manipulations with 
their own and the father’s penis. 

The Intichiuma ritual is a symbolic repetition of collective and 
mutual onanistic actions between the elder and the younger members 
of the Horde, these actions in their turn being caused by, and indica- 
tive of, an extreme reaction against the Oedipus complex. In all 
these rites that are symbolic of multiplication the feminine element 
is vigorously repressed, and were it not for the faint return of the 
repressed elements in the uterine symbolism of the sacred cave, we 
would be at a loss to find its traces. But in the very act of flying 
from the Oedipus complex rebellious youth finds a satisfactory 
outlet for its unconscious wishes in identifying itself in the symbolic 
intercourse indicated in the ceremony with the Father, the Son 
copulates with the same female organ (Ertnatulunga cave) with whom 
the Father copulates, and it is from this never-exhausted source of 
infantile libidinal impulses that the Intichiuma derives those magic 
qualities that enable it to assure the supernatural propagation of the 
species.! 

However, before we finish with the Blood rite we must follow the 
indications already gathered of a still deeper meaning underlying 
these ceremonies. The Union with the Father (totem) is effected 
in a symbolic repetition of the Great Rebellion. We have called 
attention to the fact that in the blood-letting ritual of initiation, 
both the Elders and the novices undergo a self-inflicted punishment 
for unconsciously killing the Father, or, in the secondary, retribu- 
tion-formation, the Son. 

The Dieri have a curious custom that is an excellent illustration 
of the mechanism of these rites. Should a child meet with any 
accident all its relatives immediately get struck on the head with 
a stick or boomerang, until the blood flows down their faces; such 
a surgical operation being presumed to ease the child’s pain.? 
Naturally the explanation of the rite is that the relatives must be 
made to suffer for their unconscious ill-will against the child, that 
they, in a word, are responsible for the accident. 

t As symbolized by the totem animal. a Gason, Curr, op. cit., IT. 69. 

When somebody dies among the Narrinyeri a great lamentation 
and wailing is made by all the relations and friends of the dead man. 
They all beat and cut themselves and make violent demonstrations 
of grief. All the relatives are careful to be present, and not to be 
wanting in proper signs of sorrow, lest they should be suspected of 
complicity in causing the death. By complicity ill-will is meant ; 
the cutting is the self-inflicted punishment. It is interesting to 
note that we have also clear indications of the nature and origin of 
those repressed feelings that call for this cutting punishment in 
mourning ritual. The ‘‘Gammona’”’ of the deceased, that is the 
men who may lawfully marry his daughters, must not only never 
mention his name, but they neither attend the actual burial nor do 
they take any part in the subsequent mourning ceremonies which 
are carried on at the grave. It is their duty to cut themselves on 
the shoulder when a man who is their Ikuntera (father-in-law) dies. 
If a son-in-law does not well and faithfully perform this cutting rite 
then some Ikuntera will punish him by giving away his special wife 
to appease the Ulthana of the dead father-in-law.2, We know that 
the relations between a man and his father-in-law are what may be 
called ‘“‘strained’’ in the normal Australian tribe. They avoid 
each other, the younger man may not eat of any animal that has 
been killed by his father-in-law, whilst on the other hand, he is 
supposed to send food to the elder.3 This avoidance evidently 
indicates that there is something ‘‘ repressed ’’ between them; the 
food-presents seem to show that the younger man has something 
to expiate with regard to the elder. It is not difficult to guess 
what this is: he has taken away a daughter, to cohabit with whom 
was one of the jealously guarded privileges of the Sire in the Primeval 
Horde. The ghost of the dead father-in-law (a substitute for the 
father) is angry with him for usurping this privilege; unless he 
offers expiation by the cutting rite, he is apt to loose his ‘‘ Unawa,”’ 
the cause of the strained relations (indicated by his absence at the 
mourning rite) between them. The repressed feeling is originally 
and primarily the animosity arising out of sexual jealousy; it is the 
Son who must cut himself as expiation for having desired the Mother 
and killed the Father.¢ Similarly among the Unmatijera and Kaitish 
tribes the cutting is done by the gammona.s_ In the Tongaranka 
tribe before the grave is filled in, the nearest male relation present 
stands over the grave and receives several blows with the edge 
of a boomerang ; the blood being allowed to flow on the corpse.6 

t Taplin, The Narrinyeri, 1879, 20. . 

4 Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 500. 3 Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 610. 

4 Of course there is always a great amount of repressed animosity between near 
relations, the greater the love the more is this animosity repressed, finding its natural 
outlet here in the cutting rite.—Cf. Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 509. Howitt, N. T. 
453. Curr, I. 272, 348. ‘ 

s Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 507. 6 Howitt, N. T., 451. 

In Victoria, when the male mourners assemble, the first who arrives 
seizes the tomahawk and endeavours to maim himself with it— 
aiming a blow usually at the head—but the relative of the deceased 
whose duty it is to see that all the rites are fulfilled wrenches it from 
him.t When a chief dies his assembled friends wail and lacerate 
their foreheads.2 Just as the Son inflicts self-punishment for the 
Father, the Daughter does it for the mother. At the death of an 
old Euahlayi woman, the daughter took a sharp stone which was 
beside her and hit it against her head till the blood gushed out. They 
took the stone from her.3 At Roebuck Bay when the father and 
mother wept for their dead baby, they howled and finally banged their 
heads together until the blood ran, which blood was allowed to drip 
on the dead child lying on the ground.4 The same has been observed 
at the Vasse River in Western Australia—the blood is allowed to 
flow all over the corpse of the deceased.s 

Now we see that the totemic Intichiuma is really a repetition 
of the totem-father’s mourning feast; the union between the youths 
and the elders is effected by the avowal of the common guilt in 
having murdered the Primeval Sire. Moreover, as the players in the 
Intichiuma drama actually represent the Alcheringa ancestors, 
drawing blood from their own veins is a symbolic repetition of the 
same deed (rebellion against the father) that it is supposed to expiate. 
The symbolic repetition is also a reduced, a neurotically inhibited 
repetition, for the rebellion against the father is reacted under the 
guise of a self-punishment for this very deed. This reduced repeti- 
tion is a survival of a more primitive form of the Intichiuma than 
we have to do with at present; from the point of view of the 
unconscious meaning of actual ritual, the blood that flows on the 
Alcheringa father’s grave represents the homoerotic current of feeling 
the renewal of the blood-covenant 6 which will enable the totemite 
to ensure the multiplication of the totem animal. But why the 
animal? Why not the human members of the clan? Was this 
always the case, and, if not, what is the reason that the real and 
original meaning of the Intichiuma, the propagation of the human 
species, has been obscured under the mask of this projection ? 

We shall try to answer these questions. To begin with we must 
draw attention to the fact that there is an exact parallelism between 
legend and ritual and that legend is the prototype of the actual 

t Brough-Smyth, op. cit., I. ror. 2 Dawson, op. cit., 64, 66. 

3 Parker, The Euahlayi Tribe, 1905, 88. 

4 A. J. Peggs, ‘‘ Notes on the Aborigines of Roebuck Bay, Western Australia,” 
Folk-Lore, XIV. 336. 

5 G. Grey, Journals of Two Expeditions, 1841, II. 330. 

6 On the other hand, the blood falling on the dead in the mourning rite is equally 
a means of communion with him, and as the prototype of communion is coitus 
(or at least libidinal contact) it may also be interpreted as an attempt to make him 
reincarnate himself in his descendants, to make spirit-children jump out of the 
grave as the spirit kangaroos do when the blood is poured on the Nanja rock. 

rite. The quivering movement may serve various purposes in the 
resetting of the ritual; it may be imitation of the rain-ancestors in 
The anthropte producing rain,t or of snake-ancestors in multiply- 
origin of the ing snakes. In all cases the sacred ceremonies are 
iniclaumne. avowedly imitations of those performed by the an- 
cestors. But where the ancestors performed sacred ceremonies they 
left spirit-children behind ; when they quivered (the same quivering 
being invariably reproduced in the ritual), spirit-children used to 
emanate from them.3 This clearly indicates that in the prehistoric 
period of phylogenesis and in the deepest infantile strata of the 
Unconscious there is a period that precedes that of projection into 
the animal world ; these rites must once have had a purely human 
meaning ; we shall suppose that this meaning must for some reason 
or other have undergone repression with subsequent projection into 
environment. 

We have other survivals of this phase of evolution besides the 
legend. When the Tjingilli wish to make both young men and 
women grow strong and well-favoured the men perform, at intervals 
of time, a long series of ceremonies, called collectively wantju, dealing 
with the various totems. There is a special reference to the young 
men or women in them, but they are performed solely with the idea 
and object of increasing the growth of the younger members of the 
tribe, who are not of course allowed either to see or to take any part 
in them.4 The “ anthropic totems,” hitherto regarded as a freak 
of Central Australian conceptionalism, may be considered as another 
rudiment of this “ pre-totemic’”’ phase of totemic evolution. In 
the Warramunga we have the totems “ laughing boy’ and “ full- 
grownman.” They are regarded in all essential characters as strictly 
equivalent to any other totemic group. They have their mungai 
spots where their ancestors left spirit-children behind in the early 
days, and the ceremonies performed in connexion with them are in 
no way to be distinguished from those of the other totems in con- 
junction with which they are carried out.5 The Loritja have the 
ceremonies representing mythical women and “‘ circumcised youths.’’6 
The Arunta have the “ worra = uncircumcised youth’ ceremony.7 
Two other ceremonies of theirs are of special importance in this 
connexion, that of ilba-mara, the ‘fruitful womb,” and that of 
the ratapa or “‘spirit-child’”’ totem. The former describes how a 
mythical woman of the Alcheringa gave birth to a child, cried at 
the absence of her husband and painted herself red when she expected 
him to return, then turned away when he did come, and ends by 
indicating how she will get chastised for it.8 

t Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 285. a Id., ibid., 301. 
3 Cf. above, p. 218. ¢ Spencer and Gillen, Nor T. 476. 
5 Id., ibid., 207, 208. 
6 Strehlow, A.&L., II. Part 2, rgrr, 45-54. 
7: Id., ibid. III. Part 1, IQIO, 124 8 Id., ibid., IIT. rrg. 

Although the purpose of the ceremony is not given, it can hardly 
be any other than what the name indicates, to make the womb 
fruitful by describing the ups and downs of married life, threatening 
the women with the punishment if they prove recalcitrant to the 
wishes of their husbands. The ratapa cult describes the wanderings 
of a mythical ancestor and two ratapa who always remained in this 
state ;1 it is performed when they want the ratapa to come out of the 
trees and rocks and go into the women. This we suppose to be the 
original uncensored form of the Intichiuma ceremony; by ministering 
to the “ fore-pleasure”’ in onanistic movements and phantasies it 
really makes the spirit-children emanate and incarnate themselves. 

Proceeding from the centre of Australia to the north-west and 
west we seem to get less and less elaborate, more primitive forms 
of the same complexes. We have interpreted the Central Australian 
Churinga as a penis. 

At Nannine in Western Australia actual imitations of a penis and 
a vulva have been found. ‘‘ They represented the greatest treasure 
of the tribe and were prepared from a mass, which could not be 
more closely identified, of string and animal hair smeared with a 
reddish dye.” ‘“‘ These objects cannot be said to be very successful 
imitations of the originals. On the other hand, very realistic imita- 
tions of the membrum virile have been found in the Kimberley 
District.” ‘‘ They are made from red sandstone and represent the 
life-sized male member, in its flaccid as well as in the erect state. 
On the under surface the vulva is very clearly represented.” 3 

Mjéberg promises to explain the use of these objects that are 
kept strictly secret—-like the tjurunga—at some future occasion ; 
meanwhile we should not wonder if they were ultimately connected 
with the ceremonies of the baby totem. 

West Australia is the home of the tarlow ceremonies, the exact 
equivalent of the Central Australian Intichiuma. When rain is 
badly wanted by the Ngaluma, the rain-maker and his apprentice 
(generally his son) proceed to the piece of ground especially set 
apart for the ceremony of rain-making. He builds a heap of stone 
or sand two or three feet high and replaces his “ millia gurlee,’’ 
that is ‘‘ Potent’ or ‘“‘ Live Stone,” on the top of it. This stone 
is generally handed down for generations and is of a striking appear- 
ance ; it might be taken for a vulvasymbol. The rain-maker walks 
and dances for hours round the stone-heap chanting incantations ; 
when he is utterly exhausted his assistant takes his place. Water 
is sprinkled on the stone and huge fires are lighted. A tarlow is 
generally a large heap of stones (rarely a simple one) to which certain 
of the blacks proceed to perform the ceremony of “ willing ’’ that 

t Strehlow, 4. & L., III. 122. a Id, ibid., III. 8. 
3 E, Mjéberg, “ Phalluskult unter den Ureinwehnern Australians,” Anthropos, 

1913, 555) 559. 

scanty articles of food may become more plentiful than they are.t 
In Western Australia a totem (tarlow) does not regulate marriage. 
A tarlow is a stone or a pile of stones set apart as a hallowed spot 
dedicated to the ceremony of “ willing’’ that certain things such 
as children, birds, animals, reptiles, insects, frogs, grass-seed be 
made to multiply and increase: each living thing having a separate 
tarlow, all of which belong to the head of the family as master of 
the craft and descend from father to son.”’ 2 

A. R. Brown says: “In several tribes 1 found totemic groups 
that claimed babies as their totem, and performed totemic ceremonies 
the avowed object of which was to provide a plentiful supply of 
children. I found one such totemic group in each of the following 
tribes—Baiong, Targari, Ngaluma, Kariera, Namal and two in 
the Injibandi tribe. One such group in the Injibandi tribe performs 
its ceremony at a spot in the Fortescue River where there is a small 
cave. According to a legend, in times long ago the men and women 
once left the camp to go hunting, and left all the babies in the camp 
in the charge of oneman. After the others had been gone some time 
the babies began to cry. This made the man in charge of them 
very angry; so he took them to the cave and put them inside, and 
lit a big fire of spinifex grass at the entrance and so smothered them 
all. An essential part of the totemic ceremony consists in lighting 
a fire at the entrance of the cave. 

“‘ There is a very interesting totemic group in the Kariera tribe. 
The group has a number of edible objects for totems and also 
‘whirlwind,’ ‘ baby,’ and ‘ sexual desire.’ A man who belonged to 
this group told me that when it was decided to attempt to produce 
an increase of children the men and women of the totemic group 
first proceeded to Kalbana and performed the ceremony for the 
increase of sexual desire which seems to have consisted of setting 
fire to the bark of a tree. Only after this they moved to Pilgun 
and performed the ceremony of the baby totem.” 3 

Fire plays a similar part in the Kangaroo Intichiuma of the 
Mara tribe. Layers of grass are put over kangaroo dung. The 
Fire in whole is then set on fire and the men, taking green 
Intichiuma bushes, light them at the fire and scatter the embers 
eal about in all directions. Fire is one of the best-known 
symbols of the libido. According to an Arunta tradition fire was 
contained in the penis of an euroman.s In a Kakadu myth the 
lubras hide fire in their vulvas,$ and it is indeed hardly astonishing 

s E. Clement, “‘ Ethnological Notes on the Western Australian Aborigines,” 
Int. Arch. f. Ethn., XVI. 1904, 5, 6. 
a a JG. Withnell, “Marriage Rites and Relationships,’ Science of Man, 1903, 

Aes 

s A. R. Brown, “ Beliefs Concerning Childbirth in some Australian Tribes,” 
Man, 1912, 181, 182. 

4 Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 312. 

$ Id., ibid., 446. 6 Spencer, N: TNL. Aneos: 

to find that the ritual to promote sexual desire should consist in 
setting the bark of a tree on fire. According to the belief of the 
Wogait the evil spirit makes a big fire from which he takes an infant, 
and places it at night in the womb of a lubra, who must then give 
_ birth to the child. 
We have noticed the reversal technique in the relation of Inti- 
chiuma ritual to Alcheringa tradition. In the Alcheringa myth 
the hero dies in a flood of blood, in ritual the totem animal is born 
by flooding the Nanja stone with blood. Myth represents the 
reversal, ritual the restitution,? of the original motive. Instead 
of saying that the babies die we should say that they are born 
when “‘fire is lighted”’ at the entrance of the cave (maternal womb). 
The babies are not put into a cave, they come out of it; and it is 
not when left alone by the adults that they cry, but on the contrary 
when they are not alone any more but introduced into the outer 
world (after their birth). On the whole, it seems a justifiable hypothe- 
sis to assume that in Western Australia a very primitive phase in 
the evolution of the Intichiuma has been conserved. We have here 
a ritual that tends to procreate babies, like love magic in general, 
by reduced, that is, symbolic equivalents of intercourse. This gives 
us a hint as to the fore-pleasure character of a ritual that looks like 
a ‘‘compromise’”’ between the libido and the repression. In the 
Caaro festival this is clearly indicated ; first the dance around the 
pit (uterus) and then the actual intercourse. On the whole, I hardly 
think we are beside the mark if we call the Watchandie ceremony 
an Intichiuma of the baby totem. 

As to the origin of repression in this case, we have had ample 
proof of its intimate connexion with the Oedipus complex. 

The projection of these complexes to various animal species 
represents a latter phase in the evolution of the ritual. The same 

transformation has begun to operate in the evolution 

Transference OF. of the child-birth beliefs. According to the North- 
from humanto West Australian beliefs the spirit of the animal speared 
oat ie * by the man is reborn in his wife. The Ewenyoon who 
the evolution of inhabit the adjacent Buccaneer Islands believe that if 
the Intichiuma. man kills a dugong the spirit of the dugong enters 
into the man and dwells therein. After a time the man can release 
it and it materializes itself in a young dugong3 Here again the 
original belief was the incarnation of an animal spirit in a human 
being, the re-birth as an animal being a latter development. In the 
Larrekiya tribe the women are not allowed to be present when a 
dugong is killed as the dugong is said to have been a lubra before 

: H. Basedow, “ Anthropological Notes on the Western Coastal Tribes of the 

Northern Territory of South Australia,” Trans. Roy. Soc. S. A., XXXI. 1907, 5. 

2 Second reversal. 
3 W. H. Bird, “ Ethnographical Notes about the Buccaneer Islanders,” Anthropos. 

IgiI, 278. 

it was transformed into an animal. When it is killed it wails and 
whines pitifully like a human being, and the female animal is said to 
carry her own young, like a lubra carries an infant.t But probably, 
as belief is a less serious matter from the point of view of the psychic 
censor than action as embodied in ritual, the latter has undergone 
amore thorough transformation inits avowed purpose than the child- 
birth beliefs. At the same time, however, ritual has conserved 
rudiments hoary with age—unchanged survivals of the pre-human 
phase in the history of the genus Homo. 

We have as yet paid no attention to the fact that these rites 
are performed at a fixed season. In the Australian tropics the year 
is divided into two seasons—a long season of rainless 
heat, when man and beast can hardly procure the 
life-minimum of food, when everybody seems to be 
dying for a drop of water, and a shorter season of sudden rainfall 
when the showers change the aspect of the landscape as if by magic. 
The desert of yesterday is a blank sheet of water, everything begins 
to blossom, it is the breeding season of nature. When the oppressive 
stress of the heat and want is the greatest everything is suddenly 
changed as if it were by a stroke of magic. Like the migrating 
birds, the native seems to feel the impending change in advance and 
to meet nature half-way by imitating it. His magic is truly a 
prelude to nature’s magic, and the explanation of it is that he himself 
is an integral part of nature ; nowadays he responds to the changing 
rhythm of nature by ritual, that is, reduced action; formerly he 
changed with changing nature—he also, like everything around him, 
had a breeding season.? In our opinion the Intichiuma ritual is a 
survival of the breeding season and we shall now proceed to note the 
points of similarity between them. 

“ All these bower birds have the habit of erecting other structures 
besides the breeding nest and of decorating them in a peculiar 
manner. These are the so-called arcades, dance-huts or mating- 
temples which the birds erect wherein to woo one another in a variety 
of pantomimic movements. The building of these arcades takes 
place long before mating; both sexes share in it, but the males 
pre-eminently. According to the species, there is every kind of 
combination in the joint work. The saw-billed bower bird (scenopo 
etes dentirosiris) clears spots under high trees free from.all dead 
leaves and thoroughly cleans the ground. When the place has 
been arranged, the bird perches itself on a branch and sings its 
peculiar song. This bird is one of the cleverest imitators imaginable. 
It imitates the note of all the other birds which live in its proximity. 
It does even more than this: it chirps like a grasshopper, croaks 

Rites performed 
at fixed seasons. 

t H. Basedow, ‘‘ Anthropological Notes on the Western Coast ibes,”’ 
a oastal Tribes,” Trans. 

+ Cf. Westermarck, History of Human Marriage, 1901, 29. 

like a frog and imitates in a most artistic way the whirring of a large 
cricket caught by a bird. From time to time it hops down from 
its branch to arrange the leaves on its playground. After weeks of 
patient observation, a change was visible in November. The 
mates had found each other and were sitting together on the top- 
most branches of the trees.”’? 

In Australia, the lyre-bird (menura superba) forms small 
round hillocks and the m. alberti scratches for itself shallow holes, 
or, as they are called by the natives, corroborying places, where it is 
believed both sexes assemble. I think the Intichiuma ground 
swept clean by the natives is a survival of these play-houses in 
Playhouse and Which we should also see the pre-human prototype 
intichiuma of all sacred and social buildings from the “ Men’s 
Foe al origin House’? to Church and Parliament. The imitation 
of imtationin of all nature around him by the breeding bird seems 
Cipeale to be a consequence of an enhanced biological unity 
between all nature at the common breeding season, and thus it is 
understandable that the biological unity projected into totemism 
should find its ritual expression in the animal-imitation of the 
Intichiuma. 

The next point of comparison lies in the dancing exhibitions of 
rutting animals. ‘‘ The black-cock holds his tail up and spreads 
it out like a fan, he lifts up his head and neck with all the feathers 
erect and stretches his wings from the body. Then he takes a few 
jumps in different directions, sometimes in a circle, and presses the 
under part of his beak so hard against the ground that the chin 
feathers are rubbed off.” “‘ In antelopes the mock battles often 
consist of a series of movements of attack and retreat. The males 
of the pala antelopes conduct these mock combats by means of 
dancing and bounding movements. The South African springboks 
appear to excite the females by means of extraordinarily high 
jumps, often two metres high, while at the same time they display 
their beautiful white manes. This display recalls some of the waltz- 
like dances of birds.’’ 3 

In the Intichiuma a performer will rise from the ground to a 
stooping position and begin to move another performer forwards 
and backwards.4 The first day of the Muraian consisted of a Fire, a 
Wallaby and a Turtle ceremony. The performance opened with a 
fireceremony. The performers were led out of and round the wurley 
in single file by an old man, who stationed himself beside the ground, 
clanging his sticks and shouting, while the men danced for a short 
time. The dancing was very vigorous, the men often running round 
and round with exaggerated knee action and arms extended. Then 

1 Hesse-Doflein, Tievbau und Tierleben, 1910, 11. 458. Cf. Fountain and Ward, 
Rambles of an Australian Naturalist, 1907, 255. 

4 Darwin, Descent of Man, 2nd Edition, II. 50. : 
3 Hesse-Doflein, II. 466. 4 Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 

they knelt down, swaying their bodies from side to side and moving 
their hands as if they were working fire-sticks. ‘‘ The performance 
of the Turtle ceremony came to an end with all the performers 
prancing about with their arms extended and yelling.’’! It is 
especially the seemingly meaningless movement expressive of pure 
pleasure in muscular discharge, the prancing about with its 
characteristic high knee action, that reminds one of the dances in the 
animal world. It is well known since Darwin that the development 
of the vocal faculties is closely connected with the breeding season. 
The male birds endeavour to charm or excite their mates by love 
notes, songs and antics. ‘‘ Like the birds, the males of mammals, 
we notice, feel the impulse to vocal display in the breeding season.’ 
These vocal displays tally strikingly with the description given 
by Strehlow, but in the Intichiuma ritual the young males alone 
take the place formerly occupied by them in company with the 
females ; probably in early times only the females of the Horde 
formed the audience, the alteration being due to repression, the 
etfects of which we have already studied and shall continue to see 
at work in this connexion. Strehlow says: ‘‘ As soon as all the 
preparations for the performance are completed, the old men who 
are to form a part of the audience sit down and the actors arrive. 
They occupy the ditch which serves as a stage. One of the old 
men then makes a long-drawn sound (raiankama = to breathe in 
Arunta) as the signal for the young men to rush to the scene of 
action and to run in a circle round this old man shouting wa-wa- 
jai-jai meanwhile.” 3 The tjurunga-songs consist of a sort of 
recitative, the words being given without regard to their normal 
accentuation.4 Possibly these songs go back to a root which is 
earlier than human language, to the vocal display of the rutting 
season in which accentuation was determined by other laws than 
those which exist at present. : 
An important aspect of the ritual has hitherto not been men- 
tioned: I refer to the ornaments. During the ordinary dancing 
festivals or Altherta the principal feature of the 
The head-dress_ decoration is usually a 1 i 
tal biker ornas y a more or less elaborate head 
ments in the dress. This is made by first of all bunching the hair 
re a on the top of the head and then surrounding it with 
small twigs so as to form a helmet-like structure 
of the desired shape.’ The top of the helmet is often further 
decorated with a bunch of eagle-hawk feathers, or a semi-circular 
structure made of grass stalks bound round with a hair string and 
with a tuft of tail-tips at each end, fixed through the helmet.6 
1 Spencer, N. T. N. T. A., 150, 151. 4 Hesse-Doflein, op. cit., IT. 444. 

3 The call of the young men is said to mean “ play your part well, bri 
body into vibration.” —Strehlow, 4. & L,, III. 5. yy P » OTInNg your 

4 Id., ibid., 6. 5 Spencer and Gille 
6 Id., ibid., 621, 622. P illen, N. T., 619. 

On the latter there is always some design drawn in down, and the 
design almost always includes a band passing across the bridge 
of the nose and enclosing the eyes. The down is affixed as usual 
by means of human blood.t In the totemic down ceremonies as 
in the ordinary dances special attention is almost always paid 
to the head-dress. The hair is tied up, and the helmet is made 
out of twigs or grass stalks wound round with human hair strings. 
In the case of one of the emu performances it forms a slightly 
tapering column about five feet in height, the end being orna- 
mented with a tuft of emu feathers. Owing to the flexibility of 
the column the end droops somewhat and moves about as the 
performer walks, imitating well the continuous up and down 
movement of the emu’s head while the bird walks aimlessly about.? 
In connexion with some of the ceremonies flat slabs of wood, shaped 
like large Churinga, may be carried on the head.3 In many of the 
Arunta ceremonies real Churinga are used as head decorations, but 
they are always ornamented with birds’ down and never with pipe- 
clay, and with only very rare exceptions bear incised patterns.4 
Other head-dresses are flat discs made of grass stalk.5 

Another form of head-dress is worn in a ceremony of the Plum- 
tree totem. It consists of a central mass of grass stalks, bound 
round as usual with human hair string and then ornamented with 
alternate lines of red and white down. For the time being the 
head-dress, which is really a ‘“‘ Nurtunja,”’ is symbolic of a plum 
tree. Assoon as the ceremony is over it is normally taken to pieces.® 
A Nurtunja is a structure made up of from one to twenty spears ; 
round these grass stalks are bound, and then rings of down are added, 
and a few Churinga will be suspended at intervals; occasionally from 
the top end of a large Nurtunja a small one will hang pendent, at 
other times it may be in the form of a cross or it may be T-shaped. 
At times it may have the appearance of a torpedo resting on the 
head or it may be in the form of a huge helmet firmly attached 
to the head and of various shapes, according to what it is supposed 
to represent. This form differs from all the others in the fact that 
one end of the Nurtunja is actually continuous with the head-dress 
instead of being, as in all other cases, a structure independent of the 
head-dress and affixed after the completion of this.?7 Both the 
Nurtunja and the Waninga § seem to be merely developments of the 
fundamental-concept that is embodied in the head-dress or helmet.9 
What the head-dress really is may perhaps be guessed from a negative 

t Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 622. a Id., ibid., 625; Nor. T., 723. 
3 Id., ibid., 724. ¢ Id., ibid., 725. 

5 Id., ibid., 725. 6 Id., ibid., 726. 

a Idi, NiD.;627. 8 Cf. id., ibid., 225, 628. 

9 It may also be evolved from a mask which does not make much difference. 
On the distribution see W. Foy, ‘‘ Fadenstern und Fadenkreuz,” Ethnologica, 1913, 

II, 67. 

testimonial ; it is something that women have not got, this being 
the most conspicuous difference between a woman’s corroborie 
decorations and the usual ones.t' The connexion of the head-dress 
with the Churinga as a procreation-symbol accords well with the 
idea that it is a distinctively masculine attribute. ‘‘A head- 
decoration or ‘ tonka’ is made for the performer in the following 
way: mulga twigs are placed upright on his head and are fastened 
on with his hair; the twigs are covered with a cushion bound round 
with yarn and then ornamented with down, the whole forming a 
kind of pointed hat. Frequently a long wooden tjurunga is also 
placed in the performer’s hair and so a connexion is made with his 
altjiranga mitjina. Creative powers proceed from this tjurunga 
to its wearer.” The Nurtunja and the Waninga have also con- 
served some traces of having been originally connected with the 
sexual sphere. The Nurtunja is embraced by the initiates before 
undergoing subincision.3 According to Basedow nobody was allowed 
to see the Waningi before initiation, The sight of the Waningi may 
be considered an introduction to manhood.4 Amongst the Niol-Niol 
the act of circumcision itself is called Waninga, and Klaatsch 
saw frames through which they put their heads (in the south-west) 
at certain dances that were strictly forbidden to women. Curiously 
enough, these are not sacred decorations, the association with the 
act of circumcision being only kept up by the identity of the terms.s 

When we see that the aboriginals have certain more or less mystic 
decorations made for the ceremonies and discarded when this season 
is over, we shall be tempted to draw a parallel between these cere- 
monial decorations and the secondary sexual characters that the 
animals develop for, and discard after, the rutting season. If we 
accept the view that these ornaments are a sequel of the secondary 
sex-characteristics, we shall be able to understand the truth in the 
assertion of the natives that the ornaments represent a part of the 
body of their semi-human and half-animal ancestors. Strehlow 
says there are various ornaments which the performers wear 
suspended on their head or in their hands, e.g. kanturanga (arches), 
various forms of tnatantja (spears), which are fixed to the head or 
held in their hands, or necklaces made of human hair. All these 
objects represent parts of the altjiranga mitjina. The same applies 
also to the Wonninga ; this too represents a part of the body of the 
Alcheringa ancestor—his ear, leg, etc. These Wonninga are usually 

t Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 720. + Strehlow, A. & L., III. 1910, 2, 3. 

3 Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 254. 

« Basedow, op. cit., XXVIII. 22-23. Basedow supposes the ‘‘ Faden-kreuz” to 
be originally symbolic of a human figure in dancing posture (‘‘ Archiv fir Anthro- 
pologie,”’ N. S., VII. 219, Cf. also Foy, ‘‘ Fadenstern,”’ Ethnologica, 1913, II. 106), 
which would lead us to the conclusion that a man acting in a ceremonial dance 
wore the symbol of a dancer on his head. 

5 H. Klaatsch, “‘ Schlussbericht,” Z. E., 1907, 654, 655. 

worn on the heads of the performers, but they are also employed 
at the initiation ceremonies, where, however, they are held in the 
hand by the performers.! 

The origin of the secondary sexual characters of animals cannot 
be said to be quite clear. At any rate they stand in close connexion 
to the primary ones, as they are absent in castrated male animals. 
Hesse inclines to the view that they are “ Uberschussbildungen 
aus den Ersparnissen bei der Bildung der Geschlechtsprodukte,3 
the male giving less energy out in the sexual act than the 
female. If this is true, then these crests, manes and all sorts of 
Be ornaments of the rutting season may be described as 

splacement : ; : ; : 
upwards the physiological pre-formations of certain unconscious 
explained as = mechanisms that we are well acquainted with, or rather 
psychical : 3 % : . 2 
survival of the the displacement upwards is a ‘‘ psychical ’’ survival, 
biological process a reduced repetition of the biological process mani- 
which leads to : 
the formation  fested in these secondary sex-characters. The helmet 
Ceca ae of the ceremonies is a Churinga transposed upwards 

‘and the Churinga itself a symbolical penis. That is 

why we see a return of the repressed elements when the Churinga, 
which radiates its creative faculties on the wearer, is put into the 
head-dress, and that is why even the latter developments of this 
head-dress have conserved traces of their ancient connexion with the 
male organ of generation. 

Among animals the rutting season is also the season of battle 
among the males. Numerous instances of fierce fights among birds 
have been recorded. The polygamous ruff, for example, is notorious 
for his extreme pugnacity, and in the spring the males congregate 
day after day at a particular spot where the females prepare to lay 
their eggs. Here they fight like game-cocks, seizing each other with 
their beaks and striking with their wings. Among the polygamous 
mammals we find the adult males separated from the rest of the herd 
during the greater part of the year. At the pairing season all the 
old males attempt to secure large harems. They drive the females 
together and chase away the other males. In this way small hordes 
are formed where an old male possesses a large number of females ; 
only very young, sexually unripe, males are allowed in the horde. 
Whilst the fighting among the old males is often extremely fierce, 
the fight between the old and young males does not usually seem 
very serious; it appears as if the young male was simply testing 
his strength and withdraws as soon as he recognizes his inferiority. 4 

It is easy to see that the period of the Great Revolution, the 
Victory of the Sons over the Sire, can only have been a rutting 

t Strehlow, Die totemistischen Kulte, 1910, 3. 2 Hesse-Doflein, op. cit., I. 498. 

3 Id., ibid., I. 496. Which is about as much as to say that they are phalloi 
coming out at the wrong place. 

¢ Hesse-Doflein, op. cit., II. 450, 462, 465, 474. Darwin, op. cit., IT. 46. 

season. Probably the youths were suffered in the horde all the 
year round, and only expelled whilst the rutting season lasted ; 
the dichotomy of the tribe between initiated and non-initiated, 
between eagle-hawk and crow, having its first germ in this annually 
repeated expulsion, but once the pubescent males succeeded in 
uniting their growing forces and killing or driving off the Leader of 
the Horde, an event that can only have taken place in the Season 
of Rut, we shall expect to find traces of it in the Intichiuma ritual. 

We shall take up our investigation at the point where we broke 
off and try to explain the origin of the animal projection in the 
Bitie Wie ten alleged purpose of the ritual. The blood-letting of the 
as an Intichiuma elders* and performers is an acknowledgment of 
ba and a self-punishment for having caused the death 
of the Alcheringa ancestor. By the blood-letting, however, they also 
engender the animal from the stone and thus in a certain sense of 
the word they become the fathers of their own fathers. In the case 
of the Kangaroo totem of Undiara, after the men have allowed the 
blood to pour out of their arms over the stone ledge, they descend, 
and after rubbing themselves all over with red ochre return to the 
main camp. All the younger men then go out hunting kangaroo, 
which, when caught, they bring in to the older men who have stayed 
in camp. The old men of the totem, the Alatunja being in the 
middle of them, eat a little and then anoint the bodies of those who 
took part in the ceremony with fat from the kangaroo, after which 
the meat is distributed to all the men assembled. The men of the 
totem then paint their bodies with the totem design or Ilkinia in 
imitation of the painting on the rock at Undiara and that night is 
spent in singing about the doings of the Alcheringa kangaroo people 
and animals. Next day the ceremony is repeated. After this the 
animal is eaten of very sparingly by the Kangaroo men, and they 
must on no account touch the choice bits.2 Painting the totem 
design on their body and singing the totemic chants is a clear sign 
of identification : we shall conclude that this absolute identification 
must be a reaction-formation after a period of absolute, though 
unconscious rebellion.3 Both the young and old man have previously 
done just what is prohibited for a Kangaroo man to do: they have 
hunted the kangaroo and they have eaten it. The elder and the 
younger generation have acted seemingly in absolute harmony : 
we find that both have given free vent to their repressed 
wishes. For have not the young men hunted the kangaroo, 
the symbol of the father? And have not the Elders eaten of the 
animal, which to them also is, in a primary sense, a Father-symbol, 

1 Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 204, 205. 

2 According to legend, the great Alcheringa kangaroo buried under the rock 
was killed by kangaroo men.—Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 108. 

3 The same mechanism of rebellion and identification is found in the mourning 
ceremonies, 

but which they have also procreated by letting their own blood drip 
on the rock, and which therefore, from the retribution point of view 
of the Father, means the Son? We now see what the eating of the 
totem means in all these ceremonies: it is the necessary preliminary 
step for the rite of magical procreations, just as breaking through 
the inner inhibitions, the endopsychic taboo must precede the free 
flow of the libido that is necessary for actual procreation. 

There are two principal types of totem-eating in connexion 
with the Intichiuma ceremonies. In one type the eating is an 
Tee 6d toes of integral part of the multiplication rite ; in the other 
totem eatingin it has become split off and has developed into a second 
intichiuma ritual. yityal that follows the Intichiuma in two or three 
months. Before they go forth to produce the Grey Kangaroo the 
men eat a little grey kangaroo flesh and smear their body with the 
fat of the animal. They let their blood flow on the rock and some 
time afterwards, at the “‘ Freigabe”’ (liberation) of the totem, they 
again eat a little of the cooked kangaroo flesh.t The Arunta name 
for the ritual called “‘Freigabe’’ (liberation) by Strehlow is 
tmaltakal-tailalajinama, to prepare something, to make it ready 
for use.2 In the Red Kangaroo ceremony the elder men and those 
who play the part of the kangaroo ancestor eat some kangaroo 
flesh and rub their bodies with the fat in the camp of the young 
men ; then they proceed to the Intichiuma ground, perform the blood- 
letting ceremony and make red kangaroos jump out of the rock. 
About two months after the ceremony, it is repeated as an intitjiuma,3 
and after the performance the chief actor eats some kangaroo flesh 
in the shade. Then he sends the young men out to hunt the 
kangaroo ; they bring the animals to the elders, who distribute them.+4 
Again in the Wallaby cult we have the eating both in the multipli- 
cation ceremony and in the subsequent liberation ritual.s In the 
Opossum and in the Grey Wallaby cult the totem is only eaten 
at the second ceremony. In the Tjilpa (Dasyurus spec) ritual 
some flesh is eaten by the actor after the ceremony,? and the same 
obtains at the Emu 8 and the Owl ceremony.9 

At the Duck ceremony eating takes place before the ritual," as is 
also the case at the Lizard ceremony, where we again find the cere- 
monial blood-letting,:! and at the Varanus Gould Lizard ceremony, 
where clashing stones against each other is substituted for it. In 
the Snake ritual the flesh is eaten in the young men’s camp before 

: Strehlow, A. & L., III. 14. 2 Jd,, ibid., III. 7. 

3 As to the difference and the connection between the mbatjalkatjuma (this is 
what Spencer and Gillen call an intichiuma) and the intitjiuma see below. 

4 Strehlow, A. & L., III. 13. 

5 Id., ibid., III. 19. The multiplication is achieved by blood-letting. 

6 Id., ibid., III. 23, 25. In the liberation ritual it is always eaten. 

7 Id., ibid., III. 29. 8 Id., ibid., III. 36. 

9 Id., ibid., III. 50. 10 Id., ibid., III. 59. 
11 Jd., ibid., III. 67. 1a Id., ibid., III. 68. 

the dramatic ceremony takes place, then there is blood-letting and 
repetition of the rite as a liberation ceremony.t The proceeding 
at the Grub ceremony? is exactly the same. In the eastern part 
of the Arunta tribe, however, the ceremony of eating the totem 
before the Intichiuma seems to be absent, unless Spencer and Gillen’s 
observations are inaccurate on this point, and the meaning of the 
ceremonial eating seems to be developing from its multiplicatory 
to the “ taking off the taboo” aspect. After the performance of 
the Intichiuma the Witchetty Grub is taboo to the members of the 
totem, by whom it must on no account be eaten until it is abundant 
and fully grown, any infringement of the rule being supposed to 
result in an undoing of the effect of the ceremony resulting 
in the grub supply being very small.3 Evidently there is a sort 
of contrast that jars on the feeling of the aboriginals in first 
multiplying the animal and then helping to reduce the supply. 
This indicates that the aggressive tendency underlies the multi- 
plication ritual; originally they wish to kill the totem (eat the 
father), and this is over-compensated in the conscious desire to 
multiply it. 

This sort of altruistic attitude naturally presupposes a certain 
stage of not quite primitive development, and if we remember 
that the multiplication ritual is merely the reduced survival of actual 
intercourse in the first instance, of onanistic movements that serve 
to stimulate the fore-pleasure in the second instance, we may infer 
the unconscious meaning of the inhibition : those who have produced 
the totem-animal ought not to eat it, just as they ought not to devour 
their own children. 

The men of the Purula and Kumara classes and those of the 
Panunga and Bulthara who are not members of the totem, and did 
not take part in the ceremony, may eat it at any time, but it must 
always be brought into the camp to be cooked. It must, on no 
account, be eaten like other food out in the bush, or else the men 
of the totem would be angry and the grub would vanish. 

When, after the Intichiuma, the grub becomes plentiful and fully 
grown, the Witchetty-Grub men, women and children go out daily 
and collect large supplies, which they bring into the camp, 
cook and store away in pitchis, whilst those who do not 
belong to the totem are out collecting. The supply of grubs only 
lasts a very short time, the animals appearing after rain ; when the 
grubs grow less plentiful the store of cooked material is taken to the 
men’s camp, where, acting as usual under instructions from the 
Alatunja, all the men assemble. Those who do not belong to the 
totem place their stores before those who do, and the Alatunja 

1 Strehlow, A. & L., IIL. 71. 

* Id., ibid., 80. Cf. another grub ceremony (p. 84), honey-ant ceremony (p. 89), 
and the bee ceremony (p. 91); 3 Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 203. 

- then takes one pitchi and, with the help of the other men of the totem, 
grinds up the contents between stones. Then he and the same 
men all take and eat a little, and when this has been done he hands 
back what remains to the other people. Then he takes one pitchi 
from his own store, and, after grinding up the contents, he and the 

-men of the totem once more eat a little, and then pass the bulk of 
what remains over to those who do not belong to the totem. After 
this ceremony the Witchetty-Grub people eat very sparingly of the 
grub: we remember that they were absolutely forbidden to do so 
after the Intichiuma. They are not absolutely forbidden to 
eat it now, but must only eat sparingly; for, were they to eat 
too much, then the power of successfully performing the Intichiuma 
would depart from them and there would be very few grubs. On 
the other hand, it is equally important for them and especially for 
the Alatunija to eat a little; eating none would have the same 
effect as eating too freely.? 

The totem-eating partakes here both of the character of a 
ceremony of first-fruits and of a rite intended to multiply the totem. 
The proceeding is very similar to what takes place in the case of 
the Kaitish ‘‘ [kitnainga ’”’ (Intichiuma) of the Grass-seed totem. 
The Ulqua (Alatunja) is an old Thungalla man, and when he decides 
that the time has come to perform the ceremony he goes to the 
Ertnatulunga, clears the ground all around it, and then takes out 
the Churinga, greases them well and sings over them. Then he 
takes two of the Churinga, red-ochres them and decorates them with 
lines and dots of down, the latter representing the grass-seed. 
When this is done he rubs them together so that the down flies off 
in all directions. 

We know that the down flying about really means the emanation 
of spirit-children, that is spermatozoa, which follows naturally after 

the rubbing of the Churinga, that is onanistic proceedings with the 
male member. Then for days the old Thungalla man walks about 
by himself in the bush “ singing’ the grass-seed and carrying one 
of the Churinga with him. At night-time he hides the Churinga in 
the bush, returns to his camp and sleeps on one side of the fire with 
his lubra on the other; the two having no intercourse whatever. 
During all this time, from the period at which he first visits the 
Ertnatulunga to the close, he is supposed to be so full of Churinga— 
that is of the magic power derived from these—that not only would 
it be iturka for him to have any intercourse with her, but such would 
result in making the grass-seed no good and in causing his body to 
swell up when he tasted any of it. 

This part of the ritual reminds us of the mythical episodes in 
which the Intichiuma appeared as a substitute for intercourse: 
here we see that the man who is stock full of Churinga, that is 

1 Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 204. 

sublimated symbolical sexual potency, may not .break through the 
very inhibition to which the sublimation owes its origin. The word 
iturka that is applied to such a transgression shows us the nature 
and origin of this check on sexual activity: iturka is a man who 
has access to a woman of a forbidden group, that is who commits 
incest.t The unsublimated form would sap the roots of projection 
which lie in the inhibition : if he procreated human beings, naturally 
there would be no need for him to procreate the grass-seed. When 
the seed begins to grow he still goes on “‘ singing” to make it grow 
more, and at length, when it is fully grown, he brings his Churinga 
to his camp hidden in bark. Then he and his lubra go out and 
gather a store of seed and, bringing it back to the camp, the woman 
there grinds it up with stones ; the Thungalla man himself takes some 
to the men’s camp and grinds it there, and the Panunga men catch 
the meal in their hands as it falls off the edge of the grinding-stone. 
One of the Panunga (who of course belongs to the Mulyanuka, the 
other moiety) puts a little of the seed to the Thungalla’s mouth, 
and he blows it away in all directions—the idea of this being to 
make the grass grow plentifully everywhere. After that he leaves 
the seed with the Mulyanuka, saying when he does so, “‘ You eat 
the grass-seed in plenty: it is very good and grows in my country.” 
When he returns to his camp he gives some of the seed to his wife, 
telling her to eat it and to tell the other women to do the same, 
unless they belong to the Grass-seed totem. The lubra makes four 
cakes of the grass-seed, and at sundown the Thungalla returns to 
the men’s camp with these. One he gives to the Panunga, one to 
the Uknaria, one to the Bulthara, and the fourth he tells his lubra 
to send to the Appungerta (his sons-in-law to whom he is taboo). 
A Purula woman gives him some seed, which he takes to his own 
camp and hands over to his lubra to make into another cake; of 
this he eats a little and gives the rest to the Umbitjana men, who 
are his fathers, saying, “‘ I am glad to give you this.” 

These men belong to his own moiety of the tribe, but unless 
they belong to the totem the seed is not tabooed to them. Then 
he tells his own lubra to instruct the women to gather seed in plenty, 
the greater part of which is carried to the Mulyanuka, the smaller 
part gathered by his own lubra and the women of her subclass 
being brought to him.. After a time the Mulyanuka men once more 
come up to him bringing a little seed with them, but leaving the 
greater part of it in their own camp. In exchange for this which 
he eats they receive from the Thungalla the supply which the women 
have brought him, and then he tells them that all is now over and 
that they may eat freely. He himself and the men of the totem 
only eat very sparingly. If a man of his own totemic group eats 
too much of his own totem, he will be, as the natives say, ‘‘ boned”’ 

1 Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 750. 

by the men who belong to the other moiety of the tribe, for the 
simple reason that if he eats too much of his totem then he will 
lose the power of performing Intichiuma and so of increasing his 
totem. 

These two parallel rites seem to help us a considerable way 
onwards in the understanding of the meaning of the totem-eating. 
We have noted one case in which the man would lose his power to 
multiply the animal if he were to lie with his lubra at such a time. 
The same would follow if he were to eat too much of his totem, 
that is if all inhibitions would disappear. We have also explained 
why he would lose his Churinga power by having intercourse with 
his own wife at such a time, for it would amount to committing 
incest and thus to breaking through all inhibitions: if there is no 
inhibition it follows that there is no sublimation of sexual potency, 
no projection into the animal world, and hence no Churinga power. 
The same is the case if he eats his own totem like any other food ; 
then it ceases to be a totem, a symbol, something which is fraught 
with the ambivalent attitude of wish and dread, and hence again 
the ritual loses its meaning as an act of compromise between contrary 
psychical tendencies. If there is no libido or no repression to check 
its direct manifestation, then again there can be no projection, no 
multiplication of the totem species. In the former case (intercourse 
with his wife when the ceremonies are going on) the repression is 
directed against incest. Now, as we have seen in the chapters on 
the origin of children and the Alcheringa myth, this is just what 
totem-eating symbolizes: eating the totem means eating the 
murdered father and (in the displacement upwards) having inter- 
course with the mother. The totem must be eaten, that is the actor 
must indicate that he is guilty of the incestuous impulse; and it 
may only be eaten sparingly, that is repression must come into play, 
as it is only the interaction of these two contrary tendencies that 
can produce a successful Intichiuma. This interaction results in 
the splitting up of the ritual into a whole series: first he only takes 
some seed into his mouth, next he eats a little and then he eats more, 
although still sparingly. The second phase of the rite clearly 
indicates the original external conflict that gave rise to this psychic 
situation of libido and repression ; he begins to eat of the totem 
(to commit incest with the mother), but after eating a very little 
desists, and says to his tribal fathers, “‘ I am glad to give you this,” 
that is he willingly renounces his infantile Oedipus wishes. 

The general character of the rite and its taking place after the 
Intichiuma prove that it is meant as a liberation ceremony, although 
at the same time it is necessary for the multiplication of the totem. 
The liberation is twofold: it begins by eating the totem and giving 
it free for the non-totemites, especially those of the other moiety, 

1 Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 291-94. 

and continues by partially liberating it even for the members of 
the totem. The progress of the rite indicates the headway made 
by libido against repression without going so far as totally to break 
through the latter. For the strangers, those of the other moiety, 
where repression is but slightly operative (but not totally absent : 
they may not eat the seed without first bringing it into the camp 
and showing it to the totem head-man, etc.) the “ liberation ’’ sets 
in at the beginning of the rite, and sets in completely, for the 
members of the totem, where the play of the conflicting tendencies 
of libido and repression is specially prominent with regard to that 
particular symbol, only at the end and only in a certain degree. 

In the Waduman tribe the different totemic groups perform 
ceremonies for the increase of the totemic animal or plant. These 
ceremonies are called Tjutju and are the equivalents of the Inti- 
chiuma of the Arunta tribe. When performing the ceremony the 
men of the group paint and dance, the others watching them. 
After the ceremony of any particular totemic group has been 
performed, the men of all other groups go out and gather some of 
the animal or plant. If, for example, it be ‘‘Eramalgo,” the latter, 
after being brought into the camp, is taken to the Eramalgo head- 
man, the men saying, ‘‘Here is Eramalgo.’’ He replies, ‘‘Give it, 
I eat.” It is handed to him, and he puts it in a pitchi, mixes it 
with water, eats a little himself, and hands it over to the other 
men, saying, “‘I have finished.’’ After this they may all eat it. 
So in the same way a Flying-fox man will eat a little of the animal 
and hand the rest over to the other men who do not belong to the 
totem.t The Mudburra natives also perform the Tjutju? cere- 
monies to increase the animal or plant. After securing the latter 
the men who do not belong to the totem group bring it up to the 
head-man and hand it to him, the old man saying, “‘ Give it, I eat.” 
He takes a little and then hands it back, saying ‘‘ I have finished.” 

In the case of the Arunta Kangaroo totem (Undiara) we have 
the eating of kangaroo and anointing the body with kangaroo fat as 
an integral element of the Intichiuma, and the repetition of the eating 
on the following day evidently as a liberation ceremony. In the 
Irriakura totem (bulb of a Cyperaceous plant) the members of the 
totem do not eat the totem for some time after the Intichiuma 
(repression after the wish-fulfilment in the rite). Those who do 
not belong to the totem bring a quantity of it to the men’s camp, 
where it is handed over to the Alatunja and the other men of the 
totem, who rub some of the tubers between their hands, thus getting 
rid of the husks, and then, putting the tubers in their mouths, blow 
them out again in all directions. After this the Irriakura people 

x Spencer, N. T. N. T. A., 198: 

* The Warramunga word for sacred ceremonies. Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 
30I, 302, 308. 

may eat sparingly.t In an analogous rite of the Worgaia it is just 
after the spitting (or throwing about) that the members of the 
totem may not eat any more of the animal. Before performing 
the yam ceremonies the head-man takes a Churinga, wraps it up in 
bark, and leaves it on the ceremonial ground at a spot where yams 
grow. When these ceremonies are over the men of the other moiety 
of the tribe ask him to go and walk about in the bush and “ sing ”’ 
the yams as they want them to grow. Accordingly, he takes the 
Churinga and, carrying it under his armpit, goes out into the bush 
every day for about two weeks. At length, when he sees the plants 
growing well, he tells the men of the other moiety to go out and gather 
some. They do so, and, leaving their main supply in their own 
camps, bring a little up to the head-man of the totem, asking him 
to make them grow large and sweet. He bites a small one and 
throws the pieces out in all directions, an action which is supposed 
to produce the desired effect.2 The throwing of the Worgaia rite 
is a substitute for the blowing about of the Arunta rite, and both 
are Clearly multiplicatory ceremonies. This multiplicatory element 
of the rite is organically connected with the eating ritual, and seems 
to point to a period previous to the development of the “‘ liberation ”’ 
meaning of the totem-eating when it primarily stood for multi- 
plication. After the symbolical incest (contained in the eating of 
the totem) as a multiplication rite has been once committed, the 
path is set free for its repetition, and hence the secondary meaning 
of the totem-eating as a liberation ritual. 

In the Idnimita (grub of a large longicorn beetle) totem the grub 
must not be eaten after the Intichiuma by the members of the 
totem until it becomes plentiful, after which those men who do not 
belong to the totem collect it and bring it into the men’s camp, 
where the store is placed before the Alatunja and men of the totem, 
who then eat some of the smaller ones and hand back the remainder 
to the men who do not belong to the totem. After this men of the 
totem may eat sparingly of the grub. In the Bandicoot totem the 
animal is not eaten after Intichiuma until it is plentiful. When it 
is, those who do not belong to the totem go out in search of one, which, 
when caught, is brought into the men’s camp ; there they put some 
of the fat from the animal into the mouths of the Bandicoot men 
and also rub it over their own bodies. After this the Bandicoot 
man may eat a little of the animal.3 

As we have pointed out before, the symbolical totem-eating in 
the Intichiuma is the result of a compromise between the Oedipus 
attitude and repression ; if there is no rebellion against the father 
(that is no eating the totem) there can be no intercourse whatever, 
as every intercourse is the repetition of the original incest and hence 

t Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 205. 2 Id., Nor. T., 296. 
3 Id., N. T., 205, 200. 

no symbolical intercourse, no Intichiuma. If, .on the other hand, 
one eats too much of the totem, this means the complete absence of 
repression. In this case (a) a symbolical coitus would again be 
impossible, as a symbol is determined by the two contrary currents 
of repression and libido, that is we should have courting-dances 
and coitus, the propagation of the human species and no ritual, 
no multiplication of the totem-animal. (6) Eating too much of 
the totem would mean unchecked rebellion against the father 
(symbolized by eating), the complete victory of the aggressive 
tendencies leading to the dying out of the animal. 

In the Kaitish tribe a man does not eat his own totem except 
ceremonially, for if he were to do so freely he would be “ boned ”’ 
by men of the other moiety because such conduct would prevent 
him from successfully performing Intichiuma. He eats a little 
just at the time of the Intichiuma, when it is essential especially 
for the head-man of the tribe to do this. If, for example, an Emu 
man comes into the country of a Grass-seed group, before eating 
the seed he will take what he has gathered to the head-man of the 
Grass-seed group and ask his permission to eat it. The totems are 
somewhat more clearly divided between the groups than in the 
Arunta, and when any animal is killed, if a man of the totem is in 
camp, it is taken to him by men of the other moiety. He eats a 
very little and then hands it back to the other men to eat. 

It is of interest to study the further progress of repression in the 
Warramunga tribe. If the men of the Snake totem should eat of 
the snake it would cause their death and at the same time prevent 
the animal from multiplying (the multiplication of the animal 
being the symbol of human multiplication). Here the eating of the 
totem is absent, but indications of its former existence have survived 
in the liberation ceremony. When the snake appears after the 
ceremony the men of the other moiety go out and bring one in to 
the head-man and say to him, ‘“ Do you want to eat this?’”’ He 
replies, ‘“ No, I have made it for you: suppose I were to eat it, 
then it might go away ; all of you go and eat it.’’ In the same way 
a kulpu (honey or sugar bag) is brought to a man of that totem, 
after he has made Intichiuma, but he declines to eat it, and tells 
the others that he has made it for them, and they can go out and 
collect and eat it.2 The original form of the totem-eating rite seems 
to be that found among the Western Arunta. Here the members 
of the totem clan are in the “ Son-Attitude” with regard to the 
Totem-Father. It is before they can successfully multiply the 
animal, that is commit totemic incest, that they must kill and 
devour the father, and this act of rebellion is committed by the head- 
man of the totem—as if they wished to indicate its unconscious 
sources—in the camp of the young men. However, this phase of 

t Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 323, 324. + Id., ibid., 308, 309. 

tife is not merely that of rebellion, but viewed from the other (and 
secondary) side of ambivalency also that of peace-making, of union 
with the father as indicated in many elements of the initiation 
ritual.1 From this point of view the totem-eating is a Communion 
with the father: it is only when the members of the clan have 
united themselves with the totem, by eating its flesh and by anointing 
their bodies with its fat, that they can undertake to multiply it ; 
it is only when they themselves have become fathers that they can 
successfully undertake procreation. And again, as they are now 
the fathers (the impersonators of the Alcheringa ancestors !), what 
is the procreation that they perform in the ceremonies ? Evidently 
a symbolical repetition of the father’s intercourse with the mother, 
a projection of incest into the animal world.? 

The ritual of “ setting free’ the totem appears in the sequence 
of the ceremony as a reduplication of the first eating, and at the 
same time the “ mbatjalkatiuma ”’ is repeated as an “ intitjiuma.”’ 3 
Probably what comes first in the ceremony also comes first in the 
course of evolution ; the formation of an elaborate ceremony being 
due to the splitting off (Abspaltung) and gradual independent 
development of the elements of the original rite. 

After the member of the totem clan has conquered the father 
in the first totem-eating, he proceeds, in the procreative element of 
the Intichiuma ritual, to turn the tables, to reverse the relations 
between himself and his totem animal; now it is he who becomes 
the (magical) father of the animal. At the same time his own 
attitude undergoes a change, and with growing years it is the Father- 
Attitude of the Oedipus complex that unconsciously dominates his 
own doings. It is not the father that he wishes to devour, but the 
rebellious son, and after having made the kangaroos by blood-letting 
(or an analogous symbolic coitus rite), he eats the kangaroo, the 
son he has procreated. We must not forget that the ritual is 
always performed by old men; this is the reason why the totem-eating 
after the Intichiuma has survived far more generally than the totem- 
eating before the multiplication. 

In its double aspect the ritual represents the whole ontogenetic 
development of the Father-Son conflict and by performing it in 
ritual it leads to a partial catharsis, a partial abreaction of this 
conflict, and hence the members of the totem are permitted after 
the liberation ritual to eat sparingly of their totem. However, the 
ritual contains not only the permission for the members of the clan 
to eat the animal, but also for members of other totem-clans, and 
in this shape it can only have developed at a period when there 

t Some of these we have mentioned when dealing with the blood-letting rite. 

2 We must not forget that they are the same person as the Alcheringa-ancestor, 
who magically procreated them by having symbolical intercourse with their own 

mother. 
3 Cf. below the explanation of these terms.—Strehlow, Ane LAT ss: 

were already various clans united in one tribe.. The head-man of 
the totem gives the men of other totems permission freely to eat and 
use the animal; more than that, he says that he has “‘ made”’ the 
animal for them. That is, the union of the clans is made possible 
by a mutual respect shown to each other’s compulsion-neurotic 
complexes, and these inhibitions are sublimated into an “ altruistic,’ 
a “ social’’ attitude. 
This sublimation seems originally not to have been an affair 
between one totem and the rest of the totems, for in the Intichiuma 
these are largely replaced by the two primary divisions. 
pa. Blayed The ceremonial period is truly a regression in tribal 
organizationin history towards the time of the ‘“‘ Alcheringa,”’ as it 
eh oe ae has conserved the state of things that existed after the 
first division of the Original Horde. In the Witchetty 
Grub Intichiuma those men who belong to the other moiety of the 
tribe, that is to the Purula and Kumara, are about forty or fifty 
yards away sitting down in perfect silence, and at the same distance 
further back the Panunga and Bulthara women are standing with 
the Purula and Kumara women sitting down amongst them. The 
first-named women (that is those of the moiety to whom the ceremony 
belongs) are painted with the totem Ilkinia of red and white lines, 
the second are painted with lines of white faintly tinged with red.* 
At the conclusion of the ceremony, when the decorations are 
removed, the Alatunja says, ‘‘Our Intichiuma is finished; the 
Mulyanuka must have these things or else our Intichiuma would 
not be successful and some harm would come to us.”’ They all say, 
“Yes, yes certainly,’ and the Alatunja calls to the Mulyanuka (i.e. 
men of the other moiety of the tribe), who are at the men’s camp, 
to come up, and the things are divided amongst them.? The Inti- 
chiuma of the Hakea Flower totem is performed at a place called 
Ilyaba by men of the Bulthara and Panunga classes.3 In the Kan- 
garoo Intichiuma the Panunga and Bulthara men sit on the left 
hand, looking towards the stone, whilst the Purula and Kumara 
men sit on the right. We must remind the reader that the Arunta 
totems are not divided between the classes, that the ceremonies 
are inherited by individuals, and that the “‘ Mulyanuka ”’ are always 
the men of the moiety to whom the possessor of the ceremony does 
not belong. Anyhow, it is remarkable that the ‘‘ inner circle” of 
initiates and the “ outer circle”’ of the uninitiated should be deter- 
mined by classes in a totemic ceremony. However, we find exactly 
the same state of things in the north-west. 
If kangaroos should become scarce in a season of drought the 
head of the family under whose charge the Kangaroo tarlow may 
be at the time (let us say a Ballieri) proceeds with other Ballieri 

1 Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 176. 2 Id., ibid., 178. 
3 Id., ibid., 184. 4 Id., ibid., 201. 

men to the tarlow and performs the Intichiuma (‘ willing ’’) there. 
_ Should the head-man of a tarlow die, if he is a Caiemurra, his child 
being Burong, the tarlow would be henceforth under the care of the 
Burong family, if a Ballieri his tarlows succeed to the care of the 
Baniker family, etc. Both men and women may inherit the control 
of the tarlow and one tribal family (that is class) may have charge 
of several tarlows at the same time.t In the Warramunga group of 
tribes the totems are divided between moieties. The totemic 
ceremonies proper are divided into two groups—one associated with 
the Uluuru moiety of the tribe and the other with the Kingilli. 
In every case the men of the Kingilli moiety were requested to 
perform their ceremonies by Uluuru men. For instance, the head- 
man of an Ant totem who is a Thakomara was asked by Thapungarti 
men to perform, and when consenting to do so he asked the latter 
to decorate him, he in return subsequently made them a present 
of honey bag. This special offering of food to the men who decorate 
the others is called litjingara.3 

A feature which is common to all the Kingilli ceremonies, and 
distinguishes any one of them at once from all those of the Uluuru, 
is that every performer in a Kingilli ceremony carries on either 
thigh what is called a tjintilli4 These tjintilli are also worn in the 
Intichiuma ceremonies of the Gnanji tribe,5 whilst in the Binbinga 
tribe it appears in initiation ritual. The first time the novice sees 
a sacred totemic dance (immediately previous to circumcision) the 
men dance with tjintilli, which are here bunches of leafy twigs 
tied round the ankles.6 The Warramunga tyjintilli (conspicuous 
by its absence in Uluuru ceremonies) consist of a central stick 
about a yard long, to which are attached a number of leafy, green 
gum-twigs. The free end of the stick is passed on either side through 
the waist girdle, and the tjintilli is held in the middle by the hand 
and pressed down on the thigh when the performer dances and runs 
about with the usual high-knee action. 

We do not know enough of these ceremonial objects to be able 
to ascertain their meaning with certainty; at any rate, we must 
note their connexion with the initiation ritual and the fact that a 
Lizard man is said to have made the first—the lizard, as we haveseen, 
being all over Australia the originator of the difference between the 
sexes. If we then provisionally assume that the tjintilli represents 
the male member, we shall find an interesting parallel to its use 

tC. Clement, ‘‘ Ethnographical Notes on the Western Australian Aborigines.” 
Int. Arch. f. Ethn., XVI. 1904, 5. Cf. the distribution of the totems (or rather of the 
multiplication ceremonies) between the two primary classes (one pair of the four- 
class system on each side).—A. R. Brown, “‘ Three Tribes of Western Australia,’’ 
Wet Accd, IOL3).172- a 

s Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 194. 3 Id., ibid., 197, 98. 

¢ Id., ibid., 198, cf. 213. 5 Id., ibid., 366. 

6 Id., ibid., 198, 199. 

amongst the Kingilli and absence in the Uluuru moiety in the closing 
act of the ceremonies. i 

A very characteristic feature in connexion with all the Kingilli 
ceremonies is the nature of their concluding act. In the Arunta, 
The concluding One or two men from amongst the audience walk up 
act of the to and lay hands on the performers’ shoulders ;* in 
bk ce the Kaitish and Unmatjera the heads of the performers 
are pressed down; and in the Warramunga the head-dress which is 
invariably worn in connexion with Kingilli ceremonies is roughly 
knocked off by an Uluuru-man. In each instance the performers 
run in on to the ground where the audience is standing. One man, 
always a member of the Uluuru moiety, stands by himself in the 
very centre of the ground, and the performer finally circles round 
and round, quite close to him, with his body bent and the usual 
high-knee action, while all the time he stares up into his face. The 
man does not take the slightest notice of the performer until, all 
of a sudden, the former lifts his right arm and, with what is often a 
smart, rough blow, knocks the helmet flying.2 We have inferred 
the origin of these ceremonial head-dresses as derivatives of the 
secondary sexual characters: if the helmet is a penis that has been 
transposed upwards, knocking off the helmet would be a symbolical 
castration. The tjintilli worn by the Kingilli men only and the 
termination of all Kingilli ceremonies by a symbolical castration 
inflicted by the members of the other moiety 3 seem to correspond 
to each other, but it is only in the light of Atkinson’s views on the 
evolution of society that we can get any clue to the origin of the 
dual organization and to the origin of these rites. 

It is perhaps permissible to read the origin of the Two-Class 
System out of the Eagle-hawk and Crow myths; the bi-partition of 
the tribe was then an act of compromise after the great primeval 
conflict between the Son and the Sire. Half of the women are 
marriageable for Crow (Son), half for Eagle-hawk (Father), and the 
conflict of the two generations comes to a peaceful end. The ending 
of the ceremonies has conserved various stages of this conflict in 
various tribes : in the Warramunga the Uluuru men kill and castrate 
their Kingilli fathers, the wearers of the phallos (helm and tjintilli) ; 
in the Kaitish and Unmatjera the heads are pressed down, which 
is a half-peaceful and half-aggressive finish of the performance ; 
whilst the hugging in the Arunta indicates the completely peaceful 
settling of all disputes. 

We have already seen that the origin of the Intichiuma ceremonies 

* A sort of hugging. Cf. Strehlow, 4. & L., III. 5. 

a Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 205, 206. 

3 In the Uluuru performances there is no running round and round a Kingilli 
man, but the performers come on to the ground and run round a few green boughs 

which have been placed in the centre, and immediately sit down 
and Gillen, Nor. T., 206, 207. y on them.—Spencer 

in their present shape, with the repression of the feminine element 
and the homoerotic onanism represented by the rubbing of the 
Churinga, must be attributed to the phase of evolution that followed 
the victory of a group of brothers over the Primeval Sire, and the 
ritual is also prompted by the intention to strengthen the feeling 
of unity between these victorious brothers on the one hand, and 
(by allowing for a partial abreaction of the Oedipus complex) to 
prevent the repetition of their victorious rebellion by the next 
generation. The same phase of phylogenesis also accounts for the 
origin of the two-phratry system: the Group of Brothers “‘ goes 
by halves” with the men of the next generation as regards the 
women, and thus forestalls the next rebellion.t We again find the 
parallelism of eating and intercourse so often observed in Australian 
ritual. In actual custom, a man will exchange his daughter for a 
woman of the opposite marriageable class of the other moiety ; 
in the ritual he gives the animals, magically procreated by himself, 
as food to the men of the other moiety, in exchange for other animals 
magically procreated by them. A man thus “ makes”’ both his 
daughter and the totem-animal for the men of the other moiety, 
and thus it seems as if the altruism of the alimentary side of life 
was merely the result of transposition upwards of the taboo aspect 
of the Oedipus complex. On the other hand, however, this taboo 
itself has its roots in a real conflict between the Father and the 
Son-group, and we may perhaps surmise that this conflict had a 
realistic beside an erotic side: that it was fought not merely for 
the women but also for the better hunting-grounds and the food 
animals. The choice between these two solutions is a questio 
facti, the decision of which lies not with social anthropology but 
with the study of animal behaviour. 

Thus the primary division of the tribe may be regarded as the 
outcome of a phase of evolution in which the victorious group of 
brothers prevented the continuation of a series of 
inter-tribal revolts by institutions of a compromisory 
character, that met desire half-way and yet kept the 
inhibition up in a reduced form. We must remember that we have 
(following Reik) regarded the same phase of evolution and the same 
conflict as responsible for the rise of the initiation ritual. On the 

Intichiuma and 
initiation. 

t This is, of course, only a hint at the way in which I think we can explain the 
origin of the dual system without having recourse to the theory of design (Frazer), 
or to the theory of fusion (Rivers), which leaves the regularity of the two classes 
unexplained. Three-class systems are nearly unknown, but there is no reason to 
suppose that three people might not have formed a coalition just as well as two. 
The three divisions of the Iwaidji, which function for marriage purposes as if they 
were two, may very well be due to the fact of an alien element having joined a tribe 
with the two-class system. If the Jealous Sire of the original horde kept his wife 
and daughter for himself, but consented to an arrangement by which his sons might 
marry his sisters (their paternal aunts), we should get a two-class system with female 
descent. 

social side these institutions are represented by the primary (totemic) 
division, on the ritual and social side by the puberty ceremonies. 
In the initiation ritual the Group of Elders are represented as 
vanquishing their would-be revolutionary sons, the primeval 
punishment of castration is re-acted symbolically and the first 
inhibitions are inculcated. The whole mechanism of the ritual is 
dictated by the fear of retribution ; the old men repeat the infantile 
rebellion against their own Elders in a symbolically reduced form 
on thenext generation. But it is not only the Strife that is re-acted 
but also the Covenant that put an end to animosity, and the ritual 
contains not only the repression of the Oedipus attitude but also 
its homoerotic sublimation. 
In the course of our investigations we have had occasion to 
prove that nearly all these remarks apply to the Intichiuma cere- 
se monies as well, so that it would not surprise us if 
ee we could make use of the initiation ritual and the 
dual organization to determine the phase of evolution 
to which the present form of the Intichiuma should be attributed. 
To begin with, we shall learn from a competent observer that the 
ceremonies we have been dealing with are not called Intichiuma 
at all, that being the designation of a different, though evidently 
closely related, series of ceremonies. ‘‘ In the puberty ceremonies 
_there are a whole series of performances which resemble very closely 
those of the ritual acts, but are not intended to affect the increase 
or prosperity of the particular totem; they are only intended to 
show those who are entering or who have entered the ranks of 
manhood how these actions should be carried out—hence with refer- 
ence to this purpose these ceremonies are called Intitjiuma, i.e. to 
initiate, to show how something is done. If, however, these cere- 
monies are carried out on the totem-places where the original 
altjiranga mitjina had its home, and with the object of causing the 
totem to increase and prosper, these actions are called mbatjalka- 
tiuma, i.e. producing, fructifying, improving the condition.” ! 
Before circumcision the novices are shown three Intitjiuma— 
(a) the Red Kangaroo ceremony, because a Red Kangaroo ancestor 
circumcised many youths in the Alcheringa; (b) the Hawk ceremony, 
as the Hawk-man re-introduced circumcision that had already 
fallen into oblivion; (c) the Bat ceremony, as many Bat people 
instructed others in the ceremonies in the Alcheringa.2 Besides 
these there are also other Intitjiumas that vary according to the 
occasion and the decision of the old men3 It seems that these 

t Strehlow, A. & L., ITI, 1, 2. : 

» These three introducers of circumcision probably represent three distinct 
waves, all belonging to the large family of tribes who were in possession of this 
ceremony. The Manning, Hastings and Macleay tribes have a myth, in which the 
initiation hero Byama appears as a kangaroo.—R. H. Mathews, F 4. A. 1899, 23. 

3 Strehlow, A. & L., IV. 19. — 

ee 

ceremonies correspond to the ‘‘down ceremonies” of Spencer and 
Gillen (Quabara undattha), who use the term Intichiuma for the 
same thing that Strehlow calls mbatjalkatiuma. “It is astonishing 
how large a part of a native’s life is occupied with the performance 
of these ceremonies, the enacting of which extends sometimes over 
the whole of two or three months, during which time one or more 
will be performed daily. They are often, though by no means 
always, associated with the performance of ceremonies attendant 
upon initiation of young men, or are connected with Intichiuma, 
and so far as general features are concerned there is a wonderful 
agreement between them in all the northern and central tribes.” * 
The Quabara which are performed at the initiation ceremonies vary 
according to the locality in which they are performed and the men 
who are taking the leading part in them. If, for example, the old 
man who is presiding belongs to the Emu totem, then the Quabara 
will to a large extent deal with incidents concerned with ancestral 
Emu men, but the totem of the novice has no influence whatever 
on the nature of the particular Quabara performed. The body 
of the performer is decorated with ochre and lines of birds’ down 
which were supposed to be arranged in just the same way as 
they had been on the body of the Alcheringa ancestor. 

In a Kangaroo performance, for instance, we find a ball of fur- 
string, that represents the scrotum of the kangaroo, hung from the 
waist of the performer. When all was ready, he came hopping 
leisurely out from behind the men’s brake, where he had been 
decorated, lying down every now and then on his side to rest as a 
kangaroo does. For about ten minutes he went through the 
characteristic movements of the animal, acting the part very cleverly, 
while the men who sat round the novice sang of the wanderings of 
the kangaroo in the Alcheringa. He was told about the doings of 
the kangaroo ancestor, about his death and about the final trans- 
formation of his spirit part into a Churinga. This spirit, the old 
men told him, went at a later time into a woman, and was born 
again as a Purula man whose name was, of course, Unburtcha (like 
the ancestors), and who was a Kangaroo man just as his ancestor 
was. He was told that the old men know all about these matters 
and decide 3 who has to come to life again as a man or woman.4 
In the ceremony of the Rat totem the particular Rat-man or Man-rat 
(the identity of the human individual being sunk in that of the 
object) with which he was associated and from which he is supposed 
to have originated, to whom the ceremony referred, is supposed to 
have travelled from a place called Pulkira to Walyira, where he 
died and where his spirit remained associated with the Churinga.; 

t Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 177, 178. 2 Id., ibid., 226. 

3 The exclusive knowledge and right of decision of the old men in these matters 
seems to be a psychical substitute for their lost or waning sexual powers. 

4 Id., ibid., 228, 229. 5 Id., ibid., 231, 

The Waninga carried in this ceremony represented the body of a 
rat; the main part was supposed to be the trunk of the animal, 
the point end the tail, and the handle end the head, so that when 
in use it was carried downwards. The cross-bars represented the 
limbs. The other two men were decorated to represent two little 
night-hawks. They approached from the south side to the novice, 
making a circuit and walking with their backs turned to the circum- 
cision ground until they got opposite to the novice, who has been 
blindfolded all this time. The bandage is now taken from his eyes 
and he sees the two little Hawk-men, with legs wide apart and hands 
grasping the ends of a stick, come along towards the audience, 
sliding and quivering as they did so. They were followed by the 
Waninga carriers, who were also quivering and bending the Waninga 
towards the novice. The ceremony ended by the novice embracing 
the Waninga.! 

When we remember the sexual significance of the Waninga on 
the one hand and the usual termination of an Intichiuma ritual on 
the other hand (embracing the performer), we shall be inclined to 
see an element of homoerotic sublimation that is in accordance with 
a certain phase both of the Intichiuma and the initiation ceremony 
in the closing act of this Quabara—all the more so as we know the 
sexual significance of another Intichiuma feature of this Quabara, 
the quivering in a Kangaroo ceremony in which the men imitated the 
movements of young and old kangaroos. When preparing for the 
ceremony the bodies were first of all rubbed over with red ochre, 
then two young men opened their veins and allowed the blood to 
flow out in a stream over the heads and bodies of those who were 
about to take part in the ceremony. Each man carried on his 
head and also between his teeth a small mass of wooden shavings 
saturated with blood.3 The men stood in the path with their legs 
wide apart, one behind the other, shifting their heads from side 
to side and making the twigs quiver. When the novice is told 
to look up, the man who represented a young kangaroo begins to 
frisk about and pretends to rush at the other performers, finally 
darting between the legs of each man and emerging at the western 
end of the column.4 

We have met with this latter feature in the Kangaroo Intichiuma 
of the Loritja, where it is said to represent a “‘ game ” played by the 
Alcheringa kangaroos, although it is evidently an imitation of the 
act of copulation.s The rubbing with red ochre may be compared 
to the rubbing of the Churinga, whilst the blood-letting is found 
both here and in the Intichiuma in identical form as a sublimation 
of homoerotic tendencies. In the Engwura, whichis the concluding 

1 Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 233, 234. tld Subidis 234. 
3 Id., ibid., 235. 4 Id., ibid., 236. 
5 Strehlow, III, Part ii, 2. 

part of the initiation ceremony and which lasted (as observed by 
Spencer and Gillen) from September to January, there was a 
constant succession of these Quabara ceremonies.t The ceremonies 
performed at an Engwura depend upon the men who are present ; 
that is, if at one Engwura special totems are better represented 
than others, then the ceremonies connected with them will pre- 
ponderate.2 Indeed, the main object of the Engwura seems to be 
the handing down of the traditional knowledge referring to the totems 
and Churingas to the younger generation.3 When the totem-eating 
of the Alcheringa is represented + two men imitate the Eaglehawk,s 
and even the Churinga appear in some of these ceremonies,® not to 
mention the Waninga, Nurtunja, etc. An“ Ulpmerka ”’ head-dress 
with churingas fastened on represents a special form of Nurtunja.7 
In a ceremony of the Fish totem the opening and closing of the 
fish’s gills is imitated. In a ceremony of the Irriakura totem the 
Bulb-man is represented gathering bulbs, tufts of feathers repre- 
senting the growing bulbs.9 Alcheringa ancestors of the Plum-tree 
totem are represented as continually eating plums.1° 

Evidently it is not easy to determine the difference (except in 
the intention of the ceremony) between the Quabara (Intitjiuma : 
Strehlow) and the Intichiuma (Mbatjalkatiuma: Strehlow), espec- 
ially when in the Engwura the Churinga also come into prominence. 
It is evident that there is a connexion between the ‘‘ Quabara”’ 
and the “ Intichiuma ”’ type of totemic ceremony, and as the former 
are principally performed at initiation, especially at the Engwura, 
the same remark holds good with regard to initiation and Intichiuma. 
We have already commented upon the part played by the primary 
moieties in the Intichiuma rites, and we may compare this with the 
following remark of Spencer and Gillen: “The division of the 
tribe into two moieties, which stands out so clearly on the occasion 
of a ceremony such as the Engwura, points to the fact of the original 
division of the tribe into two halves, each of which was again divided 
into two.” We shall not be surprised to find the moieties coming 
out clearly in the initiation ritual, as according to our theory both 
institutions represent the original settling of affairs between the 
fathers and the sons. 

The same phase of social evolution is also represented in 
both groups of totemic ceremonies; in the Warramunga the 
series of totemic ceremonies (Quabara) are intimately associated 
with and performed at certain times as Intichiuma ceremonies.” 
Even here, however, there is a difference between the cere- 

t Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 178. ad ING Te, 279: 

3 Id., ibid., 280. 4 Id., ibid., 295. 

5 Id., ibid., 296. 6 Id., ibid., 298, 304. 
7 Id., ibid., 310, 313. 8 Id., ibid., 307. 

9 Id., ibid., 318, 319. 10 Td, ibid., 320. 

1x Id., ibid., 277. 11 Id., Norv. T., 193. 

monies of the Quabara type (called Thuthu) and __ those 
of the Intichiuma type (called Thalamintha).1 The Thala- 
mintha series, here also, is performed with the intention 
of multiplying the animal,? whilst the Thuthu are performed at 
initiation.3 Now, it is very remarkable that the Thalamintha of 
the present day are said to be performed in imitation of the Thuthu 
of the Alcheringa ancestors. When the ancestor used to perform 
Thuthu the spirit-individuals used to emanate from him just as 
the white down flies off the Thalamintha performers at the present 
day. Wherever the Alcheringa ancestors went they performed 
Thuthu and left spirit-children behind.s This remarkable relation 
between the two ceremonial types may perhaps also be illustrated 
by a custom of the Tjingilli. To make both young men and women 
grow strong and well-favoured, the men perform at intervals of 
time a long series of ceremonies called wantju dealing with the various 
totems. There is no special reference to the young men or women 
in them, but they are performed solely with the object of increasing 
the growth of the younger members of the tribes. Increasing the 
growth of youngsters is perhaps only a slight alteration for making 
babies be born, and the Thuthu, which are the mythical prototypes 
of the Thalamintha, served this purpose. 

Nowadays the Thuthu and the corresponding Quabara are 
performed as anthropic ceremonies, that is in connexion with puberty 
rites, whilst the Thalamintha-intichiuma type has undergone a 
projection into the animal world. In this later form of ceremony 
we may distinguish a procreative and an imitative element. The 
former is represented by the rites of rubbing, blood-letting, quivering 
and throwing (to be dealt with below), all of them symbolical of 
intercourse, the latter, as we shall see, consists in the imitation of 
the life of the animal and of the methods employed to secure it as 
food. The former part of the ritual represents the Pleasure Principle 
pure and unalloyed, whilst in the latter, as we shall see, the Reality 
Principle also plays a considerable part. If we compare the two 
types of totem ceremonies with one another we shall find that the 
procreative element is only to be found in vestiges in the Quabara 
rites, whilst both series correspond entirely as regards the imitative 
element. Moreover, the former series can be performed anywhere 
(preferably, of course, on the initiation ground), whilst the latter is 
restricted to the totem-centre (Arunta) or at least to a drawing 
representing it (Warramunga), that is to an environmental repetition 
of the uterus. 

We have ample reason for supposing both elements to have formed 
part of an original rite, and we can easily see why the procreative 

1 Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 297. 2 Id., ibid., 308. 
ime (oie ibid., 351. ¢ Id., ibid., 301, 
5 Id., ibid., 302. 6 Id., ibid., 476. 

(libidinal) element had to undergo repression in the first instance 
and survived in the second. 

In the Intichiuma the ritual is directed towards the animal 
world, in the Quabara it is performed in connexion with the human 
members of the clan; projection or repression are alternative 
methods by which the psychic censor obscures the original meaning 
of the ritual. Asa common starting-point for the two sets of totemic 
rites, we must postulate a ritual that contained both the imitative 
and the libidinal element (as the Intichiuma), that was performed in 
connexion with initiation ceremonies (like the Quabara), at the 
rutting season (like the Intichiuma), and where the object of the 
rite was to make human spirit-children incarnate themselves (like 
the Thuthu rites of the Alcheringa and the ceremonies of the Baby 
totems). We can now also understand why the difference between 
the two series is far less evident among the Warramunga than the 
Arunta. The Warramunga Intichiuma (Thalamintha) is chiefly a 
ceremony that represents the wanderings of the ancestors, the 
magical (procreative) element being much less prominent than 
amongst the Arunta, that is we find repression superadded to 
projection—which makes it easily interchangeable with the Thuthu 
ceremonies. 

It has not escaped the notice of Spencer and Gillen that ceremonies 
of the imitative type are widespread—indeed, perhaps a universal 
feature of the Australian initiation ritual. ‘‘ We meet with des- 
criptions of performances in which different animals are represented, 
but except in the case of the Arunta tribe no indication of the 
meaning and significance of these performances has been forthcoming 
beyond the fact that they are associated with the totems. In the 
Arunta and Ilpirra tribes they are not only intimately associated 
with the totemic system, but have a very definite meaning. Whether 
they have similar significance in other tribes we have as yet no 
definite evidence to show, but it is at all events worthy of note 
that whilst the actual initiation rite varies from tribe to tribe 
(knocking out of teeth, circumcision, etc.), in all, or nearly all, an 
important part of the ceremony consists in showing to the novices 
certain dances, the important and common feature of which is that 
they represent the actions of special totemic animals. 

“In the Arunta tribe . . . it looks much as if all they were 
intended to represent were the behaviour of certain animals, but in 
reality they have a much deeper meaning, for each performer repre- 
sents an ancestral individual who lived in the Alcheringa ... as 
a descendant or transformation of the animal the name of which 
he bore.”’! As we have been able to show that there is a close 
connexion between the ‘‘ Down ceremonies ’”’ and the Intichiuma in 
the Central Australian area, it is to be presumed that a study of 

x Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 227, 228. 

these animal-dances in the initiation ritual will:throw further light 
on the relation between that rite and Intichiuma. 

In the Melville and Bathurst Island initiation ritual ceremonies 
connected with the totems Kangaroo, Cockatoo, Crocodile, Lizard, 
etc., are performed. Next morning they are shown first a Crocodile 
ceremony. Two men, imitating the movements of a crocodile, 
sprawl on the ground and crawl about. In the Kakadu tribe 
initiation ceremonies are a complicated affair, consisting of five 
distinct rites that mark the various phases in the life of a native 
from childhood to manhood. In the Yam ritual we find an old 
man playing an important part who is supposed to represent a 
great old kangaroo ancestor called Munamera, and we find men 
imitating the sound made by the kangaroo.3 Next we have the 
Ober ceremony. A log of wood is supposed to represent the old 
ancestral Kangaroo-man or Man-kangaroo watching the ceremony. 
Sixteen men were decorated, two of them representing fish-men, 
whilst the rest were rush-tailed wallabies. Two men performed a 
dance, during which they were supposed to be imitating the move- 
ments of native companions.4 In another performance the men 
imitate kangaroos and smash a wurley to bits. It has not been 
possible to ascertain the exact meaning of this ceremony, but in 
some way it is associated with a group of ancestors who were led 
by a very big old Kangaroo-man called Jeru Ober (Ober is the 
name of the ceremony). The wurley belonged to him and he used 
to rest in it during the day just as an old Man-kangaroo now rests 
in the shade of a tree or bush during the heat of the day. He told 
the others to kill white cockatoos and make head-dresses. Then he 
made the ceremonial ground and the hollow trumpet and showed 
them how to perform the ceremony. The kangaroo then said, ‘‘ We 
are like blackfellows now, we will go under ground or the natives 
will see us.” So they all went down excepting the Jeru Ober, 
who remained up for some time till he, too, went into the earth a 
short distance away by the side of a big paper bark tree. The 
original ceremonial ground was at a place called Kupperi, between 
the East and South Alligator Rivers.s This shows a connexion 
between the totemic dances of initiation and the typical Alcheringa- 
ancestor legend just like the state of things in the Central tribes. 

Another important Ober ceremony is associated with three 
snakes. The ground is “sung” to make it slippery so that the 
performers could dance well, and the snake is sung also. One man 
represented a male snake called Ngabadaua (a vicious animal of 
whom the natives are very much afraid) and two non-venomous 

x Spencer, N. T. N. T. A., 118. 4 Id., ibid., 119. 

3 Id: abid.,)127; 4 Id., ibid., 136. 

5 Only men who have been through the Ober ceremony may go there; women 
and children must not go anywhere near.—Id., ibid., 139. 

| an 

snakes called Kuljoanjo! and Jeluabi. The first-named snake has 
a sacred or ceremonial name unknown to the women.? A mythical 
episode, how Ngabadaua killed the other snakes, is represented, 
and a general quivering and swaying of the performers’ bodies is 
going on.3 The ceremonies of the third stage, the Jungoan, are 
all associated with the totemic groups.4 Kangaroos and emus are 
represented ; at last one of the old men knocks the performers’ 
helmets off, and this is an indication that they have been killed by 
the men in pursuit of them.s The Jungoan simply consist of the 
performance of a series of ceremonies which are strongly reminiscent 
of those performed by southern (central) tribes such as the Tjingilli, 
Warramunga and Arunta.6 The next phase of the initiation rite 
is the Yam ceremony. The various articles of food that have 
hitherto been taboo to the novice (the Kulori yam, the Jabiru bird, 
the flying-fox, the quail, the barrammada, the mullet, the lily) are 
“sung.” 7 The concluding ceremony of the series, the Muraian, 
may be compared to the Engwura of the Arunta. Here we have a 
fire, a wallaby, and a turtle ceremony on the first day.8 Then there 
was a kangaroo and turkey ceremony. The Kangaroo men had 
curious bands running slantwise down their chest and backs and 
along their legs, which designs represented the backbone of the 
kangaroo.9 The Muraian themselves are objects such as sacred sticks 
and stones which are as intensely ‘‘ kumali’’ as the Churinga of the 
Arunta and equally intimately associated with the totems. These 
are all Muraian sticks and stones, and the most sacred of them, the 
Muraian itself,is produced at a certain phase of the ceremony. The 
man carrying it tumbled down on the ground and was followed by 
the others, and they all wriggled and rolled about in the most 
grotesque fashion. The Muraian was in the form of a slighty curved 
slab of wood with the representation of a head at one end and two 
little projections at each side, representing limbs. It was supposed 
to be a turtle, to which it certainly showed a considerable resemblance 
quite enough to be recognizable ; the rolling about of the men was 
supposed to be an imitation of the movements of the animal itself. 
This Muraian was found a very long time ago by an old ancestor 
called Kulbaran. He saw something strange in the form of a turtle 
moving about in the water, caught it and discovered that it was 
Muraian, or rather the turtle told him so. The turtle then described 

t Cf. the restrictions as to eating the Kuljoanjo—Spencer, N. T. N.T.A.,, 

1914, 347. 1 Id., ibid., 140. 

3 Id., ibid., 142, 143. 4Id., ibid., 144. 

5 This confirms our view as to the inimical meaning of the helmet knocked off 
in the Warramunga rites, 6 Spencer, N. T. N. T. A., 146. 

7 Id., ibid., 148, 149. 8 Id., ibid., 350. 

9 Id., ibid., 151. The portable ornaments were probably substitutes of the 
articles they represented, and the designs substitutes of the ornaments, The series 
would be: Human backbone — kangaroo backbone — Nurtunja —> design. 

10 Td., ibid., 187. 

the ceremonies and taught Kulbaran how to perform them and how 
to make the sacred sticks and stones. He also told him that the 
old men might eat the Muraian animals, but that the young 
men must not do so.t Then he showed him the whole series 
of dances and the stones that were representative of the various 
totems.? When all the sticks and stones had been brought on to 
the ground they were arranged in a circle and the men danced 
round and round them with their arms alternately extended and 
drawn back while they yelled ‘‘ Brau, brau,” that is * Give, give.” 
It was, as the natives said, a request, in fact ademand, to the sacred 
representatives of the various animals and plants to provide them 
with these same animals and plants that form their food supply,3 
so that the Muraian serves both as a finale, a sort of supreme 
initiation, and as an Intichiuma ceremony,+ the multiplication of 
the animals being here again brought into connexion with a sort 
of Churinga.s The Mungarai have the usual totemic animal dances 
in connexion with initiation and they here have a special name, 
warwitran, which corresponds to the quabara of the Arunta.6 We 
may compare the Gnamulla who expound the mystery of “ tarlow,” 
that is Intichiuma, at initiation 7 to the Kakadu, where the same 
totemic rite serves as initiation and Intichiuma. Animal dances at 
initiation have also been observed on the Buccaneer Islands. 
Various animals (kangaroo, emu) are represented at the Kabi and 
Wakka initiation ceremonies.9 In the initiation ceremonies of the 
Coast Murring tribes we have the magical dances and images of the 
porcupine and the brown snake.?° The totemistic element comes 
out more clearly in a number of performances. Whenever possible 
the men who represented animals were of those totems, and all the 
animals which were represented in the performances were the totem 
animals of the tribe. Thus when it is a kangaroo hunt it is a 
Kangaroo-man who performs and the Wild-Dog men hunt him. 

In the case of the dances performed by the natives on the right 
bank of the Murray towards Lake Alexandrina, we do not know 
whether they belong to the initiation ceremony, are ordinary 
corroborees, or perhaps Intichiumas. They are performed at 
water-holes, and this seems to indicate a magical intention for the 
frog dance, which consisted of men pointed and armed with wirris, 
squatting on the ground and then leaping along one after the other 

t Spencer, N. T. N. T. A., 189, 190. * Id., ibid., 189. 

31d. ibid., 187, 4 Id., ibid., ror. 

5 Cf. Map 6, p. 166, “‘ Distribution of Churinga.’’ For the data see Spencer 
and Gillen, N. J. and Nor. T., and Spencer, N. T. N. T. A., chapters on 
ceremonial objects and Intichiuma ceremonies. , 

6 Spencer, N. T. N. T. A., 165, 166. 

7 E. Clement, ‘‘ Ethnographical Notes on the Western Australian Aborigines,” 
I, A. E., 1904, XVI. ro. 

8 W. H. Bird, “‘ Ethnographical Notes about the Buccaneer Islanders,” Anthropos, 
IQII, 175. 9 Mathew, Two Tribes, ror. 

10 Howitt, N. T., 523. 1 Id., ibid., 545. 

in circles imitating the actions and movements of a frog. In another 
dance they go through the performance of hunting an emu, one man 
imitating the voice of the bird.t Of the Yuin totem dances, some 
consisted of a magic dance to the name of the totem: Others were 
‘prefaced by pantomimic representations of the totem animal, bird 
or reptile. Thus there was a dance to the word Yiraikapin, the dog’s 
tooth, referring to the “‘ ravenous tooth which devours everything.’’ 
It commenced with the lifelike howling of a dingo in the forest, 
answered by other dogs on the other side. Then it came nearer, 
till a man ran into the firelight on all fours, with a bush stuck in 
his belt behind to represent a dingo’s tail. Others followed, till 
half a score were running round the fire, smelling each other, snarling, 
snapping and scratching the ground ; in fact, representing the actions 
of wild dogs, until the medicine man leading them sprang to his 
feet, clapped his hands, vociferating in measured tones “ Yirai- 
kapin.”” While he danced the others followed him, dancing round 
him, and the usual totem dance was made. Then there was the 
crow dance, in which men with leaves round their heads cawed 
like those birds; and then danced the owl dance, in which they 
imitated the hooting of the owl; the lyre-bird dance, and that of 
the stone plover. Finally, there was a rock wallaby pantomime.? 
In the Port Jackson initiation ceremonies we find men disguised as 
dingoes and kangaroos.3 

In the Chepara tribe the men pretend that it is stormy and raining, 
making noises to represent the wind. Then a number of the men 
hop about and croak like frogs. There are pantomimes representing 
the flying-foxes on the branches of the trees, bees flying about, 
curlews and many other creatures. There are no totems in this 
tribe, and Howitt is inclined to see survivals of a totemic system in 
these dances.‘ 

In the Kurnai initiation these animal dances are represented by 
an ‘‘opossum game” and a kangaroo hunt.5 At the Kamilaroi 
Bora the old men taught novices all the native games, to sing the 
songs of the tribe, and to dance certain corroborees which neither 
the gins nor the uninitiated are permitted to learn (? Intichiuma). 
The men and boys cut grasses and reeds and tied them up to resemble 
kangaroo-tails, then sticking them in their belts while they danced a 
corroboree imitating kangaroos. There was a legend to explain 
these tails. Baiamai and his two sons were out hunting one day 
and caught two kangaroos and cut their tails off. The next Bora 
they went to Baiamai’s sons danced with these; this custom has 
been followed by the tribes at all Boras ever since.6 The episode of 

1 G, F. Angas, Savage Life and Scenes in Australia, 1847, I. 63. 

2 Howitt, N. T., 546, 547. 3 Id., ibid., 568. 

¢Id., ibid., 581, 582. s Id., ibid., 631, 635. 
6 R. H. Mathews, “ The Bora, or Initiation Ceremonies of the Kamilaroi Tribe,” 

J. A. I., 1894, 425. 

the cut-off tail seems to suggest that the pantomime has something 
to do with the castration complex, and a closely parallel version 
contains a corroboration of this hint. 

In the Wiradhuri rite we find that Thoorkook’s dogs as they 
come to kill the boys are personified by the men.t_ We have already 
dealt with the myth of Thoorkook’s dogs, who personify the castra- 
tion complex and are killed by the brothers Baiamai in the shape of 
kangaroos.? In the Wonggoa ceremony the performances consist 
for the most part of imitating animals or of scenes from the daily 
life of the people. Some of the animals selected are totems of those 
present, whilst others are connected with various myths and super- 
stitions.3 There is a performance to imitate the rolling of distant 
thunder, an opossum hunt; then there are mimic plays of the 
locust, native companion, kangaroo, porcupine and other animals.5 
In the Multyerra ceremony kangaroos and native companions are 
imitated.é 

Whilst the kangaroo scene of the Kamilaroi rite perhaps repre- 
sents the castration of the kangaroo father and the annexation of 
his tail (penis) by his kangaroo sons, and the Thoorkook episode 
represents a more advanced form of the same complex, that is, the 
retribution on the son for his castration wishes,7 some representations 
contain clear allusion to the death of the Primeval Sire at the hands 
of his sons. The novices are brought to a place where one of the 
old men who conduct the ceremonies is lying on his back in mortal 
agony. Some men go round and round him, imitating crows, from 
time to time picking with their beaks at the penis of the dying man, 
who groans loudly.’ 

In the Dolgarrity ceremony the novices are brought within view 
of a kangaroo, wallaby or other animal lying dead upon the ground. 
Several men are walking about it, imitating eagle-hawks and making 
the peculiar whistling call of that bird. Upon being disturbed 
they run along swaying their arms up and down to represent the 
flapping of wings of these large birds, which enables them to raise 
their heavy bodies from the ground when they commence to fly 
away from their prey. Sometimes this performance is varied by 
the men representing crows instead of eagle-hawks. In such cases 
the action and cry of the crow is mimicked.9 

* R. H. Mathews, ‘‘ The Birbiing of the Wirathuri Tribes,” J. A. I., 1896, 332. 

* Id., F. A. A., 23. At any rate we find Baiamai imitating the animal he has 
killed, or even changing into it in another myth, which shows the mechanism that 
led to the origin of totemism, 3d.) BAN Sars: 

Void ibid; 1k3, 157; 5 Id, ibid. 2375 

6 R. H. Mathews, Die Muliyerva Initiations Zeremonie, 1904, 81. (Separate 
reprint from Mitt. d. Anthr. Ges. in Wien, XXXIV.) 

7 The paternal animosity being, however, projected into the Wild-Dog demon, 
leaving for Byama, the manifest representative of the father-imago, the role of 
avenger, 

8 Mathews, ibid., 81. 9 Mathews, &. N., 131. 

Now it can be no mere chance that the crowand the eagle-hawk 
are the eponymous animals of the primary divisions, the proto- 
totems of a whole stock. We have connected the origin of this 
primary division with the victory of the Brother Horde over the 
Father and the subsequent compromise between the brothers and 
the next generation, and it seems that the same episode is repre- 
sented in these scenes of the initiation ritual. We have noticed 
the part this original bisection plays in the Intichiuma ceremonies, 
and indeed this has been noticed in conjunction with an analogous 
state of things at the initiation ceremonies by H. Webster, who, 
however, attributes this state of things to a later phase of develop- 
ment. Anyhow, we have seen that one moiety makes Intichiuma 
for the other, i.e. produces food for the other, just as the men of 
the moiety do not engender their own daughters for themselves, 
but for the men of the other moiety.? 

This is exactly paralleled in initiation; the men of the other 
moiety from whom the youth obtains his wife, are also those who 
initiate him, this pointing to the real reason underlying the repressed 
hostility of initiation ritual: the men who “kill”? him and subse- 
quently permit him to be born again are those from whom he is 
about to take their daughter or sister away as his wife. 

From the viewpoint of the Conscious and the friendly current 
of Ambivalency the remarks of Howitt may be quoted. “ Calling 
the classes for convenience A and B, then it may be said that it is 
the.men of A class who initiate the youths of class B, and vice versa. 
A class cannot initiate its own young men, but both classes co-operate 
in this ceremony.” ‘“‘ The reason of this seems to be that it is only 
when a youth is admitted to the rights and privileges of manhood 
that he can obtain a wife. As his wife comes to him from the other 
moiety, it is the men of the other moiety who must be satisfied 
that he is, in fact, able to take his place as provider for and the 
protector of the woman, their sister, who is to be his wife. In 
this connexion one can therefore see why it is that the future wife’s 
brother, who is also his sister’s husband, is the guardian of the youth 
in the ceremonies.’’3 

If we argue that the animal Pia of initiation have the same 
root in the past of the race as those of Intichiuma, it is for us to 

t H. Webster, ‘“‘ Totem Clans and Secret Associations in Australia and Melanesia,”’ 
J. A. I., 1911, 484, 485. 

2 Cf. “ They also called incestuous anyone who killed or ate any portion of a 
person of the same class as himself, e.g. a Maramara who killed or ate a Maramara.” 
(The two classes are Maramara and Pikala, each with an insect for its totem.)— 
Brown, Melanesians and Polynesians, 1910, 28. Any breach of class relationships 
was regarded as incest (p. 253). ‘‘A person who had committed incest (kuou) 
would be horribly tormented and killed by his own friends, who would say that 
they were killing themselves in the action which they were taking.”—Id., 411. 
“ Killing themselves ” evidently means punishing themselves for their own uncon- 

scious desires. 
3 Id., op. cit., 608; cf. 640. 

show how they got into their present ritual “ ensemble.’’ This leads 
us to a question of general import : the connexion between initia- 
Seat ites of tion and Intichiuma already abundantly indicated as 
the Torres regards the Arunta tribe. To begin with, no Intichiuma 
Straits Islanders. i; complete without the Churingas, which, from the 
general point of view, are a specialized form of bullroarers, whilst 
from the Arunta point of view the bullroarer is a species of Churinga. 
The bullroarer, at any rate, which is thrown at a woman by the 
Alcheringa ancestor, which is used for love-magic, smeared with 
blood from the subincised penis, is the central mystery,! the very 
symbol of initiation ritual. Now, this same object is in use for 
magical purposes analogous to those of the Intichiuma, more 
especially as a rain-charm. The headquarters of the Dugong clan 
at Mabuiag was at Dabungai, and it was at the kwod (ertnatulunga) 
there, close to the seashore, that the magical ceremony took place 
which had for its object the constraining of the dugong to come 
towards the island to be caught, and Dabungai is the area where the 
dugong is the most abundant, as it faces the reefs, which are the great 
feeding-grounds of the dugong. The first dugong of the season 
obtained by a Dangal man was put on “‘ medicine” plants. Several 
men hoisted the dugong up by its tail in such a manner as to indicate 
to the dugong of the sea the way from the reefs to the island. The 
men of the clan paint themselves to resemble the dugong and use 
a wooden model of a dugong to attract it.2 

This rite is like a Central Australian Intichiuma in nearly every 
detail ; it partakes also of the nature of a “‘ liberation ceremony,” 
as the first dugong of the season that has been employed in the 
ceremonies is afterwards given to the Turtle men. The first turtle 
caught during the turtle-breeding season was handed over to the 
men of the Turtle clan. It was not taken to the village, but to the 
kwod of the clan, where it was smeared all over with red ochre, 
when it was known as Parma surlal. The clansmen painted them- 
selves with a red mark across the chest and another across the 
abdomen, evidently to represent the anterior and the posterior 
margin of the plastron or under-shell of the turtle. They wore 
cassowary feather head-dresses, and danced round the turtle whirling 
bullroarers and shaking rattles. The meaning underlying this 
Intichiuma rite is made particularly evident by the next detail. 
A length of a creeper was cut off and slightly sharpened at one end; 
this was inserted in the cloaca of the turtle and pushed up and down 

x In the Warramunga tribe the men show their penes to the novices, spreading 
them out and stretching them as far as possible, saying: “ You must not talk 
about what we tell you; you must not say that you have seen our penes. Sit 
down quietly ; never go and talk close to your kaballa (elder sister) .’’—Spencer 
and Gillen, Nor. T., 350. The penis is shown here just like the bullroarer is in 
other tribes. 

* Haddon, Cambridge Expedition to Torres Straits, V. 183. 

_ several times. This was an act of pantomimic magic to make 
_ him (that is all the turtle) proper fast (fast = copulation)—in other 
words, to ensure a good surlal turtle season, just as the Loritja 
will imitate the copulation of the kangaroos in the Kangaroo 
Intichiuma.? 

The bullroarer is a materalized symbol of the fructifying powers ; 
it is swung when the lad is about to enter on the duties of manhood 
and when the animals are about to be made to breed. At Muralug 3 
the actual initiation ceremony consisted mainly in showing the lads 
a bullroarer and in instructing them how to use it. The Kiwai 
ceremony shows us the connexion between Intichiuma and initiation 
in a striking fashion, for here we have initiation at a fixed season 
of the year, a season which, in the light of our previous remarks, 
may with ease be identified as the pairing season of our pre-human 
ancestors. At Jam in Kiwai there were two initiation ceremonies. 
At the first a madubu (bullroarer) is shown to the youths, in a tabooed 
and fenced-in part of the bush, who are shown how touse it. Each 
youth receives one and the whirling of the bullroarer ensures a 
good crop of yams, sweet potatoes and bananas. According to 
one account the bullroarer is swung and shown to the youths 
when yams are planted in the season: a fence is made in the bush 
and the women and boys are kept out of the way as long as the 
ceremonies last. The second initiation ceremony takes place during 
the rainy season. The youths are again taken to the bush and 
this time the orara is shown to them. This is a wooden image of a 
nude woman which was described as “ god belong moguru”’; a 
smaller form of it is known umuruburu—this is usually a thin flat 
board cut into the shape of a human being. These effigies are 
supposed to ensure a good supply of sago. When food is scarce or of 
poor quality, if for instance a sago palm is split and the pith found 
to be “‘no good,” the men “‘make moguru”’ (the name of the 
second initiation rite) and “‘ put medicine along moguru for kaikai ”’ 
(food). During the Moguru ceremonies the men are decorated and 
wear a head-dress made of cuscus skin. Women and uninitiated 
boys may not see any of these sacred emblems nor the head-dresses. 
Between the Moguru ceremony and the yam harvest the men make 
pan-pipes, and every young man carries and plays one. 

At the mouth of the Fly River the bullroarer is called buruma- 
maramu, “‘ the mother of yams.”’ The old men swing it and show 
it to the young men when the yams are ready for 
digging. An idol used at the initiation ceremony is 
called Uvio Moguru; he makes everything grow—that is (a) the 

Yam ceremonies. 

t Cf. Strehlow, A. & .L., III, Part Il, p. 2. 

2 Cf. J. G. Frazer, ‘‘On Some Ceremonies of the Central Australian Tribes,” 
Australasian Association for the Advancement of Science, 1901, 320. 

3 Haddon, V. 217. See below for the discussion of the connexion between the 
Torrés Strait and Central Australian Rites. 

lad’s penis (erection), (b) the vegetation—and they bring him presents 
of food when the planting season comes. Kurumi and Uruparu 
are human effigies that are shown to the lads at initiation, and 
when first seen the youths have fire showered over them and fire- 
sticks thrust at them. Should a man have made a new garden, he 
provides himself with these figures before eating from it, and the 
effigies are shown to the young man. The initiation ceremony 
always takes place before harvest. The intimate connexion between 
initiation and harvest is certainly an argument in favour of our 
theory, nor is the whole ritual without its pre-agricultural parallel 
in Australia. 

The fire ritual reminds us of the Engwura and similar initiation 
rites,? whilst the Melville Island initiation affords still closer parallels. 
The ritual is closely associated with what is known as a Yam cere- 
mony. This special form of yam, which is eaten, but does not 
form such an important article of food as certain other yams, is 
called Kolamna. It is covered with a number of little roots which 
look like very strong hairs. These are called itjimma, the same name 
being applied to the hair on the arms and legs.3 On the first day 
of the ceremony the men collected together early in the morning 
and after much singing and yelling they went into the bush to 
collect yams. These men have very much better beards than 
most of the northern tribes, and a prominent feature of the ceremony 
was the treatment of the beard. During the first part of the cere- 
mony it was smeared with a white liquid that exudes from the 
bark of the milk-wood tree. The first performer opened the 
ceremony and sang about the salt water, then another began and 
sang about his house and so on, till all the men were singing of 
Tain, sea, oats, trees, grass, and in fact of everything they could 
think of. Often a man would come to the end of one “song” 
and while thinking of something else to sing kept up a cry of 
Ha-ha-ha-er-er-er, the former on the higher, the latter on a lower 
note. The yams were in a little side pool with logs placed on the 
pitchis to prevent them from floating away. They were inspected 
and then suddenly several old men seized the novitiate (Watjinyerti), 
plunged into the water with him and rushed backwards and forwards, 
some having hold of his legs and others of his arms. In this helpless 
state he was dragged backwards and forwards several times, for the 
most part completely immersed in the water. When they released 
him they turned their attention to the boys, who were made to lie 
down in the side pool. First of all each of them had his head put 
into a bark pitchi along with a few yams, and then, in this uncom- 
fortable position he was held under the water, which was very 
muddy, for quite half a minute. As the yams had “ whiskers,” 

* Haddon, Cambridge Expedition, V. 218, 219. 2 Cf. above. 
3 Spencer, N. T. N. T. A., 92, 93. 4 Id., ibid., 99. 

their close association with the heads of the boys was supposed to 
be efficacious in stimulating the growth of the hair on the faces of 
thelatter. The boyswerethen made to stand up. In order to assist 
further in the growth, each one had his chin rubbed hard with a 
hairy yam and then forcibly bitten by any older man who chose 
to do so. The pubic hairs, including those on the upper and lower 
lip of the novice, were plucked out by the men, who were walking 
round the fire striking their buttocks and singing fiercely at intervals. 
At the end of about an hour the men went to the fire and drew out 
lighted sticks which they threw away, first facing the north and 
then the south. Taking small boughs, the men approached the 
fire and then beat it down from above, the idea of this being to 
cleanse it of all evil influence—if this were not done they believe 
the evil would go inside them, and they would break out all over 
in sores.2, Then one old man, who took the lead and was always 
in front in the processions, walked slowly round and round the fire 
singing of the yams and the grass. At last the yams were taken 
out of the fire, skinned and sliced up. This was done on the 
ceremonial ground, and while it was in progress one man walked 
round and round striking sticks together while the others chanted. 
The men sung, time after time, ‘‘ Yams, you are our fathers,” 
The natives said that as a result of the performance of the ceremony 
all kinds of yams would grow plentifully, not only the kolamma, but 
more especially other kinds, which as articles of diet are more useful 
to them than the kolamma, which is very hot and needs special 
preparation. They evidently regard the kolamma, probably because 
it has to be specially treated before being safe to eat, as a superior 
kind of yam endowed with properties such as ordinary yams do 
not possess. If a boy sees this ceremony, and afterwards does not 
do what he is told by the old men, he becomes very ill and dies.3 

This ceremonial slicing up of the yams, after which men and 
women are rubbed all over with them,4 as an Intichiuma and 
initiation rite, not only proves the close and original connexion of 
these two rites, but also gives us an important cue to the meaning 
of both. 

We know that the initiation ritual is an occasion for letting out 
all repressed animosity that exists on the part of the elders against 
their younger fellow tribesmen. This feature of the ceremonies is 
represented by the biting in which the old men can indulge to their 
hearts’ content. In the Warramunga tribe there is the painful 
operation of ‘‘ punthan”’ for the novice to undergo, when his scalp 
and chin are bitten so as to make his hair grow.s Although this 
is not the alleged purpose of the head-biting in the Melville ritual, 

1 Spencer, N. T. N. T. A., 99. 2 Id, ibid., IOI. 
3 Id., ibid., 102, 103. 4 1d., ibid., 103. 
5 Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 352. 

yet it is the purpose, as we have seen, of the whole yam ceremony. 
The curious ambivalent attitude with regard to hair seems to 
indicate that it has here the same symbolic value as in the uncon- 
scious, in neurotic symptoms and in dream-life: that it stands for 
the penis and sexual potency. The ceremony avowedly wishes to 
make the hair grow and yet plucks both the youth’s and the elder’s 
hair out, which looks very much like a symbolic castration as a 
punishment for the ‘“‘ growing of the hair’’”’ (penis in erection). 

When the old men reached the water in the Melville ceremony 
the yams were put in the water—the roots or ‘‘ whiskers” had 
been carefully preserved—and were “‘sung.’”’ Then an extra- 
ordinary ceremony took place: most of the men began to pluck 
their beards and whiskers out. Some did it for themselves, some 
allowed others to do it for them, and not a single man seemed to 
flinch in the slightest degree during the performance of what must 
have been at all events a decidedly uncomfortable operation. When 
it was over the hair was placed in the pitchis together with the 
sliced yams and their whiskers ; all was left in the water for the 
night. Afterwards the yams were taken out and the hair left behind. 
In camp everyone partook of the yams, and all were supposed to 
begin eating at the same time.? 

The first part of this ceremony belongs to the category of rites, 
in which the old men inflict the same symbolic chastisement on 
themselves that they have been visiting on the youths, and by this 
self-punishment avow their complicity in a common guilt.2 What 
is the guilt that is punished by this symbolic castration rite? We 
get the answer to this question when we take the second part of 
the ceremony into account, in which the men’s whiskers and the 
yam’s whiskers, and consequently the men and the yams, are identi- 
fied. Now, the yams are eaten at the end of the ceremony, and this 
seems to be a repetition of the very sin they are about to expiate 
by plucking their hairs out—that of unconscious parricide. This 
interpretation is fully borne out by the ceremonial song, for the 
yams that are cut up and eaten are expressly stated to be “‘ our 
fathers.” 

That the yam should be multiplied by destroying it seems to 
be a curious case of ambivalency, comprehensible, however, if we 
take the deeper meaning of the rite into account. If like with 
the Central Australian tribes who have the incarnation doctrine— 
every intercourse is regarded as an act of incest, then intercourse 
cannot be accomplished without first killing and devouring the 
father. Multiplying the yams is a magical, a projected symbolic 
form of copulation ; hence a symbolic father must be killed if it is 
to prove successful. As the yams are their fathers and the whole 

t Spencer, N. T. N. T. A., 108, rio. 
* Cf. Reik, ‘' Pubertatsriten,”’ Probleme der Religionspsychologie, 1919. 159. 

tribe is identical with the yams (‘‘ whiskers’”’ !), they put a whole 
generation of fathers‘ in the place of the one father whom they 
kill, and on the other hand they provide for the next generation 
of “‘ yams ”’ by procreating them. Hence the yam-eating ceremony 
is, in certain respects, the counterpart of the chin-biting; there 
the youths are punished, and here we see the reason why: the 
youths have eaten their fathers. 

As Intichiuma is a magical coitus, it is natural that only the 
initiated men take part in it, and as the positive component of the 
initiation ritual, incestuous libido, undergoes repression, it can only 
manifest itself in the multiplication of animals or plants instead of 
human beings—that is, in an Intichiuma. 

The initiation ceremony of the Dieri, the second phase of which 
is also an Intichiuma, is another case to the point. First there is 
the Karaweli wonkana or circumcision, when the boy gets a new 
name that is derived from the legend of his Mura-mura. Howitt 
is right in remarking that this connects the Dieri tribes with those 
of the Alcheringa—reincarnation area as represented by the Arunta,3 
and this connexion is all the more significant as the Dieri are also 
the tribe that has, if we go towards the south, the last, although 
somewhat modified, forms of the Intichiuma rite. 

The second degree of initiation is the Wilyaroo, the blood-letting 
rite mentioned above. After the incisions have been made on the 
young man a bullroarer is given to him, which he is instructed to 
whirl when hunting so that the tribe may reap a good harvest of 
reptiles, snakes and other game; every night until his wounds are 
healed he must come within hearing and twirl it, so as to inform 
his parents that he is alive, that they are to send him some food ; 
in the meanwhile he must look upon no woman.4 If a woman 
were to see a bullroarer that had been used at the ceremonies and 
knew the secret of it, the Dieri tribe would ever afterwards be without 
snakes, lizards and such other food,5 that is projection (the existence 
of snakes, lizards, etc., being due to the fact that they exist as 
symbols of the libido) is not possible when repression ceases (women 
are permitted to take part in the ritual). When the bullroarer is 
handed to the young Wilyaru he becomes inspired by the Mura- 
mura of this ceremony so that he has the power to cause a good 
harvest of snakes and other reptiles by whirling it round his head 
when out in search of game.6 Again we see exactly the same psychical 
sequence in the rite as in the Melville ceremony. First the youth 

t Themselves, their own generation. 

2 The biting is a reduced talion-punishment. ‘‘ We shall eat you for daring to 
eat your fathers.” 

3 Curr, op. cit., II. 57. Howitt, N. T., 657, 658. 

4 Curr., op. cit., II. 59. 5 Howitt, N. T., 660. 

6 Id., ibid. As to the connexion of bullroarer, snakes and vegetation-magic 
in one ceremony, cf. the snake-dance of the Pueblos.—Frazer, T. & E., III. 230. 

and the elders identify themselves with each other by a mutual 
abreaction of their repressed animosity (old men bite the youngster’s 
head; the people eat the yams who are their fathers; mutual 
cutting at the Dieri Wiljaroo), and then when the young man is 
possessed by his Alcheringa ancestor (Mura-mura), that is when 
his psychical attitude has undergone the change from Son to 
Father, then he can multiply the tribe, at the same time projecting 
the incestuous elements of his libido into the magical rite of eating 
and multiplying the totem. 

Australian initiation rites contain, at the same time, another 
important parallel to the Intichiuma; they imply the liberatior 
from a number of food taboos which, although of 
course not totemic in the ethnological sense of 
the word, may nevertheless be compared to the 
totemic taboos in so far as the inhibition of the alimentary 
process is in both cases transposed upwards from an inhibition of 
the sexual functions. For instance, we remember that the emu is 
a symbol of the mother-imago. In the Euahlayi tribe, when a boy 
after his first Borah killed his first emu, whether it was his totem 
or not, his father made him lie on the bird (symbolic of coitus with 
the mother by permission of the father) before it was cooked. 
Afterwards a wizard and the father rubbed the fat on the boy’s 
joints and put a piece of flesh in his mouth. The boy chewed it, 
making a noise as if he did so from fright and disgust ; finally he 
dropped the meat from his mouth, making a blowing noise through 
his lips of ‘Ooh ooh!” After that he could eat the flesh. 

In the Kakadu tribe there is the kulori (yam) ceremony at the 
fourth grade of initiation, the equivalent of the kolamma ceremony 
of the Melville Islanders. The lubras are instructed to go out 
into the bush and collect quantities of kulori. The latter is a special 
kind of yam, potato-shaped, that they secure by digging down 
from two to six feet in the ground. It is what the natives call 
“hot,” and before being eaten it has to be treated in a special way— 
just like the kolamma. When they decide to hold a kulori ceremony 
the old men take the youths and they are made to lie on the ground 
flat on their back. Then slices of kulori are taken and spread out all 
over the body of each youth. Everyone, men, women and children, 
come round and watch what is being done. After a short time 
they remove the slices and lift each youth up by the arm. Each 
youth is then given a little bit, a part of which he chews and the 
rest he hands on to his mother’s elder sisters and to his younger 
brothers and sisters. They must all chewit, and then, putting their 
heads close together, they must spit it into a small hole in the 
ground, which is then covered up. After the ‘‘ yam communion ” 
the youths are called Kulori men and led to a special hut that the 

t Parker, Euahlayi, 24. 

Food taboos at 
initiation. 

INTICHUMA CEREMONIES 277 

women are not allowed tosee. Every day six men station themselves 
close around the hut and sing refrains, each one associated with an 
article of food which until now has been taboo to the young men. 
Some of the foods are ‘‘ sung” on one day, others on other days, 
and as each one is “‘sung”’ the taboo on that particular kind of 
food to which it refers is removed. 

The list of foods begins with the kulori yam (whence the cere- 
mony takes its name) and goes on through the Jabiru bird, the 
flying-fox, the quail, the barramada, the mullet and the lily. 
After the singing the men go out searching for food, and if they 
capture any of those referred to, they must bring it into camp. 
If, for example, a man catches a barramada, he brings it up to an 
old man, who rubs him all over with red ochre, and takes a wristlet 
off ; he then is free to eat the fish, and so on with all the others. 

If we leave out the important detail that the animals brought 
in for the first time by the younger men (for the first time in the 
season or for the first time after the initiation rite?) have been 
produced by the magical ceremonies and songs of the elders, the 
structure of the rite corresponds exactly to that of the Intichiuma 
rite. We have the totemic communion, the songs in the absence of 
the women, the bringing in of the first animal caught and the 
liberation ceremony in both cases. The second degree of initiation, 
the Ober, is also followed by a liberation ceremony. Before a man 
for the first time after he has seen the Ober eats any food, such as 
fish or kangaroo, one of the old men must take a little bit of the flesh 
and rub it under his armpit. Then he hands it to the other man, 
who smells it, puts it in his mouth and then spits it out again. In 
the case of the sugar bag an old man smears some of it over his 
whiskers and it is sucked off by the youths, who are then free to 
eat it.2 In the Yamba ceremony (first degree), when five days have 
passed a series of little ceremonies is enacted. One old man goes 
out and catches a fish called Bararil. Returning to the camp, the 
old man goes to the youth and throws the fish at him so as to hit 
his thigh. This ceremony removes the taboo from the fish, which 
henceforth the youth may catch and eat.3 The ceremonies are not 
all performed on the same day, but according to the caprice of the 
old men. Another old man will go and spear a cat-fish and with 
its jaw make a slight cut on the youth’s arm, saying, “ You eat 
cat-fish.’’ These ceremonies go on till all the taboos are removed, 
and on each occasion the old man cuts off one of the youth’s waist- 
bands till there are none left.4 In the Bunurong tribe freeing the 
boy of the forbidden animals is all that seems to have been done 

1 Spencer, N. T. N. T. A., 146-49. a Id., ibid., 144. 

3 In a Wongaibon legend two boys by a ruse make their uncle throw a piece of 
fat emu to them, henceforth they are allowed to eat it.—Mathews, E£. N., 158. 

¢ Spencer, N. T. N. T. A., 132. 

by way of an initiation ceremony.t In the Wurrunjerri tribe from 
time to time the young man was made free of the forbidden food 
by having a piece of the cooked meat given him to eat by one of the 
old men.? 

_ In the Kurnai Jeraeil the youth becomes free of the flesh of the 
forbidden animals by one of the old men suddenly and unexpectedly 
smearing some of the cooked fat over his face.3 

The kangaroo, being however one of the usual father-symbols, 
a more elaborate ceremony is needed before the boys are made free 
to eat it. The name of the ceremony is ‘‘ Seeing the ghosts” ; 
the men imitate the ghosts hunting a kangaroo and at last tell 
the youths who had been carefully shrouded in their blankets that 
‘the ghosts had caught a kangaroo.” The noise now ceased and 
the head-man, holding his throwing-stick pointing to the sky, 
tells them to look up; and their blankets being thrown off, he 
pointed three times successively to the sky, to the horizon and to 
the meat on the log, saying ‘“‘ Look there!’ each time. The 
novices were now seated on the log, each one having a pile of meat 
beside him, The head-man gave some of this to them and the rest 
was eaten by the other men.4 In this way the youths were made 
for ever free of the flesh of the kangaroo. This ceremony is a most 
important one, for if it is not carried out the youth is never lawfully 
able to eat the flesh of the male kangaroo, as the necessary quali- 
fication can only be acquired by eating the flesh in common with 
all the men who are present at the Jeraeil.s This kangaroo com- 
munion seems to liberate the boys of the kangaroo by an avowal 
of the common unconscious guilt of parricide by the whole tribe ; 
even the ghosts, the representatives of past generations, participate 
in it; or rather it is they, the fathers themselves, who have killed 
the kangaroo (father) so that the youths may do the same, as they 
are merely repeating the proceedings of a dim past. 

So far the parallelism between Intichiuma and initiation rites 
involves the common instrument used for both (bullroarer) the 
positive (multiplying magic) as well as the negative (food taboo) 
and liberation aspect of the ceremony. We have taken the Caaro 
feast of the Watchandie with its pit representing the female, the 
spears representing the male genital organ, for a ceremony of the 
baby totem, although, as we remarked, it may also have acted as 
an initiation rite. 

A parallel is found in the Multyerra ritual of the Kurnu tribe. 
Some old men dig a number of small holes into the earth, and each 
old man sits down at one of the holes and lets his member hang 
into the hole whilst the novices are told carefully to observe the 

* Howitt, N. T., 612, 613. a Id., ibid., 611. 

3 Id., ibid., 633. 4 Id., ibid., 635. 
5 Id., ibid., 636. 

men.t It can hardly be doubted that the holes are meant to 
represent the vagina, and it is on the whole remarkable to what a 
degree the usually repressed elements of sexuality are openly 
represented in theserites. Indeed, we find exactly the same elements 
represented here as in the Intichiuma, but the attitude of the psychic 
censor to the libido is utterly different. There the representation 
is symbolic, the result of a compromise between libido and 
repression, and therefore magically and projectively effective. 
Here the old men attempt to bring the same elements into con- 
sciousness, to replace unconscious repression by conscious con- 
demnation, whilst on the other hand these ceremonies afford an 
open outlet to the infantile components of sexuality: projection is 
replaced by the affirmation that this is the very thing they are not 
to do or they do not want to do. Thus we may compare the 
pantomimic representation of masturbation? with the rubbing of 
the Churinga or the representation of pederasty 3 to those of the 
cohabitation of animals and equally to the rubbing of the Churinga.4 
The latter is also represented in initiation by other parallels which 
we call magical, that is projective ; for instance, when the novices 
are rubbed with the yams,5 or when fat is rubbed on their private 
parts to make them grow strong. Further on we shall find anal 
erotic rites as an element of the Intichiuma ceremonies, and at 
initiation we find the novices gesticulating in an indecent manner, 
complying to the necessities of nature in view of everyone 7 picking 
up filth in their baskets § and even eating human ordure.9 

If we wish to go to the roots of this parallel we shall have to 
go back to our interpretation of the Intichiuma rites. We have 
had reason to suppose that these were a survival of the rutting 
season, although, as this rutting season must of necessity have been 
the time of the year when the fight between the old and young 
males for mastery broke out, it was equally evident that the piece 
of archaic sexuality conserved in these ceremonies was dominated 
by the Oedipus complex. 

In the case of the initiation rites it is the same thing—only we 
have to go the other way round. - These rites represent pre-eminently 
the Oedipus complex, but as the outbreak of this fight must have 
taken place at the rutting season, the ritual has also conserved traces 
of this pre-human state of development. In the animal world we 
see the young males forming separate herds that frequently dwell 
on the peripheries of the Cyclopean horde,!* and only try to reunite 

t R. H. Mathews, Multyerra, 81. 
2 Id,, ‘‘ The Bora of the Kamilaroi Tribe,’ J. A. J., 1894. 

SIG, Wbids, fs Ae f., £004, 124. 4 As the father’s penis. 
Syopencer, iN. d. No 1. A.; 103. 6 Id., ibid., 120. 
7 Mathews, E. N., 124. 8 Howitt, N. T., 612. 

9 Mathews, E. N., 112. Howitt, N. T., 549. 
zo Lang-Atkinson, Social Origins and Primal Law, 1903, 219. 

with the parent stock at the rutting season,t when they are either 
driven off again or succeed in conquering the Leader of the Horde. 
It is evident that those hordes composed exclusively of young 
Anil males are the animal prototypes of the age grades, 
nimal proto- eat A 
type of age of the societies of young men, as we find them in 
grades. savage tribes, just as the initiation rite is a repetition 
of the attempts made by those young males to attain sexual 
maturity. But we also know that it is not a direct repetition 
that we have before us—the repetition is enacted from the point of 
view of the retribution fear of a generation of fathers ; it is a reversal 
rather than a repetition. As the rites originated from the attempts 
made by the young males to get back to the women, they begin 
to-day by the old men seizing the boys and dragging them away 
from their mothers and sisters. The names of the ceremonies “ of 
the bush”? and “leafy ’’3 refer to this isolation of the novice 
from the usual camping-place of the tribe. If we remember that 
beside the Intichiuma ceremonies these are the only other occasions 
when a separate sacred enclosure and head-ornaments such as masks 
and helmets are recorded in the life of these lowest of savages, it 
seems tempting to assume a common origin for both these features 
and both occasions in the playground and the secondary sexual 
characters of the breeding season. But we must not forget that 
rites are not the survivals of a static but rather of a dynamic 
prototype, not of a state of things at a certain period but of a section 
out of the Curve of Evolution. 

If we want to be quite precise we shall say, not that these rites 
contain the survival of the rutting season, but what survives in 
them is rather the process that led to the disappearance of the 
rutting season. We see repression at work. Whilst the ceremonial 
dances and combats of the rutting season were meant for the females 
as spectators, the present ceremonies are chiefly the affair of the 
men, although the women and children still appear as spectators.¢4 
In this connexion an acute observation of Spencer and Gillen is of 
extreme importance; they tell us that tradition points to a time 
when women had more to do with ceremonial matters than at 
present.5 Now it is exactly this repression that leads to the sub- 
stitution of a fictive aim in place of a realistic one; the animal in 
the rutting period is by a reflex-action attracting the attention of 
the women: a movement-series which continues in a realistic phase 
becomes inhibited, and a “‘ magical idea,” the multiplication of 
the animal species, replaces the original action, which has thus 
inherited its magical from a real efficacity. 

There seems to me to be a more than casual connexion between 

t Hesse-Doflein, op. cit., II. 464. 
4 Howitt, N. T., 518. 3 Id., ibid., 617. 

4 Cf., for instance, Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 183, 186. 
5 Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 195, 196. 

lng 

— 
ia 

the disappearance of the rutting season and the psychical pheno- 
menon we call repression. In the Animal World we have a period 
devoted exclusively to the Ego, the Anoestrum, and one devoted 
nearly exclusively to the Libido (Oestrum). In man there is no 
period devoted exclusively to the Ego; the Libido is always 
present, but the necessary self-defence of the Ego that manifests 
itself, in the animal world, in keeping a period reserved to itself, 
survives as a function of the human psyche known to us as repres- 
sion. Biologists regard it as a well-known fact that the dis- 
appearance of a separate rutting season is conditioned by an 
advance in the general conditions of life (better food supply, 
protection for the young all the year round, domestication), so 
that we might suppose that outward circumstances, such as 
cultural advance with hordes that migrated to a more favourable 
climate, or the invention of superior weapons, improved the conditions 
of life and food supply, leading to the disappearance of the rutting 
season or rather to a fusion and blending of the two separate seasons 
of animal life into one; the non-sexual period leaving repression 
behind as a rudiment of its previous separate existence. 

In favour of this view we might refer to the state of things in 
Central Australia: the Intichiuma ceremonies which may be 
regarded as a ceremonial atavism of the rutting phase of development 
are more marked towards the centre of the Continent where the 
climatic conditions are far worse than on the seashore.t On the 
other hand, the period of material advance was in a great measure 
conditioned by social advance, by the victory of the Brothers over 
the Father, in the additional force which lay in Union. The 
disappearance of the primitive form of the Primeval Horde (the 
Cyclopean family) led by a single male and of the rutting season 
The origin of cannot have followed each other in a very large span 
repression, of the Of time: thus Repression bears the marks of the 
pleasureand period of its origin imprinted on it to our own days. 
FP POPP". Theis primarily directed against the most archaic form 
of sexuality that we call in its unconscious and mythical survivals 
the Oedipus complex. Indeed, I should not be surprised if subsequent 
investigation would lead us to the further conclusion that the 
Reality Principle as such is rooted in the Anoestrum, the Pleasure 
Principle in the Oestrum period of animal life. On the other hand, 
we have identified the Pleasure Principle with the intra-uterine, the 
Reality Principle with the extra-uterine period of life, which seems to 
contain a contradiction, as the former (in some lower organisms) 
corresponds to the purely nutritive phase to the Anoestrum, the 
latter to the Oestrum ;* but in more developed organisms the two 
fundamental principles are not divided in this way: the longer 

Cf. J. G. Frazer, T. & E., I. 115 (quoting a letter from Professor Spencer). 
* Hesse-Doflein, l.c., 489; II. 471. 

duration of extra-uterinelife makes it impossible for it to be a purely 
sexual affair and creates a state of things in which the self- 
preservatory instinct dominates; whilst, on the other hand, the 
intra-uterine phase may be identified with a state of pure nutrition, 
but in no case with the Reality Principle, which is essentially 
characterized by the necessity of adaptation to environment. The 
nutrition of this phase is pure pleasure, and contains equally the 
germs of both sexual and nutritive pleasure in itself. 

It can be often observed with social phenomena that when 
once they have lost their original function and acquired a new 
Wigs oat secondary one the original function will provoke a 
dance and the copy of the social phenomenon into existence, which, 
ordinary although later in origin than the primary phenomenon, 
eres has yet conserved its original setting in the one detail 
that the original function or aim of the action is retained. The 
dances of the rutting season were originally meant for the women 
as spectators; they were exhibitions given by the male members 
of the horde to attract the attention and the fore-pleasure of 
the females. At the disappearance of the rutting season, when 
repression set in, the dances acquired the character of a rite, a 
ceremony, that is they acquired a fictive, a “‘ magical’’ purpose, 
that was the symbolical representative of their original aim. Instead 
of trying to please the women as onlookers and then going on to 
multiply the human species, the rite aims at multiplying the totem, 
its magical efficacity being the survival of a primary, very real 
efficacity. But the original aim of the ceremonial dance still 
survives in another set of dances, the ordinary corroborees, where 
the men perform in a way not unlike that of the ceremonial dance 
and the women are the onlookers. In this case the fore-pleasure 
has developed into an independent action, the dance has lost all 
trace of its original connexion with the rutting season, and except 
in one case also all conscious connexion with procreation. This 
one case, as we shall proceed to show, may be regarded as a link 
between the ceremonial and the profane sides of the dance. 

In the eastern and north-eastern parts of the Arunta, and in the 
Kaitish, Iliaura and Warramunga tribes, considerable license is 
allowed on certain occasions when a large number of men and 
women are gathered together to perform certain corroborees. 
When an important corroboree is held it occupies perhaps ten days 
or a fortnight, and during that time the men, and especially the 
elder ones, spend the day in camp preparing decorations to be 
used during the evening. Every day two or three women are told 
off to attend at the corroboree-ground, and with the exception of 
men who stand to them in the relation of actual father, brother or 
son, they are for the time being common property of all the men 
present on the corroboree-ground. In the Arunta tribe a man goes 

to another who is actually or tribally his son-in-law and says to the 
latter, “ You will take my Unawa (wife) into the bush and bring 
in with you some undattha altertha”’ (down used for decorating 
during ordinary corroborees). The son-in-law then goes away, 
followed by the woman who has been previously told what to do 
by the husband. The woman is actually the man’s mother-in-law, 
that is one to whom under ordinary circumstances he may not even 
speak or go near, much less one with whom he may have anything 
like marital relations. There are perhaps two or three women on 
the grounds for this purpose.t_ It is the duty of every man at different 
times to send his wife to the ground, and the first man who has 
access to her is the very one to whom, under normal conditions, 
she is most strictly taboo, that is her son-in-law. The natives 
say that the presence of these women during the preparations and 
the sexual indulgence which was a practice of the Alcheringa prevents 
anything from going wrong with the performance; it makes it 
impossible for the head decorations, for example, to become loose 
and disordered during the performance. In the evening the women 
are painted with red ochre by the men, and then they return to the 
main camp to summon the women and children to the corroboree.3 
The first thing to be noted is that sexual license during the corro- 
boree is said to have been a practice of the Alcheringa, that is the 
phase of phylogenetic development represented by the Intichiuma 
ceremonies. The rutting season, the period of sexual license, is 
the prototype of the corroboree as well as of the Intichiuma, and the 
intercourse at this occasion clearly shows us both what we may 
regard as the archaic form of the libido and against which type of 
coitus the repression is directed. It is this repression which ulti- 
mately causes the disappearance of cohabitation in its uncensored 
form and is also responsible for its magical sublimation. It is the 
intercourse with the mother-in-law, who again is nothing but a 
repetition of the mother in flesh, the real mother. Even in this 
case where there is no animal projection as in the real Intichiuma 
the coitus is not a matter of pure pleasure: it is done with a 
“magical ”’ aim to assist the performance ; this provesit to be one of 
the many offsprings of the interaction between libido and repression. 
The magical aim, again, is a case of functional reversal; it is not 
the intercourse that magically assists the performance; on the 
contrary, it is the performance as an act of fore-pleasure that 
magically assists copulation. When the magical effects of the 
copulation come to be specified there is a return of repressed elements 
and the real meaning appears ; the copulation prevents the head-dress, 
which we have shown to be an upward transposition of the penis, 
from becoming loose, that is it causes erection. Strehlow says 

t Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 96, 97. 2 Id., Nov. T., 99. 
sald. iad, 97> 

that the Wuljankura dance has wandered from the east to the 
western Arunta and Loritja, and in certain respects it is a parallel 
to the above-mentioned rite and corroboree. 

To begin with, we find here the indisputable proof that we were 
right in calling the idea of the natives that copulation assists the 
proper performance of the ceremony a reversal. ‘‘ This per- 
formance,” says Strehlow, ‘‘ is carried out by the women with the 
assistance of the men, with the object of exciting in the women 
erotic desire for strange men.” ! 

In the western tribes the dance is not a corroboree: it presents 
all the aspects of a real Intichiuma ceremony—indeed, an Intichiuma 
ceremony of a remarkably primitive, unrepressed type. To begin 
with, women, as well as men, participate in the performance: it is 
performed in imitation of the Alknarintja (Miniera) women of the 
Alcheringa, whose wanderings and doings are related in the song 
and re-acted in the performance. Wuljankura means the women 
that are greased with fat, and they begin by smearing their body all 
over with fat and red ochre. (Cf. above, p. 219, on the greasing of 
the Churinga.) The Alknarintja women felt so homesick that their 
body quivered with the strength of emotion (quivering acted). 
They met a man with a wonninga on his head who keeps swinging 
a lighted torch and begins to quiver all over. This ends the per- 
formance. The interpretation of the quivering as the rhythmic 
movements of coition and of the fire as a symbol of the libido is 
confirmed by what follows: there is a general exchange of women, 
so that the function of the ceremony, “‘ to cause desire for other 
men’s wives,” is really accomplished. 

In this ceremony the southern Loritja and the eastern and 
southern Arunta even allow a man to have intercourse with his 
own mother-in-law. If we acknowledge that there is good reason 
to suppose a common origin for both the “‘ ceremonial’’ and the 
“profane ’’ dance, we shall not be surprised to note that the 
imitation of nature and animals plays as large a part in the latter 
as in the former.3 

It seems probable that the common rutting period of all nature 
gives special emphasis to the biological unity which envelops all 
that is living in a certain geographical area, and evokes a series of 
circular reaction by which man responds to the stimuli of environ- 
ment. On the Tully River the programme consists of dances 
pertaining to and imitative of the various animals—flying-fox, 
cockatoo—and portions of these animals, especially the heads, 
are utilized for purposes of ornament.4 The Euahlayi represent 
various birds—cranes, pelicans, black swans and ducks—the 

t Strehlow, A. & L., IV. 94. + Id., ibid., IV. 94-97. 
3 Cf. below as to imitation in the Intichiuma. 

+ W. E. Roth, “Games, Sports and Amusements,” N. Queensland Bulletin, 
No. 4, 1902, 23. 

peculiarities of which are well imitated.t Spencer tells us of the 
northern tribes that when they are not performing sacred cere- 
monies the evenings are always occupied with corroborees, which 
may be witnessed by everyone. These corroborees deal with 
some particular incidents such as a buffalo hunt, a crocodile securing 
its prey, or the putting out of a lugge to sea. The actions of the 
crocodile and the buffalo are imitated in a very realistic manner.? 
Carnegie describes an emu corroboree, where everybody in his turn 
stalked solemnly along with the right arm raised, with elbow bent, 
wrist and hand horizontal, and poked backwards and forwards to 
represent the emu’s neck and head. The mallee hen is represented 
building her nest, and so on: all the more common animals are 
mimicked.3 

The subject of anima! imitation will call for our attention below 
in connexion with its function as an Intichiuma. We have analysed 
certain elements of what has been called the magical in contra- 
distinction to the dramatic part of the Intichiuma, where we found 
that the rubbing and the rhythmic movements are survivals of 
onanistic and fore-pleasure actions, whilst the blood-letting is both 
an act of aggression and of self-punishment for having caused the 
death of the Primeval Sire and an effusion of semen by which the 
totem animal is multiplied. The same double aspect corresponding 
to the two fundamental tendencies involved in the Oedipus complex 
is implicitly contained in the ceremonial eating of the totem: it 
means both the killing of the father and totemic incest with the 
mother. 

The part played by the two moieties, who ‘‘ make”’ their respective 
totem animals for the men of the other moiety to eat exactly in 
(em the same fashion as they procreate their own daughters 
analysis of the for the men of the other moiety to marry, has 
ea. compelled us to set the analysis of the Intichiuma 
ritual aside for the time being, and we have tried to determine the 
interrelation between the Intichiuma on the one hand and other 
social and ceremonial aspects of the life of an Australian tribe such 
as the Two-Class System, Initiation Rites and the Animal Dances on 
the other. Our immediate business was not to deal with these latter 
institutions ; they were only made use of to aid us in determining 
the phases of development that have left their traces in the 
Intichiuma. 

We now resume our analysis of the procreative as distinguished 
from the imitative elements of the Intichiuma. We shall have to 
deal with a ceremony that we may call ‘“‘ Striking the rock.’’ The 
purpose of the totemic ceremonies of the Kariera tribe is said to be 

1 K. L. Parker, The Euahlayt Tribe, 1905, 130. 
* Spencer, N. 7: Ni T. A., 32, 33- 
3 W. Carnegie, Spinifex and Sand, 1898, 332, 333. 

to increass the supply of the animal plant or other object with which 
it is connected. Thus the purpose of the Mungu or White Ant 
oie ceremony (insects eaten by the aborigines) is to make 
Gt si the these animals multiply. At many of these totemic cere- 
monial grounds there is either a single boulder or a heap 
of small stones, and these play a part in the ceremony connected 
with the place. In some cases it would seem that the stone or heap 
is struck with clubs or with stones held in the hand.t Withnell 
says that they hammer the cairn or boulder (tarlow) with other 
round stones and go through many speeches. In the Kangaroo 
“willing ’’ ceremony the tarlow is beaten with spears, stones and 
clubs.3 In the Emu ceremony of the Arunta the old men knock 
stones that represent emu eggs against each other. Stones are also 
knocked against each other in the ceremony of the brown-rock 
dove,5 the owl,® the raven,7 the Melopsittacus undulatus Shaw, 
the big lizard,9 the frog,'° and the red locust.1! In the Witchetty- 
Grub Intichiuma the head-man begins singing and taps the stone 
(which represents the adult animal) Maegwa with his small wooden 
trough (Apmara), while all the other men tap it with their twigs, 
chanting songs as they do so, the burden of which is an invitation 
to the animal to lay eggs. When this has gone on for a short time 
they tap the smaller stones, which are Churinga unchima, that is 
they represent the eggs of the Maegwa. The Alatunja then takes 
one of the smaller stones and strikes each man in the stomach with 
it, saying, ‘‘ You have eaten much food.’”’ When this has been 
done, the stone is dropped and the Alatunja strikes the stomach of 
each man with his forehead. 

In the Urabunna country there is a hill called Coppertop, which 
is supposed to represent an old jew-lizard in the act of standing up 
to throw boomerangs. The Kadni men can make the lizards 
increase by simply knocking pieces of stone off the face of the rock 
and throwing them about in various directions.!3 In the Mara 
country there is a large heavy stone representing a big honeybag, 
which was carried about by the old ancestor of that totem and left 
there on the spot where he finally went into the ground. The 
Murungun and Mumbali men who form the half of the tribe to 
which the Honey totem belongs can increase the number of the bees, 
and therefore of the honey supply, by striking powder off the stone 

t A. B. Brown, “ Three Tribes of Western Australia,” J Act -I91, 160; 

2 I. G. Withnell, “ Marriage Rites and Ceremonies,” Science of Man, 1903, 42. 
Id., The Customs and Traditions of the Aboriginal Natives of North-Western Australia, 

190T, 5, 6. 3 
3 E. Clement, op. cit., XVI, 1904, 5: 
4 Strehlow, A. & L., III. 1910, 36. 5 Id., ibid., 47. 
6 Id., ibid., 50. 7 Id., ibid., 52. 
8 Id., ibid., 54. 9 Id., ibid., 68. 
10 Id., ibid., 75. tt Id., ibid., 93. 

ta Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 172. 73 Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 288. 

and blowing it in all directions ; this scattered powder gives rise to 
bees.? 

To understand this ritual we must begin by taking it in its 
simplest form: a rock, which, as we know, represents the an- 
Ts sie of cestor, is struck with a club at the ceremony held 
Sihellion. in his honour. We shall not be surprised at finding 

the repressed feeling of enmity betray itself in such 
a characteristic manner in a ceremony which is professedly dictated 
by the feelings of the deepest piety, and we shall immediately 
correlate the ritual with that of blood-letting (with which it seems 
to alternate), where we found that the lancing of the veins was 
a self-punishment inflicted for having caused the death of the 
ancestor. There is a formal difference between the two rites; the 
blood-letting is a secondary form, a reaction formation, the blow 
that is struck at the rock is a direct repetition of the sinful deed. 
But the self-punishment form is not without its parallels. 

When the head-man of the Witchetty-Grub totem strikes the 
stomachs of the men with the Witchetty Churinga stones, he seems 
to be retaliating on them for having (just before) struck the rock, 
and when he tells them that they have eaten much food, although 
they have eaten nothing since the very beginning of the ceremony, 
giving everything caught to the old men,? he seems to be reproach- 
ing them for some undutiful conduct or wishes towards the elders. 
We have found the next parallel to the blood-letting rite in the 
behaviour of the tribes in cases of death, and explained blood- 
letting at the Nanja rock where the animal ancestor died and went 
into the ground as a periodical repetition of the blood-letting at 
the grave as an act of mourning. 

That we have not been led astray by a mere coincidence seems 
to be proved by the fact that striking the rock—which is the 
Bana feitites petrified body of the ancestor—is equally paralleled 
in mourning by the rites of mourning. The Lower Murray tribes 
VEE mummify the body. When a friend or anybody 
belonging to the same tribe sees one of these bodies thus set up 
for the first time, he approaches it and commences by abusing the 
deceased for dying. They tell him there is plenty of food, and he 
should have been contented to remain; after looking at the body 
intently for some time he throws his spear and his wirri at it, 
exclaiming, ‘‘ Why did you die? Take this for dying.’ 3 Although 
the conscious motivation of this ritual is given in terms of love 
and piety, yet the action that follows it, together with the abuse, 
cannot be mistaken for other than an outlet of a repressed inimical 
attitude. At the Herbert River a shallow grave is dug with 
pointed sticks close to the water, and the father or brother of the 

t Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 312. 2 Idi Ne T.,.271: 
3 G. F. Angas, Savage Life and Scenes in Australia, 1847, 1, 96. 

deceased if a man, or the husband if a woman, beats the body 
with a club, often so violently as to break the bones. The legs 
are generally broken to prevent the ghost from wandering at night, 
and the beating is given in order so to frighten the spirit that it 
would be unlikely to haunt the camp, whilst stones are put in the 
body to prevent it from going far afield.t It is as if the deed, this 
killing of him who is killed already, were to show the projection 
behind the accusation levelled at other blacks of having caused 
the death by their evil magic;? it is they themselves who are 
responsible for the decease by the mana of their unconscious wishes 
and by giving the corpse a thrashing they are repeating their 
unconscious sin in good earnest. This gives us the key to the 
meaning of the striking of the rock: the members of the totem 
clan are repeating their primeval sin of having killed the totem 
father at the very festival held in his honour. 

This attitude of open rebellion becomes apparent in the 
Wollunqua ceremony. Amongst the Warramunga tribe the snake 
totems are of considerable importance, the great 
majority of individuals of the Uluuru moiety belong- 
ing either to the Wollunqua, Thalaualla (black snake) or Tjudia 
(deaf adder) totems, but at the same time the Wollunqua is un- 
doubtedly the most important, and is regarded as the great father 
of all snakes. The Wollunqua is regarded as a sort of dominant 
totem; its magical powers are greater than those of other totems.3 
The Wollunqua is not a species but an individual, only it lives in 
a water-hole in a lonely valley of the Murchison Range, and there 
is always the fear that it may take it into its head to come out of 
its hiding-place and do some damage.4 As with other totems, 
the ceremonies consisted in acting the wanderings of the Alcheringa 
ancestor: the men run to the ground, shake themselves in imita- 
tion of the snake, and finally assist in an Uluuru ceremony; their 
head-dresses are knocked off by a Kingilli man, and that ends the 
ceremony of the first day.s On the fourth day of the ceremonies 
the Kingilli men spend the whole day in building, out of sandy 
earth, a mound called Mini-imbura. On the mound there was a 
double band of sand, which indicated the body of the Wollunqua 
and was finally covered with dots of red down, the rest of the 
surface of the mound was one mass of little dots of white down. 
The mound itself was emblematic of the sand-hill, by the side of 
which the snake stood up and looked around. In the evening 
the Uluuru men (that is the man of the same moiety to which the 
Wollunqua belongs) urged on by the Kingilli, fiercely attacked the 

t Howitt, N. T., 474. 

> “No one is believed by the tribes of the Herbert River to die from any cause 
but the magic of some one of a neighbouring tribe.” —Howitt, N. T., 474. 

3 Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 248. 4 Id., ibid., 227. 

5 Id.,-ibid., 220: 6 Id., ibid., 234. 

The Wollunqua. 

eae 

mound with spears, boomerangs, clubs and spear-throwers, until 
in a few minutes it was hacked to pieces and all that remained was 
a rough heap of sandy earth. This ceremony is associated with 
the idea of persuading, or almost forcing, the Wollunqua to remain 
quietly in his home under the water-hole at Thapauerlu and not 
to harm any of the natives. They say that when he sees the 
mound with his representation drawn upon it, he is gratified and 
wriggles with pleasure. The savage attack upon the mound is 
associated with the idea of driving him down; taken together, 
the ceremony indicates their belief that at the same time they 
can both please and coerce the mythic beast. 

‘It is evident that the belief of being able to do something is 
but a reflection of the wish to do something, and as such the out- 
come of an ambivalent attitude towards their dominant totem, 
the father of all the snakes, whom they seemingly strive to please 
in the ceremony, which, however, ends in a savage attack on his 
person. The knocking of the Nanja rock, the thrashing of the 
corpse and the attack on the Wollunqua mound are all links in 
the same chain: repetitions of the Primeval Rebellion against the 
Leader of the Horde. In some of the instances mentioned above, 
however, we find another element that calls for explanation: small 
bits of stone are struck off the rock and thrown about in various 
directions. 

If the rock is the totem-ancestor, this looks very much like a 
rite where the body of a giant animal is torn asunder, and the bits 
rent from it are supposed to develop into new animals. Amongst 
the rocky gorges in the Murchison Range there are spots especially 
associated in tradition with the euro. Just above the water-hole 
called Thapauerlu, which is the home of the great Wollunqua 
snake, there is a smaller one with a curious large pot-hole by its 
side. Here in the Alcheringa a wild dog caught and killed an old 
euro and made the rocky pool while swinging its body round and 
round as the two animals fought fiercely. In the pot-hole are 
numbers of round, water-worn stones which represent different 
parts of the body of the euro. Still higher up on the hill-sides 
there are little groups of similar stones carefully covered up with 
little heaps of rocky debris. Any old man passing by will take 
the stones out, renew the red ochre with which they are covered, 
and rub them well. The rubbing may be done at any time by an 
old man irrespective of the totemic group he may belong to, 
and is supposed to increase the number of euros, who are believed 
to emanate from the stones. The larger stones represent the 
‘“‘ old men ”’ euros, next in size are those which represent the female 
euros, and the still smaller ones stand for the little animals. Near 
one of the hills the recent dropping of an old euro were observed, 
and the natives said that the animal had only lately come out of 

one of the stones.t The small stones that correspond to the various 
parts of the euro’s body prove that the contest must have ended 
by the dog rending his adversary into pieces, and indeed we have 
had occasion to observe the wild dog as the animal that castrates 
its adversaries or that tears them into pieces in a considerable 
number of myths. Tearing to pieces and castration amount to 
the same thing, and we have called the wild dog a personification 
of the castration complex. 

It is one of the curious contradictions so well known in all 
products of the Unconscious that the multiplication of euros should 
be attempted? from the body of a castrated animal, but we can 
at least try to guess how this can be explained. We know that 
the category of time, the sequence of events, is a matter of no 
importance with the Unconscious, and perhaps we can understand 
the myth and ritual if we put first the multiplication and then the 
castration. We have also tried to show that the reason why the 
procreative energies are projected from the human species to 
the animal world in these rites is that cultural advance inhibits 
the manifestations of the archaic (incestuous) elements of the libido 
through repression. The multiplication of animals is then a sub- 
limated incest, and the punishment for incest is the usual talion- 
punishment, castration. On the other hand, by the light of our 
previous investigation, the myth may also be read without having 
recourse to this reversal of the sequence of elements, and then we 
should say: before man can proceed to procreation, the Euro 
Father, who represents the Jealous Sire of the Primeval Horde, 
must be conquered and castrated or torn to pieces. This con- 
nexion between the combat and the parts of the euro’s body is 
evident ; it follows especially if we take the legend in connexion 
with the Kaitish myth of the two Opossum men, who did not feed 
on opossum but on grass-seed. One of them had the habit of 
eating too much of it. Once, however, he noticed that another 
man just like himself and his comrade had arisen from the grass- 
seed put aside by him. He looked at his comrade and said: 
‘That man is all the same as you and me; why did he come up?”’ 
Then he took a churinga and struck the man on the back so that 
he died. Then they cut him in pieces, throwing the intestines in 
one direction, the head, heart, liver, lungs, etc., in others.3 Here 
we have perhaps the most primitive variant of what I would call 
the myth of the death and dismemberment of the Food-Man 
which we find amongst agricultural tribes as an explanation of the 
origin of cultivation. In this connexion the way the Wonkanguru 
make rain is of special interest: it serves to prove that the death 

« Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 310. 
+ By the ritual of rubbing explained above, p. 219, 
3 Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 414. 

of the animal, which in the Intichiuma ritual comes before multi- 
plication, is really the death of a man. They dig a hole and the 
rain-makers put a certain stone, called talarapalku, i.e. body of rain 
(= cloud) in a pitchi in the hole. Then the stone is struck and its 
pieces are set up at the ends of the trough: ‘‘kana-jeri,” ive. like a 
human being.t Another native said that the rain-stone was smashed 
on the chest of a man, both cases showing that the smashing of 
a stone ( killing an animal) to produce rain ( to multiply 
animals) is a substitute for killing a man before proceeding to 
multiply the human species.? 

If we wish to prove the plausibility of these suggestions we 
shall again have to go somewhat far afield and draw comparisons 
with myths that explain the origin of certain actually 
existing animal-species and with those that explain 
the rite of initiation. The myths tell us how an 
enormous animal was chased in the days of yore, and sometimes 
they account for certain features of the landscape, sometimes for 
the origin of certain animal species. 

A great warrior of ancient times, named That-tyu-kul, was 
camped at Swan Hill on the Murray River. His two sons told 
him that they had seen a monstrous cod-fish in a big water-hole, 
and he set out in pursuit. He kept throwing spears at the fish, 
but it swam on to the end of the water-hole and commenced forming 
a channel by tearing up the ground, and in this manner compelled 
the water to flow after it and bear it away from its enemy till at 
last he lost sight of it in a large hole.3 The Willandra Creek is 
supposed to be the track of a giant kangaroo flying from two 
“ Bookomuri”’ pursuers, and the origin of the Merowie Creek is 
attributed to a similar event.4 The Narrinyerri tell us how Wyun- 
gare and Nepelle (or according to another version Punggane) chased 
the giant kangaroo and the giant fish.s Once upon a time it is 
said that Nurundure and Nepelle together pursued an enormous 
fish in Lake Alexandrina, near Tippin. Nepelle caught it, then 
Nurundure tore it in pieces and threw the fragments into the water, 
and each piece became a fish, and thus ponde, tarke, tukkeri and 

The chase of the 
giant animal. 

t QO. Siebert, ‘‘ Sitten und Sagen der Dieri und Nachbarstéamme,” Globus, 97, 
56. Here we find that the stone that is broken to pieces is a substitute for a man 
torn to pieces, and the Nanja rock is called the body of the Alcheringa ancestor. 
Cf. the mourning custom of smashing the skull to pieces, breaking the bones,— 
Spencer, N. T. N. T. A., 255. 

2 The youth must have taken the life of a man before he can be initiated or 
marry.—A. C. Haddon, Migrations of Culture in British New Guinea, 1920, 15. 

3 R, H. Mathews, £. N., 1905, 82. 

4 A. L. P. Cameron, J. A. I., 1884, 369. 

5 Taplin, 55,56. Cf. R. Brough-Smyth, The Aborigines of Victoria, 1878, I. 425. 
Pungarre creates fish. 

6 According to another version, Nurundure and his sons drove this great fish down 
the Darling and Murray to a place called Piltungk, at the Lake Alexandrina, and there 
obtained assistance from Nepelle to catch it.—Taplin, Narrinyeri Tribe, 1878, 56. 

pommere, different kinds of fish, had their origin.1 This way of 
multiplying animals would perhaps, if we had more material from 
South Australia, appear to be the regular thing for a South Aus- 
tralian Alcheringa being to do; before his ascent to the sky-land 
it is related that Wyungare took a gigantic kangaroo and tore it 
into pieces and scattered the fragments through the scrub, which 
became the comparatively small kangaroos which now exist.? 
Pundjil is said to have found a single kangaroo, emu and other 
animals on earth; he caught them, cut them up, and by some 
mysterious power made each piece into a new kangaroo, etc., and 
hence the country was filled with all these animals.3 The same 
method was adopted by Pundjil when he wished to disperse 
humanity all over the earth. He cut men, women and children 
into little bits, but these bits continue to live like worms and they 
are taken up by the whirlwind and blown about the world so that 
they give rise to human beings everywhere. A Port Lincoln 
myth tells us of a giant kangaroo called Kupirri, said to have been 
of such enormous size that he swallowed each and all who attempted 
to kill him. His aspect alone filled the natives with such fright 
that they flung the spear-thrower as well as the spear, which caused 
the latter to lose all effect. At last Pilla (the opossum) and Idnya 
(the wild cat) discovered his track in the Ranges running north 
of Port Lincoln. They came up to him at Mount Nilawo, and 
finding the beast asleep, they immediately attacked it, but their 
spears became blunted.s Nevertheless, they managed to kill the 
Kupirri, and they found several of their swallowed comrades in 
his belly, whom they restored to life again.§ 

When we started on our investigation of the tearing or cutting 
into bits in creation myth and initiation ritual, we could not even 
Voie to bess know how close the connexion would prove to be 
and initiation between the two. The personage who cuts the 
gah kangaroo into bits is Wyungarre, the same who, as 
we have seen above, was a kaingani, that is an initiate from the 
very beginning, and who breaks through the cardinal taboo of the 
initiates in absconding with the two emu wives of the All-Father. 
A taboo must be broken through before an Intichiuma can be 
successful, and both running away with the emu women and eating 
the totem is a form of breaking through the taboo. Both represent 
totemic incest with the mother, the prototype of all ‘‘ magical ” 

t Taplin, Narrinyert Tribe, 1878, 56. Sed, Ibid. 547 

3 Th. H. Braim, History of New South Wales, 1846, 244, 245. 

¢ Brough-Smyth, I., 427, 428. According to the Koko-warra of Princess 
Charlotte Bay, iguanas were multiplied by cutting one into innumerable pieces 

and strewing them about in all directions. This is why they are so plentiful at 
present.—Roth, S. M. M., 1903, 12. 

5s The motive of the ineffectually hurled missile is also contained in the version 
recorded by Mathews (above). 

6 Ch. Wilhelmi, Manners and Customs of the Australian Natives, 1862, 33. 

procreation. The two heroes of our last myth are the well-known 
Dual Heroes, the representatives of the brother clan. But who 
is the giant kangaroo? On the Upper Hunter River the word 
Buba (father) is used to designate an old kangaroo, the father of 
the whole race of kangaroos whose thigh-bone is preserved (four 
feet long and eight inches round) and carried about by the members 
of the kangaroo clan.t If we remember that Kupirri, the giant 
kangaroo, in other variants of the legend, is said to give rise to the 
whole race of kangaroos by being torn into bits, then we may say 
that the myth represents the united attack of the Brothers on the 
Father (who is, from the infantile point of view, a giant) and the 
way they tear the semi-human Sire into pieces. 

We shall hardly be going amiss if we guess that the brothers 
ate the pieces of flesh rent from the body of the Sire in a sacrificial 
meal (the prototype of totem-eating), after which they proceeded 
to multiply humanity? by having intercourse with their mothers 
and sisters. But by tearing the father into pieces they also 
multiplied him in another way, for now there was a whole genera- 
tion of fathers, as they themselves had succeeded to his dignity 
instead of the original father whose flesh they had eaten and with 
whom, accordingly, they had become identical. We know that 
this is the state of things reflected in the initiation ceremonies, 
and we have already shown that Buba (the kangaroo father) is 
also the name of the bullroarer.3 Now where do we find the ritual 
prototype of men being swallowed by a monster and restored to 
life again? As we know very well, in the ceremonies of initiation. 

One of the many performances shown to the novices at the 
MclIvor River initiation is called the Black Palm. Certain of the 
old men cover the eyes of the novices, and in the meantime a large 
black-palm leaf is brought from the neighbouring scrub and stuck 
upright in the centre of the circular area. The novices are now 
turned round and allowed to see it when it is shaken about and 
subsequently torn to pieces, the central figures stamping the ground 
with their knees and the chorus shouting and stamping. The 
novices are told by the old men that they have made the plant 
grow where they saw it, and they believe them. However, it is 
not only the plant but the novices themselves who are torn to 
pieces, at least according to the exoteric myth that accompanies 
the ritual. According to what they say to the uninitiated, there 
is a being called Thuremlin, who takes the youth to a distance, 
kills him, and in some instances cuts him up, after which he restores 

t Honery, “ Wailwun; Australian Languages and Traditions,” J. A. J., VII. 250. 
2 On the identity of the words for man and kangaroo, see above, p. 47. 

3 Cf. above, p. 48. 

¢W. E. Roth, ‘On Certain Initiation Ceremonies,” N. Q. E. Bulletin 12, 

1909, 173. 

him to life and knocks out a tooth.t Women ‘and children think 
that the noise made by the bullroarer is the voice of a spirit called 
Katajina, who lives in an ant-hill and comes out to eat the boy.? 

According to the Wiradthuri, Daramulun pretended to Baiamai 
that he always killed the boys, cut them up and burned them to 
ashes. Then he formed the ashes into human beings and restored 
them to life: new beings, but each with a tooth missing.3 If we 
remember that all these various accounts that refer to the initiation 
spirit, cutting up the boys. and doing something with them, evi- 
dently a symbolic castration, are told to account for a ritual that 
turns on the fear of retaliation, we shall suppose that the spirit is 
only doing to the boys what they wish to do to him or what the 
Younger Generation really did to him in the days of yore. 

According to the Loritja, the Maiutu knocks the boy’s head off 
when the boy is looking up towards the sky, then he runs after 
the boy’s head and sticks it on again. The first thing the youth 
does when he has come to life again is to deal the Maiutu (here we 
have a plurality of bullroarer spirits) a deadly wound with a spear,4 
which seems an ill recompense for having brought him to life again, 
but is a natural reaction for having been killed by the bullroarer 
spirit. The spirit evidently knows what it is about; this single 
return of the repressed elements shows that the death of the boy 
is the punishment of a would-be murderer. 

Now we must recall the myths that tell us how the spirit of the 
bullroarer ended, and we shall see that it was originally the band 
of young men who tore the spirit into pieces, and that the actual 
bullroarer who retaliates on them is merely a reincarnation of 
their original victim. The original bullroarer was made by the two 
men called Tumana: two wild dogs who heard it, chased them 
and cut the men’s heads off, just as Maiutu cuts the youth’s head 
off. The Tumanas, however, made the down fly about from their 
Churingas when they swung them, and trees sprang up wherever 
the down fell, from which the bullroarers of to-day are made.5 

In the Warramunga variant of this Kaitish myth the bullroarer 
man is called Murtu-murtu. Two wild dogs rush at him, biting 
pieces of flesh, which they throw in all directions. As the flesh 
flew through the air it made a sound like that of the Murtu-murtu, 
and trees called nanantha sprang up where they fell on the earth, 
out of which the bullroarers of the present day are made. When 
the dogs had torn the body to pieces they looked round and saw 
trees springing up all round. This made them angry and they 
ran about biting the trees in the hope that they would thus be 

t A. L. P. Cameron, “‘ Notes on some Tribes of New South Wales,” fy Aoi, 

1884, 358. 2 Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 366, 367. 
3 R. H. Mathews, ‘‘ The Birbting of the Wiradthuri Tribes,” J. R. A. I., 
XXV. 297. 4 Strehlow, A. & L., HH. 48, 40. 

5 Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 421, 499, 500. 

able to kill the spirit of the bullroarer which had gone into the 
trees.t In the secret language of the initiates, the Arunta novices 
are called rukuta, that is wild dogs,? so that we cannot doubt their 
identity with the bullroarer’s murderers. After the initiates have 
torn the Spirit of Initiation, the Father, to pieces,3 these pieces 
of flesh or down (which is equal to semen) give rise to a fresh 
vegetation, like the chips of stone flying off the kangaroo’s petrified 
body engender a new generation of kangaroos in the Intichiuma. 

The Mungarai have a detailed tradition on the origin of the 
sacred sticks of initiation. We shall now make use of it to prove 
that our interpretation of the legend of Kupirri, the giant kan- 
garoo, colligates the facts. 

In the far-away times which they call Kurnallan (Alche- 
ringa) there existed a very big man named Kunapippi. He 
existed before there were any of the present-day blackfellows 
and is reported to have had many dilly-bags. In these bags he 
carried a lot of spirit-children, who were all of them boys. For 
some time he sang out like the men do now when they perform 
sacred ceremonies, quivering his head in front of his mouth 
so as to make the sound called Tjungulamma. He had at 
first been underground, but he came out and made a camp 

_ with a raised bank all around it. In the middle of the camp 
he put the boys on the grass. He possessed several of the 
sacred sticks called, like himself, kunapippi. He had made 
them and was the first to have any. Then he made forehead 
bands for the boys and decorated them in just the same way 
as the natives now decorate the youths during the initiation 
ceremony. He divided the youths into the two primary 
moieties, and afterwards told them their subclass and totem 
names. Kunapippi himself belonged to no special class or 
totem group; he belonged to everything and was a very big 
man with a very big foot. After he had given the boys their 
subclasses, he gave them their totem names ; before, however, 
he actually did this he showed them all the different cere- 
monies, telling them to which totemic group each of them 
belonged. These special ceremonies are called Tjon.+ He 
began to perform them at sundown and kept them up all night, 
making Tjungulamma continuously.5 After this, Kunapippi 
performed the ceremonies of circumcision and showed them 

t Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 434, 435, 493, 500. Cf. the death of the bullroarer 
spirit.—Parker, op. cit., 67. + Strehlow, A. & L., IV, 26. 

3 The bullroarer is the great-grandfather, the ancestor (Wehntwin). 

¢ These may be the equivalents of the Arunta Intichiuma ; another series called 
warwiran are said to correspond to the quabara.—Spencer, N. T. N. T. A., 166. 
The Anula call these ceremonies kunapippi (Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 223), which 
points to a close connexion with the Mungarai. 

Sropencer, NV. 22 N. 7D, As 2t5. 

how to conduct the operations. Then ‘other natives came 
from a distinct part, and when Kunapippi saw that they had 
no class and totem names, he did not let them come near the 
ceremonial ground. He divided them between the two classes, 
gave each man his proper subclass and totem and told them 
which was the right woman for each man to marry. Tradition 
relates, without giving any reason for it, that Kunapippi then 
killed and ate all of them except two, who managed to escape. 
Later on he disgorged all their bones, and when after a time 
the two men came back, they found nothing but these, because 
Kunapippi had eaten all the flesh. The two men hastened 
back to their own country, and meeting with a number of 
their own people, told them what had happened. The men 
all armed themselves with stone tomahawks and crept quietly 
up towards the camp where Kunapippi was sitting down with his 
boys. They came up silently, and making a sudden rush, one 
man hit him on the back and another on the side with an axe. 
After he had been thus wounded, a man ran up, hit him on the 
back of the neck and killed him. Before this he had eaten 
two of his own boys, but they cut him open and rescued them 
alive. Kunapippi’s boys then mixed with the strangers and 
instructed them in all things relating to totems, classes and 
initiation ceremonies.! 

If the legend were not slightly veiled by the technique of a 
“‘doublette’’ episode, we should here have a nearly verbatim 
report on the origin of initiation ceremonies and human society 
in general. The way Kunapippi introduces initiation and other 
ceremonies is told twice over; once it relates to the tribe, once to 
foreigners. The Censor only allows the return of the repressed 
elements in the second, projective variant, for here without any 
apparent reason tradition says that Kunapippi killed and ate the 
boys except two. These two, who afterwards come with other 
men and kill Kunapippi, the big man, are evidently the Dual 
Heroes and representatives of the brothers who kill the Father 
and after their victory introduce initiation (third repetition in the 
legend). Here we have the clear proof that the Conflict is only 
rationalized as a conflict between two tribes, for the Dual Heroes 
are Clearly identical with the two of Kunapippi’s own boys whom 
he swallows but who come to life again when he is cut open. This 
swallowing episode is the regular thing in an initiation legend, 
and connects Kunapippi, the big man, with Kupirri, the. giant 
kangaroo. Both swallow and disgorge people, both are conquered 

t Spencer, N. T. N. T. A., 1914, 214-17. They also made different corroborees 
and showed them to the men, and they told them how to conduct the ceremonies 
of circumcision and subincision. Finally, they secured the sacred sticks belonging 
to Kunapippi, and have kept and used them ever since, 

a 
_~ 

by two heroes, and the cutting open of Kunapippi evidently corre- 
sponds te the tearing to pieces of the giant animal. Kunapippi, 
the giant, who existed before the present-day blacks, is clearly 
the Jealous Sire of the semi-human Horde. He kills all the young 
men,? and at last succumbs to their united efforts, and this is the 
origin of the two-class system, initiation rites, totemism, and 
Intichiuma ceremonies. We may then conclude that when the 
Nanja rock is hit and the bits of stone that fly off from it are thrown 
about, we have a ceremonial repetition of Primeval Parricide of the 
way the brothers rent the Father’s body to pieces, which serves 
to multiply the animal (= human) species (a) as it opens the path 
to incestuous intercourse, (b) as it substitutes a number of fathers 
for the one father. 

Another of the motor elements of our ritual is still insufficiently 
explained, namely, the throwing. The Kakadu legend tells us how 
Throwing ang nberombera scattered yams and spirit-children about 
scattering in wherever she went. When she came to Imbinjairi 
= ioe ag she threw the seeds of the bamboo in all directions, 
and also left children behind.3 For the purpose of securing a 
downfall of rain, the Gnanji use the crystals called bi-oka. These 
are sent down to them at their request by a great rain-man who 
lives far away in the north. They pulverize the crystals and 
throw the powder in all directions, requesting the rain to come as 
they do so and bring the fish with it. In the Anula tribe dugongs 
are a favourite article of food. In the Mungaia (= Alcheringa) 
times, one jumped out at a place on the Limmen River. The black- 
fellows, armed with spears, gave chase in a canoe, wanting to kill 
and eat it. At present a large tree represents the natives and a 
big stone the dugong, while close down by the sea a number of 
small white stones (visible at low tide) represent a mob of dugong, 
which the animal wanted to join but could not. Numbers of 
dugongs now emanate from these rocks without the help of the 
natives, but if they desire to bring them out, the dugong men can 
do so by singing and throwing sticks at the rocks. Similarly a 
legend relates how a crocodile arose at a place called Yalko. He 
wandered about, making what is now Batten Creek and the water- 
holes along its course, leaving spirit-children at different spots as 
he did so. His excreta gave rise to deposits of pipeclay, now used 

t His underground life is the pre-natal life in the womb, his big foot a big penis. 
Australian initiation spirits are either lame or have some other abnormality on 
the leg. 

2 The foreign men come without women; this may be a survival of the separate 
herd of young males driven off from the main herd and living on its boundaries, 
but ever ready to come back and attack the leader of the herd. Cf. also the theories 
of Rivers on the migrations of tribes which consisted mostly of men —W. H. R. 
Rivers, H. M. S., 1914, Il. 295, 296. Perhaps the Primeval Conflict was the most 
primitive form and reason of migrations. 

3 Spencer, N. IT. W.T A., 277. 4 Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 311. 

for decorations during ceremonies. If the Crocodile men who 
alone can perform the ceremony want to increase their num- 
bers, all they have to do is to go to the edge of the water-hole, 
“sing”’ the rock, and taking mangrove sticks, which grow all 
around by the water’s edge, break these up into small pieces and 
throw them at the rock.t When dealing with the beliefs on the 
origin of children, we saw what throwing a tjurunga at a woman 
by the Alcheringa ancestor really represented: it is symbolic of 
intercourse, perhaps more precisely of the ejaculation (throwing 
out) of the semen. 

When we hear that spirit kangaroos emanate from the rock in 
the blood-letting rite and incarnate themselves in female kangaroos, 
or when dugongs emanate from the dugong rock, at which sticks 
are thrown, we have to do with exactly the same symbolism. 
In the rite the rock is an ambisexual symbol that represents both 
the father and the mother,? and when a stick is thrown at it, then 
the actual members of the totem are procreating the animal species 
by means of a symbolic incest, just as in the case of the birth of 
human children it is the Son himself who, as Alcheringa ancestor, 
has intercourse with his own mother, and thus replaces his own 
father. This explanation also serves to point out why the same 
rite that represents the death of the Father at the same time 
symbolizes copulation: because the father’s death must precede 
all copulation as all copulating is from the point of view of the 
Unconscious a repetition of incest with the mother. Ifwe remember 
the polyphyletic origin and constitution of the libido, moreover 
that all secretions and excretions of the body fall, in a certain 
sense, under the category of multiplication by division, we shall 
expect to find that these archaic types of eroticism have also been 
as active in the building up of our rites as the genital erotic 
components of the libido. 

When the Dieri wish to make rain, all the men huddle together 
and an old man takes a sharp flint and bleeds two men from one 
of the chief arteries; the blood being made to flow on the men 
sitting around, during which the two men throw handfuls of down, 
some of which adheres to the blood, the rest floating in the air. 
The ritual is a case of mimetic magic, for the blood is supposed to 
symbolize the rain and the down the clouds. If they wish to 
multiply the fish called paru, they pulverize gypsum (called paru- 
mada-fish stone) and throw the dust into the water. The rain 
Intichiuma of the Kaitish tribe is conducted by the head-man of 
the water-totem. He goes to a place called Anira, where in the 
Alcheringa two old men sat down and drew water from their 

* Spencer and Gillen, Nor, T., 313. 

* Cf. above on Alcheringa myth of children emanating from a male ancestor's 
body, p. 227. 

3 Gason-Curr, II. 66, 67. + Siebert, l.c., Globus, 97, 55. 

whiskers, the latter being now represented by two stones. The 
head-man keeps throwing small pieces of white down, which is 
supposed to represent clouds, in various directions, so as to make 
the rain fall.z As the rite is always professedly a repetition of the 
myth, we must suppose that the throwing is a repetition of the 
way the Alcheringa men drew rain from their whiskers: that 
which is thrown or separated must originally be a part of the 
human body. The Dieri have throwing and blood-letting as co- 
ordinated rites: and we get some inkling as to the unconscious 
erotic meaning of the rain charm when we read that it is accom- 
panied by a taboo on intercourse,3 which is usual with rites that 
represent sublimated forms of coitus. But what phase in the 
evolution of the libido is represented by throwing ? 

Although this repetition of the cruel battle fought in the 
Primeval Horde seems a sufficient explanation, not only for the 
striking of the rock, but also for making bits of stone fly off it, 
yet we shall immediately proceed to prove that we have here a 
typical case of the over-determination of psychic contents so well 
known in the analysis of dreams and in neurotic patients. 

The whole action falls under the general law of Ambivalency ; 
if I wish to augment something and tear it into bits, I am really 
annihilating that which I professedly intend to multiply. We have 
seen the same attitude manifest itself in the ritual of totem-eating 
and characterized it as typical of the position taken by the infantile 
psyche towards the Father-Imago. Again, from the point of view 
of Consciousness and Logic, the rite is to be explained equally 
well ; if we tear anything to pieces we really multiply it in a certain 
sense, we get more units. This experience was not inaccessible to 
the savage; for instance, when distributing some larger game 
between the hunters, he would get so many pieces of kangaroo. 
If this experience, which has its roots in everyday life, serves as 
a given material for the operation of the unconscious mechanism 
of day-dreaming, these will probably take the shape of wishing 
that each piece of kangaroo should become a whole kangaroo again, 
and that the act of consuming the animal and thus lessening the 
food supply should, on the contrary, have the effect of augmenting 
it.4 Similar concepts may, therefore, originate without a revival 
of the “‘engrams ”’ made by the Primeval Combat: for instance, 
when we read that the origin of mountains is accounted for by 
a single original mountain torn to pieces by fire.s However, in 

x Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 294. 

3 Td., ibid., 295. 3 Id., ibid., 295. 

4 Cf. the belief that the animals killed will be reborn if the bones are not broken. 
—J. G. Frazer, Spirits of the Corn and the Wild, 1912, II. 256. 

s Th. H. Braim, History of New South Wales, 1846, 245. But as Pundjil is said 
to have made the animals in the same way, it is very well possible that the mountain 
origin of legend is modelled on the former. 

our case, where the rock from which chips are knocked off by a 
member of the totem is expressly stated to be the body of the 
Alcheringa father, this cannot be said to make the former explana- 
tion superfluous ; both are accordingly correct and complementary 
to each other—-one from the point of view of the Unconscious, 
the other as a rationalization that must have occurred to the natives 
themselves from the point of view of Consciousness. 

As we have to do with rites that principally turn on the subject 
of the food-supply, we shall not be surprised to see the part played 
by oral-eroticism in the ritual. In the Grass-seed Intichiuma of 
the Kaitish tribe, one of the Panunga (a man of the opposite 
moiety) puts a little of the seed up to the Thungalla man’s mouth 
and he blows it away in all directions, the idea of this being to 
make the grass grow plentifully everywhere.t The transition 
between blowing and throwing is represented by a parallel rite in 
the Yam Intichiuma of the Worgaia tribe; the other men bring 
some yam to the head of the Yam totem asking him to make them 
grow large and sweet. He bites a small one and throws the pieces 
out in all directions, an action which produces the desired effect.? 

A snake in the Alcheringa is said to have made rain (Anula tribe) 
by spitting up into the sky.3 In the Mara tribe the men of the 
moiety to which the honey-bag belongs can increase the number 
of bees, and therefore the honey supply, by striking powder 
off the stone and blowing it about in all directions; this scattered 
powder gives rise to bees.4 In the same way as spitting and blowing 
as a means of magical multiplication stand for the oral-erotic phase 
in the evolution of the libido, other rites represent the libidinal 
feelings that evolve from the complementary part of alimentary 
functions—-I mean anal eroticism. 

We recall the Anula legend of the crocodile leaving spirit-children 
and its excrements at various spots of its wanderings.’ The Dieri 

_ perform the Minkani ceremony in order to obtain a 

4 rg Baia plentiful crop of lizards and carpet-snakes. The Mura- 
Sacre mura Minkani is hidden in his cave deep in a sand- 
' hill. His remains seem to be those of one of the fossil 

animals called Kadimarkara by the Dieri. The men dig down till 
damp earth is reached and also what they call the excrement of 
the Mura-mura. Then two men stand over it and the vein of the 
arm of each being opened, the blood is allowed to fall on the Mura- 
mura. The Minkani song is now sung and the men, in a state of 
frenzy, strike at each other with weapons until they reach the 
camp. Here the women rush forward and stop the fighting. ~The 
men who are connected with this special Mura-mura from their 

* Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 293. 2 Id., ibid., 296. 
3 Id., ibid., 314 (Anula tribe). 4 Id., ibid., 312, 
5 Id., ibid., 312. 

ue 

mother’s side collect the blood dropping from the wounds and 
scatter it, mixed with ‘excrement’ from this Minkani’s cave, over 
the sand-hills, so that they bring forth the young woma and kapiri 
hidden in them.t We know what the blood-letting on the ancestor’s 
body means, and the state of frenzied fighting that follows is 
evidently a ceremonial revival of the awful Primeval Conflict 
between the men of the Horde. Naturally it is the women that 
put an end to it; the sadistic and anal-erotic phase of the infantile 
erotic organization identifies the substance which fructifies the 
sand-hills and the cave-womb both with blood and with excre- 
ments, 

The Wonkgongaru ceremony of the louse totem replaces the 
excrements with dirt. At a sand-bank which was associated with 
lice ancestors in the Alcheringa, there is an ordinary “‘ louse tree ”’ 
and a “‘crab-louse tree.’”’ They take some dirt from the sand-bank, 
rub it on to the two trees and throw it about in all directions, and 
a plentiful crop of lice is the result.2 When it is desired to increase 
the number of kangaroos at any special place in some other spot 
among the Mara tribe, men of that locality go to some other spot 
where kangaroo is abundant and ask the men of the moiety to 
which the kangaroo belongs to allow them to send kangaroos into 
their country. Permission being granted, the men go out to the 
sandy ridges and collect a certain grass of which the kangaroo is 
very fond and which also belongs to the same moiety. They then 
get some kangaroo dung and wrap it up in the grass. After 
making a cleared space, on the ground upon which grass is then 
strewn, the dung is placed on this, and on the dung another layer 
of grass. The whole is then set on fire and the men taking green 
bushes, scatter the embers in all directions. These embers are 
supposed to go to the country of the men who are performing the 
rite. While this is in progress they keep saying to the kangaroo, 
‘“‘ There are plenty of you here; there are none along our country ; 
you go there.”’3 What happens is perfectly in accordance with 
infantile birth theories; new kangaroos spring up from the dung 
of kangaroos. 

The complexes represented by the burning and scattered embers 
can, however, only be guessed at: in our opinion they stand for 
urethral eroticism, that is so often found in conjunction with the 
anal component. Burning as a substitute for throwing is found 
in another case. The Urabunna natives make lizards by throwing 
pieces of the lizard-rock in various directions. As the Wonkangaru 
have no Lizard man amongst them, they must invoke the aid of 

1 Howitt, N. T., 798. Cf. the Tirari tribe has a stone called “‘ the heart of the 
snake,” used in the making of the carpet-snake (Woma).—Gregory, Dead Heart, 80. 

2 Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 288. aT ibid, Sr2y3r3. 

4 Cf. A. Balint, Imago, however, 1923, ix. 424, on purely anal origin of fire 
symbolism. 

the Urabunna when they want a fresh supply of lizards. In this 
case the Urabunna lizard man goes to the lizard tree, strips off 
some of its bark (which represents the lizards’ skin) and sends it 
to the Wonkangaru men, who burn it in their own country to 
secure a supply of the animal.t We have found this same rite in 
the Cariera Intichiuma for the increase of sexual desire which is 
performed by a group that has (beside edible objects) the whirl- 
wind, sexual desire and the baby for its totems. As to the con- 
nexion of the former with the two latter Brown has well pointed 
out that the reason of the combination is the belief that women 
can be impregnated by the whirlwind.2 But in this case the whirl- 
wind simply takes the place of the flatus,3 so that we again have 
the burning rite in conjunction with anal-erotic complexes. It is 
evident that the principle of multiplication by division is applicable 
to the various components of the auto-erotic libido; the original 
being who is divided into pieces is man himself; he however 
projects the infantile components of his narcissistic libido into 
his excreta and secreta whereby these gain a new personality 
forming, nevertheless, a fragment of the original one. Mathews 
says: ‘‘ Human ordure has also a place in their mythology as 
well as in their most important ceremonies. It is supposed to 
possess many virtues, among which may be mentioned the power 
of speech to personify the individual who deposited it.’’4 Stones 
and rocks play a considerable part in all the variants of Intichiuma 
rites, and we may compare this to the way children play with 
pebbles and marbles, which has been demonstrated to be a sub- 
stitute for playing with the excrements.5 According to the Kabi 
and Wakka, a magician is a man who is full of magic stones 
(kundir-bongan) and these magic stones confer an extraordinary 
degree of vitality on the man who possesses them. These 
magicians, with crystals in their body, would lie down on the 
margin of Dkakkan’s (Rainbow) water-hole. He was taken down 
by Dkakkan into his domain, and a grand exchange was effected. 
The man imparts stone-crystals to Dkakkan and Dkakkan gives 
him rope in exchange. The man is laid to rest again on the edge of 
the water-hole, and when he wakes up he is ‘‘ manngurngur,” that 
is ‘‘ full of life.””® This connexion of stones with vitality reminds 
us of the “ millia gurlee,” that is ‘‘ Potent” or ‘“ Live-Stone,” of 

t Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 288, 

+ A. R. Brown, “ Beliefs concerning Childbirth,” Man, 1912, 182. 

3 Cf. Jones, ‘‘ The Madonna’s Conception through the Ear,” Essays in Applied 
Psycho-Analysis, 1923. 

4 Mathews, E. N., 136. As to the reason why excrement should be credited 
with all magical virtues, more especially with that of speech, see Réheim, ‘‘ Das 
Selbst,” Imago, VII. 160, 161. — 

s See Ferenczi, ‘‘ Ontogenie des Geldinteresses,”’ I. Z. Pa., 1914, 507. 

§ Mathews, Two Representative Tribes, 171, 172: 

the rain-maker used in the Rain Intichiuma by the North-Western 
tribes. 

On the other hand, there cannot be the slightest doubt as to 
the anal-erotic meaning of these crystals that are exchanged 
between man and a supernatural being; we have other versions 
where the would-be magician gets a new set of bowels from the 
spirits in exchange for his own. All his intestines are cut out of 
the medicine man when he gets atnongara stones (kundir) put in 
his body instead. But on the other hand the principle of multi- 
plication by division applies equally well to the genital process; 
at procreation the semen is divided from man to give life to a new 
being and at birth the child is divided from woman. Last but 
not least we know that the lowest organisms multiply by division, 
a process that has only been supplanted by sexual multiplication in 
the course of evolution. Ultimately, then, the magical rites of the 
Intichiuma represent a regression to the very Sources of Life. 

In the Mara tribe all the magician’s internal organs are taken 
out and replaced by those of one of the spirits.3 The boglia in 
Western Australia has got a quartz crystal in his stomach, and thisis 
the embodiment of all his power ; the crystal itself is called boglia 
and after the magician’s death it passes on into his son’s stomach.4 
On the other hand, we are told that the human body is the only, 
and the anus the favourite, source of boollia.s In South Australia 
the mundie, a crystal believed by the natives to be an excrement 
of the Deity, is used at initiation and held sacred. This is prob- 
ably one of the sources of the magical value attributed to hard 
substances, and helps us to understand why rocks and stones play 
such an important part in the multiplication ceremonies. 

The hard substance also corresponds to the male organ in the 
state of erection; at least the churinga thrown at the woman, 
the stone thrown at the rock, is certainly the penis, and the dust 
that is rubbed off when two churingas are rubbed against each 
other most probably the semen. When a chip of stone is struck 
off a large rock and gives rise to spirit-animals (embryos) of the 
totem-species, the process probably symbolizes birth—the chip of 
stone representing the child, the rock, the mother. 

We shall now try and determine the principal phases in the 
evolution of the Intichiuma as far as such an attempt may be 
warranted by our investigations. The germ of the 
present ritual is represented by the survival of those 
movements of the rutting season that served to 
introduce and promote sexual activity (fore-pleasure). The 

-  E, Clement, l.c., Internationales Archiv fiir Ethnographte, 1904, XVI. 6. 
a Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 480. 3 Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 488. 
4 Monsig. D. Rudesindo Salvado, Memorie storiche dell’ Australia, 1851, 299. 
5 Oldfield, ‘‘ Aborigines of Australia,’ Transactions of the E. S., III. 235. 
6 G, F. Angas, Savage Life and Scenes in Australiaand New Zealand, 1847,II. 224 

Evolution of the 
Intichiuma. 

common rutting season of all nature in the. tropics serves as a 
psychical starting-point for the feeling of identification with a 
natural species: this is the prototype of projection which is 
regressively revived when the Father-Imago is projected into an 
animal species. In the second phase Intichiuma is still identical 
with rut: but the conflict between the Old and Young Males, the 
Father and Son for the women of the Horde is already beginning 
to leave its traces in the ceremonies. The third layer represents 
what we should call the beginning of human and the end of semi- 
human evolution. With the victory of the Brothers over the Father 
and the improvement of the general conditions of life, the rutting- 
season disappears and repression appears: the period of Anoestrum 
in animal life corresponding with the function of repression in Man, 
while the ever-present libido is, of course, represented in the animal 
world only in the rutting season. But as the libido in this trans- 
formation period is still an infantile, an archaic libido, exogamy 
does not exist. It does seem, however, probable that the exogamic 
tendency is much older than what we are accustomed to call the 
origin of the Oedipus conflict. We see it at work, and in conflict 
with the regressive tendency of endogamy, in the lower organisms. 
The conflict of the Jealous Sire and the Young Males only served 
to establish the repression of the endogamic and the dominance 
of the exogamic impulse out of which civilization was ultimately 
evolved. When the young males killed the Lord of the Herd it 
is probable that this inherent exogamic tendency would soon mani- 
fest itself so far that each member of the victorious party chose 
other ‘‘ mothers”’ of the group in preference to his own, but these 
others mothers were of course only substitutes for their real 
mothers. This choice of substitutes led to what we call “ tribal ”’ 
mothers, fathers, etc.—in a word, to the classificatory system of 
relationships. 

The young males, instead of searching for their mates amongst 
other herds, still try to get at their mothers and sisters; it follows 
that repression is first and foremost directed against the Oedipus 
complex—indeed, that the latter is in the main identical with the 
repressed. In the rutting season the ceremonies presupposed 
women as onlookers, repression gives independent existence to 
the initial phase of the movement-series and substitutes a symbolic 
for a real aim. The ceremony is chiefly an affair of the men, but 
repressed incestuous libido returns, the ceremonial ground becomes 
a symbol of the maternal womb. This third phase is represented 
by the ceremonies of the ‘sexual desire’”’ and baby totems, and 
also the Caaro festival. In the fourth phase Intichiuma evolves 
with the new institutions of initiation and the two-phratry system. 
The repression of the Oedipus complex leads to a projection of the 
rites into the animal world, and the ceremonies of the baby-totem 

type begin to disappear. The magical multiplication of the totem 
animal forms part of the instruction given to novices in the initia- 
tion rite as a sort of substitute for their incestuous desires which 
they are henceforth held to relinquish. The animal dance with 
woman as audience reappears afterwards as revival of the original 
type, but without the procreative element. The conflict between 
libido and repression and the character of the whole rite as a com- 
promise is manifest in the act of the totem-eating: this symbolical 
repetition of incest forms, like other analogous proceedings (blood- 
letting, etc.) an integral part of the rite, yet it must only be 
done in a very moderate way: the taboo must be broken through, 
the food “‘ liberated’ by the old men before the other members of 
the totemic moiety may eat it. Later on the aspect of this libera- 
tion ceremony changes, the animal is liberated for the men of the 
other moiety to consume, neurotic inhibitions ! are sublimated into 
social feeling (altruism), and the libido is beginning to be sub- 
limated into economical effort. The fifth phase of evolution is 
one both of disintegration and integration. The original totemic 
moieties split into the present totemic clans, and these unite to 
form what we callatribe. Every totem clan has its own Intichiuma 
and legend to correspond ; the animal is liberated for the members 
of other totems. 

-So far we have only discovered the part played by the libido 
in the evolution of the Intichiuma, but at first sight it must be 
evident that the economic aspect of these rites which has hitherto 
alone been taken into consideration by anthropologists cannot be 
neglected nor explained merely by a later sublimation of libidinal 
energies into economic effort. This in itself is an evident fact, 
but it only means that the economic side of the rite has in course 
of evolution gained a surplus, additional emphasis, from libidinal 
sources; it cannot mean that the instinct of Self-Preservation is 
not as primitive and as important as that of the Maintenance of 
the Species. 

We shall now proceed to show that these rites have a double 
aspect, a composite character, from the very origin, and to deter- 
mine the part played by the Reality Principle in their evolution. 

We have observed that an Intichiuma consists of two elements 
—the procreative rite whereby animal embryos are supposed to 

see emanate from the rock, and the imitative or dramatic, 
The imitative c z j i g ; 
element in which consists in acting the animal or animal an- 
Intichiuma. cestor. The initiated men learn the churinga songs 
by heart, and these songs contain either episodes of the wanderings 
of the altjiranga mitjina or they describe the life of the totem- 
animal, so that Strehlow is inclined to attribute a certain import- 

« Themselves derived from the social conflict of the father and son. 

ance to them on account of the natural history embodied in them.! 
While the men are singing churinga songs that refer to the kangaroo 
ancestor, the performer: hops about like a kangaroo.? The per- 
former in the Wallaby ceremony imitates the wallaby ancestor by 
killing wallabies,3 and the churinga song tells us how the wallaby 
father ran with his tail hanging behind. The sounds made by 
the kangaroo-rats are imitated in the ceremony of that totem;s 
the opossum song tells us how the Old Man opossum stamps the 
damp earth.© The sounds made by bats are imitated.7 In the 
Emu ceremony we have an extremely realistic copy of the way 
these birds go to their drinking-places.8 They imitate the call 
of the itoa (Otis australis Gray).9 The two performers in the eagle 
ceremony sit on a shield that represents the nest of the eagle- 
ancestor and cry like young eagles.t? In the Duck ceremony the _ 
performers imitate ducks.' In the lizard ceremony a man does 
as if he were catching lizards.1z Men imitate the movements and 
the buzz of bees,13 and flies.14 In the Witchetty-Grub ceremony 
a long narrow wurley represents the chrysalis case from which the 
fully developed insect emerges. In the wurley the men sing of 
the animal in its various stages, and when they come out of it 
they sing of the insect emerging from its case.15 Various parts of 
the emu’s body are represented in the Emu intichiuma.¢ The 
performers, who are decorated with emu feathers, represented 
ancestors of the Emu totem, imitated the aimless gazing about ofthe 
emu, each man holding a bunch of twigs in his hands, the Churinga 
on the head with its tuft of feathers being intended to represent 
the long neck and small head of the bird.t7 In the water ceremony 
they scream in imitation of the spur-winged plover.t8 Rain is 
imitated by pouring water in the Kaitish Rain Intichiuma.19 The 
Warramunga ceremony to increase the number of white cocka- 
toos consisted in imitating the cry of the cockatoo with tedious 
monotony; all night long the headman held in his hand a con- 
ventional representation of the bird, and when his voice failed 
his son took up the call and relieved the old man.*° Decorations 
in the Ant ceremony represent ants.2t In the case of the White 
Cockatoo and Eagle-hawk totems, the performers marched out 
imitating the cry of the bird.27 A man who represents a snake 
ancestor in a Loritja Intichiuma glides on his knees, quivers, and 
imitates the sound made by the snake.23 The duck performers 

t Strehlow, 4.6 L., III. 5. Id; THs rk Sid FIL rs 

gfe Sc Vran O8 Re 2B $Id. -TLi, 20. 6 1d,, IIL. 22% 
Pd File 38: Bold, snk SA 3 9 Id., III. 36. 

to Ids, IIL. 37. t Td., III. 56. 13 Td., ILE. 65. 

13 Id., III, go. %4 Id., IIT. 94. 

1s Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 176. 16 Id., ibid., 179. 
17 Id., ibid., 181, 183. 8 Jd., ibid., 193. 19 Id., Nor. T., 295. 
20 Id., ibid., 310, at Td., ibid., 201. a3 Id., ibid., 217. 

%3 Strehlow, A. & L., III. 2, 30. 

imitate the duck’s cry.t In the Emu ceremony one of the per- 
formers imitates the way an emu goes to drink: he bends his 
head slowly down, looking round him on both sides, and then 
slowly slides down on to his knees. One performer whistles like 
a young emu carrying out the movements of drinking.» The Dog 
performers run on all fours like dogs.3 ‘‘Um padi (Raupen) 
hervorzu bringen farbt man sich, wie die Raupe gefarbt ist und 
geht mit einer Mulde in die Emufedern oder Fett. vom Emu 
getan ist herum.”4 At the kangaroo tarlow they hop about 
in imitation of kangaroos and drink kangaroo-fashion from wooden 
troughs placed on the ground.s In the evening there is a corro- 
boree, the boomerangs are rattled together and a kangaroo bone 
is moved rapidly up and down on the incisions of the throwing- 
stick. Should food-seed become less plentiful another tarlow set 
apart for the “‘ willing’’ of these is visited by the head of the 
“family ’’ (subclass) under whose care it is: say a Caiemurra. 
In this case wooden bowls for winnowing the grass-seeds and stone 
mills with the grinding-stone play a prominent part. The ground 
around the tarlow is beaten flat with stones and sprinkled with 
water, and the women go through the performance of winnowing 
and grinding whilst songs are sung and dances are performed. 
The tarlow for the willing of fish is visited with fishing-nets ; these 
and a poisonous plant called “ kuraru,”’ with which they stupefy 
fish by placing it in the pool, are largely displayed. At the emu 
tarlow the walk and run of the emu are imitated, and emu feathers 
are largely worn on this occasion.6 Whatever is used in gathering 
or procuring the thing to be willed is carried with them; if it is 
grass-seed they take wooden scoops, if kangaroo spears, if turkey 
nets.? 

If we try to explain these rites we must begin by distinguishing 
the three principal types of imitation met in them: (a) The 
animal and its movements are imitated (met with everywhere) ; 
(b) Imitating the Alcheringa ancestors who are identical with the 
totem-animals (chiefly characteristic of Central tribes, but pro- 
bably coexistent with (2) in many cases, as a second explanation 
given to the same rite) ; and (c) Rites that we shall call labour 
imitation—that is they mimic the hunting, fishing, grinding, etc., 
whatever they will have to do with the animal when it is abundant 
(North-West and perhaps Dieri). Before proceeding further, I am 
compelled to give the merest outlines of a theory, very simple in 
itself, which I shall attempt to establish elsewhere. According to 

1 Strehlow, A. & L., III. 2, 21. ad Tl. 2, 16: 

Sid; WT- 2, 14. 4 Siebert, Globus, 97, 55. 

s Clement, ‘‘ Ethnographical Notes on the Western Australian Aborigines,’’ Int. 
Arch. fiir Ethn., 1904, XVI. 6. 6 Clement, l.c., XVI. 7. 

? J. G. Withnell, ‘Marriage Rites and Relationships,” Science of Man, 1903, 
VI. 46. 

7. INTICHIUMA CEREMONIES. 

‘a I. IMITATIVE RITES. 

47, 48 (p. 306), 52, 56 (p- 306), 235 (p. 307). 

II. PRocREATIVE RITES. 

} 
S 
© 
f>» 
es 

a4 be 

£25 XII. 

XIII. 
@ 

XIV. 

“~ 
a 
& 

(a) Quivering. : 
4, 6, 8, 16, 17, 18, 19 (Sp. III, 138), 27, 28 (p. 218), 47, 48, 50 (p. 218), 
52, 56 (p. 218), 77 (p- 218). 
(b) Bleeding. 
48 (p. 222), 52, 56° (pp. 222, 223), 69, 70, 71. (p. 208), 73,074 
(p. 298), 75 (P- 225), 76 (pp. 225, 299), 77 (Pp. 225), 85 (Pp. 298), 
223 (p. 222). 
(c) Throwing. 
4, 6, 13, 17, 18, 19, 20 (p. 297), 31 (Pp. 286), 32 (p. 297) 48 (pp. 290, 
299), 75 (G. Horne and G. Aiston: Savage Life in Central Aus- 
tralia, 1924, 134), 76 (p. 298), 77 (p. 286), 222 (Roth: S.M.M, 1c). 
(ad) Striking. : 
31 (pp. 286, 300), 32 (Pp. 297), 52 (Pp. 286), 69, 70, 71, 73, 74 (Pp. 300), 
76 (p. 300), 77 (pp- 286, 301), 85 (p. 3¢0), 232 (p. 286), 235 (p. 286). 
(e) Rubbing. 
12 (Sp._III,. 213), 52 (p: 219), 56 (p, 229). 
(f) Fire in the Multiplication Ritual. 

77, 237 (p- 30T). 

. CONNECTED WITH THE CEREMONIAL EATING OF THE TOTEM, 

24, 45 (p. 250), 48, 50 (p. 247), 51 (Sp. I, 211), 52, 56 (p. 244-246). 
222 (p. 251). 

. SURVIVAL OF ANTHROPIC IJNTICHIUMA IN CUSTOM. 

43 (p- 234), 47 (P- 234), 52, 56 (P. 234), 232, 234, 235, 237, 253, 
255 (Pp. 235, 236), 259 (Pp. 215), 330 (p- 235). 

. SURVIVAL OF ANTHROPIC INTICHIUMA IN LEGEND. 

27, 28 (Sp. III, 266, 267), 48 (p. 217), 76 (p. 217). 

. USE OF CHURINGA IN INTICHIUMA. 

4, 6, 13, 17, 18, 19, 20, 48, 50, 52, 55, 56 (p. 266). 

. INTICHIUMA IN CONNECTION WITH INITIATION CEREMONIES. 

I (p- 264), 4, 6, r3; 17; 18, 1g, 20 (pp. 265, 266), 41, 42, 43, 44, 
46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 55, 56 (pp. 259-264), 222 (Sp. II, 308, 
309), 259 (p. 217). 

. SURVIVALS OF INTICHIUMA IN LEGEND. 

85 (p. 292), 89 (p. 291), 97 (P- 292), 119 (p. 291), 124, 125 (p. 291), 
204 (p. 292). 

. SURVIVALS OF INTICHIUMA IN RITUAL. 

2 (Basedow: J.R.A.I., 1913, 308), 89, 103 (H. 400), 198, 201 
(Roth: Superstition, 20), 274 (H. 450), 333 (H. 400). 

. ANIMAL DANCES PERFORMED AT INITIATION. 

1, 2 (Sp. III, 107), 4, 6 (Sp. III, 132), 12 (Sp. III, 107), 13, 15, 16, 
17, 18, 19, 20 (Sp. III, 138, p. 265), 27 (Sp. III, 165, 176), 41, 42, 
43, 44, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 55, 56 (p. 258), 89 (p. 266), go, 
91, 94, 95, 96 (p. 268), 102, 106 (p. 268), 108 (p. 267), 111 (p. 267), 
114, 115, 116, 117, 119 (p. 268), 121, 122, 123, 124 (p. 268), 129, 
130 (p. 268), 146 (p. 268), 150 (K. L. Parker: Euahlayi, 81), 153, 
156 (p. 267), 159, 160 (p. 266), 200 (Roth: Initiation, 177), 202 
(Roth: Initiation, 170), 204, 205 (Roth: Initiation, 179), 206, 209 
(p. 293), 222 (p. 258), 327 (p. 267), 358 (R. H. Mathews: Mitt, 
d. Anthr. Ges. 1n Wien, XX XVIII, 1908, TQ). 
LIBERATION PERFORMED AS A TOTEMIC CEREMONY. 
24, 45 (P- 250), 47 (P- 254), 48 (Pp. 256), 52, 56 (p. 258), 222 (p. 258). 
LIBERATION IN INITIATION RITUAL, 

4, 6, 13, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20 (Sp. III, 132, p. 264), Sp. II 
613), 47 (Sp. I, 612, 613), 98, 99, 100, IOI, ce ed 
106, 107 (H. 609-12), 108 (H. 633), 137 (p. 268), 153 (H. 595), 
156 (H. 583), 157 (H. 597), 158 (H. 607), 171 (H. 608), 189 (C. Til 
20), 198 (Roth : Initiation, 178), 200 (Roth: Initiation 177), 
204, 205 (Roth: ibid., 180), 231 (C. I, 289), 235 (C. I, 297, Journal, 
1913, 174), 302 (C. IIT, 64), 337 (Roth: Initiation, 185), 358 
(R. H. Mathews: “ Initiations-ceremonie des Birdhawalstammes 4 
Mi. d. Anthr. Ges. Wien, 1908, XXXVIII. 19). ‘ 

INTICHIUMA PERFORMED AT TOTEM CENTRE OR REPRESENTATION OF 
CENTRE IN THE CEREMONY. 
47, 48, 50, 51, 52, 55, 56 (pp. 214, 258), 232, 235, 236 (p. 
TERMINATIONS OF CEREMONIES. ),.23% 235, 236 (P. 235). 
(a) Hugging. ; 
52, 56 (p. 256). 
(6) Pressing the head of the performer down. 
43 (Pp- 256), 48, 50 (p. 256). 
(c) Knocking the head-dress off. 
18 (p. 256), 47 (Pp. 256). 

this theory all our movements consist of three phases—the initial, 
the realistic, and the final phase—which make up what I call a 
movement series.! The first and last of these phases are reduced 
copies of the middle, realistic or “‘ full’? phase and their function is 
to bridge over the gulf from repose to action and back again from 
action to repose. When either through the interference of the 
psychic censor or from external difficulties these motor series 
become inhibited, the initial stage tends to split off from the original 
series and gain a sort of independence with a fictive aim: this 
marks the transition from mere motor discharge to magic rite, 
such as is the case, for instance, in the evolution of the fore- 
pleasure movements of the rutting season to magical rites of the 
Intichiuma. We must not forget that the rutting season is the 
rainy season, when everything begins to flourish as with a stroke 
of magic, when there is enhanced sexual activity and also nourish- 
ment in plenty. We know that the arid desert of Central Aus- 
tralia, where the contrast between the two seasons is the greatest, 
is the proper home of the Intichiuma; it is here that climatic 
conditions are worse, the adaptation to environment made the 
most difficult; it is also here that repression has been the least 
successful, and here that we have to deal with a return of repressed 
elements on a large scale. 

The difficulties presented by environment play the same part 
on the side of the Reality Principle as repression does towards 
the libido: the inhibition of wish-fulfilments of the self-preservatory 
kind augments the necessity of hallucinatory substitutes; there 
are mere unperfected movement-series tending to abreaction. In 
the same way as the approach of the rutting season cannot come 
without transition, but is marked by a number of rites that are 
reduced copies of copulation, so the approach of the “ feeding 
season’ is announced by rites that imitate the very animal that 
will be hunted, etc. In both cases the magical efficacy of these 
rites is a projected survival of their realistic efficacy; they are 
efficacious in the sense that they prepare Man himself to act.? 
We shall thus say that the procreative element of the Intichiuma 
rite is split off in this way from the movement series pertaining to 
copulation (fore-pleasure), and the imitative is split off from that 
dealing with the procuring of food. In the strict sense, however, 
this only applies to type (c) of our imitative rites, whilst types 
(a) and (b) are of composite nature, concerned both with Hunger 
and the Libido. Imitative circular reaction as such is the motor 
expression of the biological unity with environment.3 Thus unity 

t Cf. the views of Avenarius, Kritik dey reinen Erfahrung, 1907. 

2 That is, they are the links between a state of repose and a state of action 
(realistic phase of the movement series). 

3 Cf. Ankermann, “‘ Ausdrucks und Spieltatigkeit als Grundlage des Totem- 
ismus,” Anthropos, X, XI, p. 586. 

is always existing, and existing especially in the rutting period, 
and as such it must precede even the feeling of this unity. When 
man is craving for nourishment of a particular kind, say kangaroo, 
he will identify himself with that nourishment and imitate it ; 
the power of desire changes him into a kangaroo.! 

In this craving the necessity of nourishment, however, is 
inextricably blended with oral-erotic elements, and we must not 
forget that eating the kangaroo is not a simple alimentary process 
for the totemite, but symbolic of totemic incest. If we remember 
that multiplication by imitation, wishing to create copies of one’s 
own self, or what amounts to the same thing, identifying oneself 
with the copies one wishes to create, is a proceeding that charac- 
terizes the narcissistic phase of ontogenesis,? we shall readily under- 
stand the intermediate position occupied by our type (a) between 
the Libido and the Ego (Reality Principle). Type (b) represents 
a further well-known development on the same line; here nar- 
cissism is at the same time an identification with the Father-Imago, 
which identification in its turn serves to fulfil the incest wish in 
a symbolic and hallucinatory fashion. It is probable that the 
part played by the Reality Principle in these rites has been there 
and has been largely unchanged from the very beginning; it has 
only been blended with various phases in the evolution of the 
libido—thus oral-erotic, anal-erotic, incestuous, narcissistic—in the 
course of time. 

* Cf. Freud, Group Psychology and the Analysis of its Ego, 1922, on the problem 

of identification. 
* G, Roheim, Spiegelzauber, 1919, 113, on narcissistic creation myths.

HISTORY AND DEVELOPMENT OF AUSTRALIAN 
TOTEMISM. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 

Ir we attempt to reconstruct the evolution of totemism as it is 
found in Australia we must not confound the ethnological side of our 
work with the psychological conclusions to be drawn from the 
affinities between groups of tribes who have certain forms of the 
totemic complex. A true insight into these connexions cannot, 
however, be gained without a psychological understanding of the 
social and religious phenemona that we use as means of classi- 
fication. 

We begin with the ethnological part of our work and shall state 
our position briefly as follows: Australia has been peopled by two 
consecutive immigrations ; the first wave is represented by the tribes 
of the south and south-east, with their negative form of totemism ; 
the second by those of the north, centre and west, with their positive 
form. From a psychological point of view the chief difference 
between these two waves lies in the relative position of the libido 
to repression, the first wave being characterized by a successful 
repression of the Oedipus complex, the second by the return of 
repressed elements. 

In trying to ascertain something of the history as distinguished 
from the psychology of these tribes, we are avowedly going beyond 
Pion end’ the legitimate limits of our investigation. These 
history of Aus- problems are perhaps the most difficult ones in the 
tralian culture. yealm of anthropology, and they have always attracted 
both those who are not aware of the difficulties and those who are 
and yet feel strong enough to deal with them. Now it is evident 
that if such questions are to be solved, it is only by a complete 
analysis of the physical anthropology, language, culture, social 
organization and religious institutions of these peoples that we can 
hope to get satisfactory results. This lies quite beyond the scope of 
our book and there is no a priori reason for supposing that totemism 
and allied phenomena are the most reliable starting-points for these 
investigations. We are thus fully aware of the conjectural nature 

of all we have to say on this subject, and are prepared to modify 

or withdraw these suggestions if subsequent .research by more 
competent investigators proves that our guesses have missed the 
mark. Throughout this book we have been led by one assumption : 

__ myths are records of the past, both of onto- and phylo- 
ae Both of genesis. If we can show the traces of biological 
the biological and eyents in myths it would be illogical to deny the 
pee rash coe possibility that they are also records of a less remote 
past—that they represent history as well as evolution. Indeed, 
the analysis of dreams has sufficiently shown that we must regularly 
expect a high degree of condensation in the latent content of all 
psychic phenomena, so that we shall expect the same myth to 
contain records both of a remote and of a more recent past. 
Although I think we have shown it to be fairly probable that the 
inapertwa myth is a projection of the human embryo into racial 
history, this does not say that the same myth may not contain the 
memory of the advance of a certain tribe from sociological conditions 
which were regarded as infantile when compared with other social 
forms under the influence of immigrant tribes.t Indeed, when we re- 
member that this myth is limited to definite tribes and even definite 
totem clans we shall be compelled to suppose that historical events 
are responsible for this peculiar distribution.2 And if we have found 
that the Alcheringa myths of the Central tribes are safe guides into 
the prehistoric dawn of humanity, it would be unscientific and 
unwise to ignore the evidence which they may afford as to more 
recent events in the history of the race. Indeed, Spencer and 
Gillen interpreted the myths which they recorded, as _ historical 
evidence. 

It is not without interest to note that, according to tradition, 
the Emu men who introduced the division of the classes now in use 

_, lived away to the north, because the adoption of the 

ey i distinctive names for the eight groups thus created is 

at the present time taking place in the Arunta tribe, 

and as a matter of actual fact these names did originate in the 

north and are now slowly spreading southwards through the tribe.3 
Strehlow calls our attention to another remarkable fact. 

In the traditions of the Arunta tribe all benefactors of mankind 
come from the north, while every social movement which is regarded 
as immoral is said to have spread from the south.4 Thus the Echidna 

« Cf. W. H. R. Rivers, ‘‘ The Sociological Significance of Myth,” Folk-Lore, 1912, 

330, 331. P. W. Schmidt, Anthropos, III. 623. Id., ‘‘ Die Stellung der Aranda,” 
Z. E., 1908, 880. 

» Cf. also Roheim, “ Zwei Sagengruppen vom Igel,” Zeitschrift des Vereins fir 
Volkskunde, 1913, 414. 3 Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 422. 

4 There are exceptions to this rule; or, perhaps, it does not apply to the tribes 
who live to the north of the Arunta. Two Parenthie lizards who introduce circum- 
cision and subincision in the Unmatjera tribe came from the south.—Spencer and 
Gillen, Nor. T. 405. This probably refers to back-waves of culture which spread 
in the contrary direction, perhaps to the influence exercised by the Arunta on their 

man who is called “ kunna”’ (bad), as well as the Emu people, came 
from the south, and it was especially amongst the Emu men that a 
total disregard of the exogamic classes was observable, so that a 
man would even marry his “‘ maia’’ (mother, mother’s sister), and a 
father would marry his own daughter, after the death of his wife. 
Corruption spread towards the north, so that the marriage regula- 
tions of Mangarkunjerkunja (a lizard culture hero) fell into disuse 
and had to be re-introduced by a hero of the Kangaroo-Rat totem 
who was called Katutankara (the immortal father), who came from 
Anjatjiringi in the north.t We have other positive evidence of 
the correctness of the tradition of the Emu men. The marriages 
mentioned in the myth still occur amongst the southern Loritja, 
where a widower will marry his own daughter or his “ jaku,” a 
grade of relationship which includes “father’s brother’s wife,’ 
“mother” and “mother’s sister.” Mangarkunjerkunja, who 
introduced the fire-borer and the stone knife, came from the north.3 
‘All the narratives of Central Australia... give an account of 
beings coming from the north who introduced certain elements of 
the material and magico-religious culture and modified the social 
institutions.” 4 Moreover, we have already noticed a sure test 
of the northern origin of the Arunta tribe; the land of ghosts lies 
to the north, and the land of the dead, as is well known, is usually 
the land of the ancestors.5 To this we may add the fact that there 
seems to be a specially close connexion between the Arunta and one 
of the coastal tribes investigated by Spencer: the Kakadu. Although 
there are important differences between these two groups of tribes, 
we cannot ignore the points of contact, especially as 

le Se and both the Kakadu and the Arunta group of tribes may 
; have been modified by culture-contact or intermixture 

in the course of their migrations. The Kakadu as well as the Port 
Essington tribe have the custom of giving a stick to a woman when 
enceinte; this stick represents the child and is (as shown above) 
the same thing as the wooden Churinga (called papa) of the Arunta 
infant.7 The Muraian sticks and stones are in a certain degree the 

northern neighbours. See the distribution of Intichiuma ceremonies on the map, 
which shows how some northern tribes have adopted the Arunta type of ceremonies. 
For a legend which may contain a trace of this northerly movement, as it asserts 
the southern origin of the Arunta, see J. W. Gregory, The Dead Heart of Australia, 

1906, 226, 227. 
t Strehlow, A. & L., I. 8. a Id., ibid., IV. 83,202. 
3 Id., ibid., I. 6. 4 Rivers, op. cit., Folk-Lore, 1912, 329. 

5 Cf. E. Schirren, Die Wandersagen dev Neuseelander und der Mauimythos, 1856, 
90. W. J. Perry, ‘‘ The Orientation of the Dead in Indonesia,” J. R. A. I., XLIV, 
1914. Id., ‘‘ Myths of Origin and the Home of the Dead,” Folk-Lore, XXVI, 1915. 
Claus, ‘“‘ Die Wangémwia,”’ Z. E., 1910, 491. 

6 The Kakadu are probably modified by intermixture with the real aboriginal 
population of Australia, which seems to have left traces of its existence especially 
among the coastal tribes of the north and south. 

2 Spencer, N. T. N. T. A., 1914, 328, 329. Strehlow, II. 80. (Above, p. 179). 

equivalents of the Arunta Churinga,t whilst the ceremony itself 
corresponds to the Engwura of the Arunta.2 But we have evidence 
which is far more important than these parallels ; for it is only in 
the Arunta and Kakadu tribes that totems depend purely on the 
childbirth beliefs,3 and only these two groups of the tribes have the 
belief in the existence of a Changing and a Changeless Spirit. If we 
regard the area occupied by the Central Tribes as a separate territory, 
then we shall notice that the Arunta and Kakadu with pure con- 
ceptional totemism are situated on the outskirts of the area; they 
are divided by nations like the Anula and Warramunga who have 
conceptional totemism combined with paternal descent of the totem. 
We shall thus legitimately infer: (a) That the great immigration 
of the Central tribes must have taken place in many (at least two) 
separate waves. (b) That the tribes with conceptional totems and 
paternal descent came after those with pure conceptional totems 
and drove a wedge between them. (c) That the Kakadu and 
Arunta were once closely connected—in other words, that the Arunta 

were one of the coastal tribes of North Australia.5 
Having thus far traced the path of Arunta migration from the 
north, we are tempted to go into closer details on the connexion 
between them and the Torres Strait Islanders. 

The Torres : wie: Rene ; : No : ; : 
Straits ‘and Certain similarities in magico-religious institutions 
Geta: have already been noticed by A. C. Haddon and 

W. Foy,® and the whole question has been dealt with 
in an admirable article by Father W. Schmidt.7 Indeed, it would 
_be sufficient to refer to this paper if it were not for the fact that, 
although we agree with the learned Father in claiming a connexion 
between the Torres Strait Islanders and Central Australia, we 
venture to differ from him in the psychological interpretation of 
this historical connexion, and we think it possible to follow the 
traces of a prehistoric movement further north to New Guinea. 

In the western islands open spaces called kwods are permanently 
set apart for ceremonial purposes.8 They are more nearly related 

The kocd to the clubhouses (Mannerhaus) of New Guinea and 
and the Melanesia 9 than to the ertnatulunga of Central Aus- 
Ertnatulunga. 

tralia. The main feature which they have in common 
with the latter seems to be that both contain magical objects 
of stone which are regarded as the materialization of the forces 
inherent in the totem-clan. ‘‘ The unique features of the totem-cult 

x Spencer, N. T.N.T. A., 225. 2 Id., ibid., 152. 

3 Id., ibid., 180. ¢ Id., ibid., 270. 

s See maps on conceptional totemism and intichiuma ceremonies. 

6 Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition, V. 373. <Aychiv ftir Rel. 
Wiss., X. 135. 

7 P. W. Schmidt, ‘‘ Die Stellung der Aranda,” Z, E., 1908, 806, 

8 Haddon, l.c., V. 365. 9 Id., ibid., 3. 

to Schmidt, “ Aranda,” Z, E., 1908, goo. 

of Yam were the representation of the augud in a definite image, each 
of which was lodged in its own house and the presence of a stone 
beneath each effigy in which resided the life of augud’’! (totem). 
It has been pointed out by W. Schmidt that this ‘‘ materialization of 
the totem ” (Haddon) is the same thing as the Central Australian 
Churinga.2» The two magical crescents of Kwoiam have already 
been compared with Churinga by A. C. Haddon,3 and perhaps the 
crescent-shaped paraphernalia mentioned by Klaatsch,+ and the 
crescent-shaped Intichiuma decorations of Central Australias are 
links of the same chain. Some of the kwods present greater 
similarity to the Ertnatulunga than others. The sacred island of 
Pulu, associated as it was with initiation and death ceremonies and 
with some of the exploits of Kwoiam, contained no more sacred 
spot than the cave of Augudalkula. No woman might approach 
the place; its custody was entrusted to the oldest and most in- 
fluential men of Mabuiag the tumaiawai-mabaegal, that is the 
“watching-men”’ or ‘watchers.’ Here in the depths of the 
thickest bush that grows in Pulu, amidst rocky scenery whose very 
grotesqueness is mysterious, were stored the heads of those who 
were slain in war.6 It is also in this direction that the most 
illuminating parallel between these two regions has been found.7 
“ When it is determined that a woman hitherto childless is pregnant 
pile ta her husband collects food, which is cooked and eaten 
Ly pial by the whole community including the expectant 
parents. Meanwhile one of the husband’s brothers 
has a peculiar ornament called ‘bid’ prepared for his sister-in-law.9 
“The ‘bid’ represents the foetus, as is shown by the names of its 
constituent parts, which are those of the limbs and organs of the 
body. This ornament is worn by the pregnant woman so that the 
‘“gamu’ (body) is immediately over the pit of the stomach, the 
strings representing the arms and legs being tied at the back of 
the body respectively, while the fringe hanging down in front reaches 
to about the level of the knees.” 1 
Here we find ethnological research confirming the results obtained 
through the psycho-analytical investigation of Central Australian 
evidence in a most striking manner; after having come to the 
conclusion that the Churinga is the embryo we find that, in an 
ethnologically connected territory, an emblematic representation of 

t Haddon, Cambridge Expedition, V. 377. 

a Schmidt, l.c., goo. 3 Haddon, l.c., V. 373. 
4 Klaatsch, ‘‘ Schlussbericht tiber seine Reise nach Australian,” Z. E., 1907, 638. 
5 Strehlow, A. & L., I. Plate V. 6 Haddon, l.c., V. 368. 

7 Schmidt, Z. E., 1908, 900. 

8 Father Schmidt is inclined to connect this with conception by food in Central 
Australia. 

9 The “ wororu”’ in North-West Australia (ci. above, p. 146) is also the 
husband’s brother. 

10 Seligmann, “‘ Birth and Childhood Customs,” Cambridge Expedition, V. 194. 

the embryo figures in birth customs, that is the contents of the 
symbol which is unconscious in Central Australia is fully conscious 
in these islands. 

Father Schmidt thinks that this parallel is evidence for the 
secondary, derived nature of Central Australian beliefs which are 
based on a misunderstanding. Quite apart from the unpsychological 
terminology in which he expresses this idea, there are other objections 
to this view. It contains the implicit assumption that because 
the Torres Straits are geographically nearer to the starting-point 
of these migrations than the Macdonnell Ranges, the forms of 
ritual and belief found in these islands must explain the evolution 
of those of the Arunta and not the other way round. Proximity 
to the cradle of the race is no proof of primitivity ; if it were, we 
should have to regard the Chinese, for instance, as more primitive 
than the Lapps and Ostyaks, as these have certainly migrated from 
the south-east to the inhospitable regions at present occupied by 
them. Besides, we must not forget that we have succeeded in 
comprehending the ‘‘ Arunta system ”’ as a perfectly harmonious 
whole in itself. Naturally it has a past, a psychic history, but it 
cannot be treated as if it were the broken-down remains of another 
system. The relation of the ‘“ bid”’ to the Churinga is one which 
we know very well from analytic practice and theory. The Churinga 
is a real symbol, with a repressed, i.e. an unconscious meaning ; 
the “‘ bid ’’ represents the phase which we call the return of repressed 
elements. Of course, the “ bid’’ might also represent the primary 
unrepressed phase in the evolution of the symbol, and then we should 
say that repression took place in the space of time which elapsed 
between Torres Straits and the Macdonnell Ranges, which would 
be the view Father Schmidt takes, only stated in a more psycho- 
logical language. But we shall see further on that certain pheno- 
mena in the cultural areas north of Australia are only explicable 
if we regard the return of repressed elements as the general psycho- 
logical key to these cultures. 

In Australia we needed analysis to show that the Churinga is an 
embryo; here this connexion is perfectly evident to those who 
practice the custom. This explains why the magico-religious 
importance of the Churinga is so much greater than that of the 
“bid.”” In acompulsion neurosis we always find that the symptoms 
are determined by the repressed elements, and it is more than 
probable that a similar root will always be found at the bottom of 
religious symptoms. If analysis lifts the latent content of the 
complexes into consciousness the symptoms gradually disappear, 
and this explains why the “‘ bid” plays such a small part in religious 
life in comparison with the Churinga. 

We shall find that this is not an isolated case but generally 
characteristic of the psychological relations existing between these 

two cultures. We have found that the Churingas are symbols of 
the child, the foetus and the penis. In the Torres Straits we find 
that a fruit resembling the penis is pressed against the abdomen of 
the pregnant woman who wishes to have a male child.: It is but 
a short step from the idea of influencing the sex of a child to that 
of causing pregnancy, indeed we have sufficient evidence from other 
parts of the world of the custom of making a woman pregnant 
through dolls (artificial children) and through wooden or stone phalloi.? 

As we are discussing childbirth beliefs we may as well continue 
the survey by recalling the parallel between the inapertwa myth 
and the two mothers of Sida who are separated by 
him.3 We shall turn to the analysis of such ideas as 
are contained in the words “‘ zogo”’ and “ augud” 
to show that they present a marked resemblance to the category of 
“Churinga ’’ objects and festivals in Central Australia. ‘‘The word 
Churinga is used either as a substantive, when it implies a sacred 
emblem, or as a qualifying term, when it implies sacred or secret.” 
Aritna Churinga is the secret name.4 The man who has a Churinga 
will feel superior to the man who has none in case of a fight.5 “‘ The 
burden of these stanzas or verses is either a prayer to save them from 
some disease (as ‘ Headache quiet become ’) or a prayer for tjurunga 
or food substance or some such object.’’® ‘“‘ Their tjurunga, 
corroborees, are mostly animal tjurunga (feats) ; thus at an Emu 
tjurunga they imitate exactly an emu in all its movements.’’7 ‘The 
well-known festivals or dances of the natives are called by them 
tjurunga and ildada.’”’ ‘‘ One of them owns the emu, the other the 
fish tjurunga,’’® Certain magical practices and implements are 
called ‘‘zogo”’ in the Torres Islands. Thus we have “ zogo” 
for rain, wind, wild plums, coco-nuts, bananas, tobacco, for a good 
harvest, for garden produce, for yam, for turtle, for dugong, for 
fish, for mosquitoes, for terns’ eggs.9 These ‘‘zogo,’’ which are 
used for increasing the food supply, might with full right be called 
Intichiuma ceremonies if they were connected with certain totem 
clans. Haddon tells us that there was a recollection of a time 
when the zogo had been equivalent to the western augud or true 
totems. In the Eastern Islands the word agud (augud) occurs 
seldom, but it was stated to be the “ big name of the zogo.”’?° One 

1 Seligmann, Cambridge Expedition, V. 196. 

2 Cf. Frazer, The Magic Art, 1911, I. 70-74. Cf. W. E. Roth, “ Games, Sports 
and Amusements,” North Queensland Ethnography, Bull. 4, 1902, 13. S. Eitrem, 
Opferritus und Voropfer der Griechen und Romer, 1915, 305- : 

3 Haddon, Cambridge Expedition, V. 32. 4 Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 1 39. 

s Strehlow, A. & L., II. 79. ‘“‘Spose we no got augud, how we fight ? ’’— 
Haddon, l.c., V. 372. The Tikowina (bullroarer) is a sort of war-charm worn round 
the neck of the warrior.—Howitt, l.c., 499. , , ‘ 

6 L. Schulze, “‘ The Aborigines of the Upper and Middle Finke River, Trans. 
and Proc. Royal Society of S.A., 1891, 220. 

7 Schulze, ibid., 221. 8 Id., ibid., 242. 

9 Haddon, op. cit., VI. 192. to Td., op. cit., VI. 245. 

Zogo, augud and 
Churinga. 

of the most important zogos was called nam zogo and was represented 
by two turtles made of turtle shell. The nam zogo were used not 
only to help men catch turtles but also to prevent them from doing 
so; to kill men and also to make them better. This nam zogo 
was called agud, that is totem.? The information on zogo is summed 
up by Haddon as follows: ‘ From the foregoing enumeration it is 
evident that rain, wind, a concrete object or a shrine can be a zogo ; 
a zogo can be impersonal or personal ; it belonged in a general way 
to particular groups of natives, but it was the particular property 
of certain individuals, the zogo le, who alone knew the ceremonies 
connected with it and therefore the rites were confined to them ; 
the ‘ making’ of the zogo was usually more or less secret, and in no 
case might women be present ; the zogo was always treated with 
great respect, and sacrilege was punished either by human or spiritual 
means. I do not know how the word can be better translated than 
by the term ‘sacred.’ A zogo may therefore be a sacred object 
or place, the rite was sacred as were the words that were uttered.” 3 

Taken in conjunction with the probability that zogos were evolved 
from or represent a special aspect of agud, that is totems, we cannot 
deny that every word in the above description might 
apply just as well to the Central Australian churinga, 
and especially to their function at the Intichiuma 
ceremonies. The zogo le (Eastern Islanders) employ a foreign 
language, probably an archaic form of the western language, and 
thus can only guess at the meaning of the words and songs.4 
“ Associated with the western origin of the zogo mer is the fact 
that so many of the natural and worked stones in the Murray 
Islands are of foreign origin, and there can be but little doubt 
that the majority of these must have come from the Western 
Islands.”’ 5 

The same connexion between the totemic multiplication of 
the food supply and sacred stones is well known as one of the 
salient features of the magico-religious institutions of Central 
Australia. The rain-making zogo is invariably associated with the 
stone images called doiom. These rudely carved images are said 
to represent a man and each man was supposed to possess one of 
them.6 The Loritja call their kuntanka—the equivalents of the 
Arunta Churinga—the image of the body.7 The Nauamareb zogo 
for garden produce is a somewhat pyriform boulder of granite.’ 
The Sewereat u zogo shrine consists of two or three large clam shells 

Zogo and 
Intichiuma. 

1 Haddon, Cambridge Expedition, VI. 51. a Id., op. cit., VI. 245. 

$ Id., op. cit., VI. 245. 

4 Id., ibid., VI. 243. ‘‘ Chanting songs of which they do not know the meaning.” 
—Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., XVI. However the meaning is comprehensible to 
the old men.—Strehlow, A. & L., III. p. vi. 5 Haddon, l.c., VI. 243. 

6 Id., ibid., VI. 194-196. Every man has a churinga. 

7 Strehlow, 4. & L., II. 82. 8 Id., ibid., 210. 

on a block of volcanic ash under a zom tree.t_ The turtle zogo is of 
especial interest. When a turtle was caught at Mer it was placed on 
The turtle ang. its back on the beach and a number of men carrying 
dugong cere-  bullroarers walked three times round it, counter 
‘Survival of  Clock-wise. When the head-man had finished going 
totem-eating _ round the turtle, he chewed somered earth and inserted 
and liberation. 4 niece of the stem of the gaurgaur creeper into the 
cloaca of the turtle, pushed the stick backwards and forwards, and 
then he spat on the undershell of the turtle so as to make four red 
spots one on each flapper. One version states that this ceremony 
was performed over every turtle caught, but a second statement 
which connects it with the first turtle of the season is perhaps nearer 
the truth.2 This seems to afford conclusive evidence for deriving 
the zogo, at least the original ones, from totemic ceremonies of the 
Intichiuma type, as this same ceremony occurs at Mabuiag as an 
“Tntichiuma ”’ of the turtle totem. The first turtle caught during 
the turtle breeding season was handed over to the men of the Surlal 
clan. It was not taken to the village but to the kwod of the clan, 
and was there smeared all over with red ochre and was then called 
parma surlal (parma =red ochre). The Arunta will bring the first 
kangaroo of the season to the ertnatulunga ; the red ochre is smeared 
on the Churinga and not on the animal. The clansmen painted 
themselves with a red mark across the chest and across the abdomen, 
evidently to represent the anterior and posterior margin of the under- 
shell of the turtle. They wore cassowary-feather head-dresses and 
danced round the turtle whirling bullroarers. A length of the 
gawai creeper was cut off and slightly sharpened at one end; this 
was inserted in the cloaca of the turtle and pushed up and down 
several times. This was an act of pantomimic magic “‘ to make him 
proper fast,” in other words to insure a good surlal season. The 
turtle was then given to the Dangal (dugong) men who ate it.3 

It is evident that the two rites are identical, showing that the 
zogo rites were originally Intichiumas which lost their totemic 
character in migrating from the western to the eastern islands. We 
have shown how the “‘ liberation’’ ceremony developed out of the 
multiplication aspect of totem-eating and how again repression 
succeeded in obliterating the traces of totem-eating in the Liberation 
ceremony.‘ 

t Strehlow, A. & L., 206. + Id., ibid., 213, 124. 3 Haddon, lc., V. 183, 184. 

4 W. Schmidt assumes a contrary development from the taboo to the eating. 
—Z. E., 1908, 875, 876. But as we have proved the primitivity of totem-eating 
from the Alcheringa traditions, there is no way to get beyond this evidence. Besides 
this the psychological analysis shows that there is an unconscious but very close 
connexion between totem-eating and the multiplication ritual. As first pointed 
out by Freud in Totem and Taboo, a taboo is always a repressed wish ; before repres- 
sion began to operate it is probable that the wish was realized, so that a period of 
totem-eating (as a symbolical equivalent of anthropophagy) must have preceded 
the period of non-eating, 

In the Murray Island custom the Turtle and Dugong men 
stand in the same relationship to each other as the men of the 
two moieties in Central Australian Intichiuma rites ; they exchange 
the products of their magical arts. A very similar ceremony was 
performed at the headquarters of the Dugongclan. These head- 
quarters were situated opposite to the extensive reefs of the north 
which are the great feeding-grounds of the dugong, and consequently 
this is the area where they are most abundant. A wooden model 
of the dugong is used in these ceremonies to attract the animal. 
The coitus of the animal is only imitated in the negative aspect of 
the rite ; if a member of the dugong clan wished to send the animal 

_away ! he would take the penis of the dugong and pass an arrow 
through it. The dugong used in the ceremony was given to the men 
of the turtle clan.2 This does not only point to the existence of a 
dual organization—there is no need to prove this from survivals 
as itis the actual state of affairs in the Western Isles—but also to a 
special connexion between the dual organization and Intichiuma 
ceremonies. This ceremonial aspect of the dual organization still 
survives in the two divisions of the Malu cult with their specific 
magical functions. The members of the fraternity are divided into 
the Beizam le and Zagareb le. The Beizam have the exclusive 
right to practise certain forms of divination, whilst the Zagareb 
alone possess the power of making rain and of drum-beating, and the 
prerogative of certain forms of malignant and curative magic.3 

We have already noted the fact that the dual organization is — 
especially prominent in the ceremonial life of the Arunta and 

other Central-tribes. The fact that the same pheno- 

menon is met with in the Torres Islands seems to me 
to afford some evidence against a theory which would 

explain this connexion as the result of culture mixture between a 

people who had society organized on a dual basis and between those 
who introduced the Intichiuma ceremonies to Australia. At any 
rate, if we are to explain this fact with the aid of the fusion theory 
we must suppose this fusion to have taken place before the 
immigrants arrived in Australia, as we find it amongst the Torres 

Straits Islanders. But there is a still more remarkable fact about 
this dual organization which seems definitely to prove that these 
islanders are connected with the Arunta. The clans in Mabuiag 
were formerly grouped into two divisions which were called 

respectively the ‘‘ Children or People of the Great’? and the 

“Children of the Little Totem.” The totems of the first group are 
all land animals, the crocodile forming the only exception, which, 

The dual 
organization. 

* Cf. the zogo’s to make people insane or hungry, to cause constipation 
(Haddon, VI. 232, 233), to avert sickness (ibid., 236). After the zogo had become 
disassociated from totemism (Oedipus complex), they might be turned to various 
magical purposes besides multiplication. 

* Haddon, Cambridge Expedition, V. 183. 3 Idle: Wi. 2745275. 

however, is classified as a land animal on account of its four legs. 
The second group has all marine animals as totems. “They all 
belong to the water ; they are all friends.” This probably indicates 
that two groups formerly occupied separate localities, those of the 
Little Totem being nearer to the coast, and those of the big-totem 
dwelling inland.t i 

In the Arunta account of creation we find the inapertwa creatures 
arranged in two groups. One of them lived on the hill-side and was 
divided into the fourclasses of Purula, Kamara, Ngala and Mbitjana; 
these were called the Alarinja or Land people. The four other 
classes, Pananka, Paltara, Knuraia and Bangata, were called Water 
people, because they lived in the water. They had long hair and 
consumed raw meat.? The territorial division of the two classes 
still exists amongst the Warramunga between Kingilli and Uluuru.3 

It is only fair to point out that these facts speak rather in 
favour of the theory of Dr. Rivers, who explains the dual system 
by a fusion of two distinct tribes, than for the theory of fission 
which we have put forward in this book. If Mangarkunjerkunja 
tells land-dwellers to marry water-dwellers,4 this looks quite like 
a connubium between two originally foreign people. The Mono 
people have a couple of totems for each clan. One of these is 
always a bird and this one is called ‘‘tua,” that is grandfather; the 
other is a marine animal and this totem is called “tete,’’ grand- 
mother.s This would indicate that the contrast between land- 
dwellers and water-dwellers was the same thing as the distinction 
between the bush-people and the Coast people,6 and would point 
(a) to the possibility that the “‘ Children of the Little Totem,” 
marine animals, represent later immigrants, and (b) to the composite 
character of the Arunta as well as to the possibility that this com- 
posite character originated before their immigration to Australia. 
The two people here referred to as land-dwellers and water-dwellers 
need not be the kava plus dual people on the one hand and the 
betel people on the other.7 Similar fusions of “‘land-dwellers”’ and 
“ water-dwellers’’ probably took place more than once in the 
ethnic history of Oceania and Australia. But the fact that the 
two moieties may preserve the traces of a racial fusion does not 
modify or weaken our view that the original basis of the Dual 
Organization is the contrast between Father and Son, and that this 
is a universal phase in the evolution of humanity. The new 

t Haddon, l.c., V. 172, 173. 

a Strehlow, A. & L., I. 3, 6. Cf. Schmidt, Anthropos, 1908, 623. Id., ‘‘ Socio- 
logische und religids ethische Gruppierung der Australier,’’ Z. E., 1907. 

3 Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 28, 29. 4 Strehlow, 4. & L., I. 6. 

5 G. C. Wheeler, ‘‘ Sketch of the Totemism and Religion of the People of the 
Islands in Bougainville Straits,” Archiv fiir Religionswissenschaft, 1912, XV. 6, 29. 
Cf. Id., ‘‘ Totemismus in Buin,” Z. E., 1914, 41; and Rivers, History of Melanesian 
Society, II. 1914, 342. 

6 Rivers, op. cit., II. 304. 7 Id., ibid., II. 306, 307. 

contrast overlayed the old, whilst the previous existence of a 
dichotomy must have facilitated the assimilation of an alien element E 
a native who migrates from one tribe to the other in Australia is 
immediately incorporated into one of the marriage classes. 

These analogies which have hitherto been shown to exist between 
Central Australia and the Torres Straits both as regards the child- . 

birth beliefs (Churinga) and the Intichiuma ceremonies 

nicacy de culture (dual organization) make it probable that the third 
heroes and link in the chain, the Alcheringa myths, will also be 
the Alcheringa. + 1nd to exist in some more or less modified form on 
these islands. The frequent connexion between these myths and 
rocks and stones, as well as the petrification of the principal heroes, 
again points to Central Australia—a fact which has been noticed and 
duly emphasized by W. Foy.: The story of Adi, the first man, and 
his two wives, who were caught by the rising tide and converted into 
rocks,? conforms rather to the South Australian type than to the 
Alcheringa traditions ; it may also be unconnected with these and 
of purely local origin. But then we have a Dogai, a widow,3 and 
other actors who simply turn to stone at the end of their earthly career ; 
this is very similar to the behaviour of Central Australian totem- 
ancestors.4 Myths which tell us that the dugong, formerly a human 
being, was transformed into its present shape, present a certain 
similarity in North Australia, Torres Straits and New Guinea.5 
It seems also very probable that the existence of totemic traditions 
like those found in Central Australia must have served as a favour- 
able background for the evolution of such more individualized 
totem-heroes and their cult.as we actually find in the Torres Straits. 
We shall find it instructive from our point of view to examine the 
mythic cycle of at least one of these heroes. We mean Sida, the 
bestower of vegetable food. He comes from New Guinea—doubtless 
a historical reminiscence of the origin of cultivation. He travels 
through all the islands, continually having connexion with women 
and planting trees at the same time. One of the women is called 
Sokoli; at present she is represented by an ovoid stone in a cleft 
in a lava stream on the beach. Her companion Maimri is another 
rock close by. He has connexion with a girl from whom blood 
flows in great quantity ; he erects a shrine and zogo at the spot and 
plants a tree fern. He spills semen on the ground in the act of 
intercourse—whereupon coco-nut palms spring up.6 He travels 
from island to island in search of women, and as he throws the food- 

* W. Foy, “ Melanesien,” Archiv fiir Religionswissenschaft, X. 135. 

2 Haddon, op. cit., V. 17. 3 Id., V. 20, 27. 4 Cf. Id., VI. 11-13. 

5 H. Basedow, “ Anthropological Notes on the Western Coastal Tribes of the 
Northern Territory of South Australia,” Tvansactions of the Royal Society of South 
Australia, 1907, XXXI. 5. Larrekiya, Haddon, op. cit., V. 38.40. H. H. Romilly, 

From My Verandah in New Guinea, 1889, 133,134. Cf. also, on dugong ceremonies, 
Schmidt, Z. E., 1908, goo. 6 Haddon, VI. 21, 22. 

plants out of his basket these give rise to the vegetation of those 
islands. 

Besides this we have the legends in which the death of a human 
being accounts for or gives rise to general fertility.2 Now if we 
remember the mechanism which underlies the traditions and cults 
of Central Australia, we shall find very evident similarities. There 
is a constant connexion between the death of the totem-ancestor 
and the multiplication of the species; bits of his (symbolic) body 
are thrown about, thus magically procreating animals, besides which 
human beings are also procreated when the Churinga which 
represents the ancestor is thrown at a woman. In analysing Central 
Australian myths we have found that the actions which lead to 
human and animal multiplication are unconscious, symbolic equi- 
valents of coitus; here we find the open statement that it was 
coitus which made the food-plants grow. The state of things will 
not surprise us after the comparison of the “ bid’’ to the Churinga ; 
in both cases we have come to the conclusion that our interpreta- 
tions of Central Australian data are strikingly confirmed by what 
we find in these islands and in both cases it is Australia which has 
conserved the repressed and Torres Straits which possesses the 
unrepressed forms. What is quite conscious in the north is merely 
symbolic in the south. However, like every other tribe on earth, 
the Torres Islanders have a history, and itis probable that these 
Petonce of a and other similarities with Australia have not all 
back-wave of | equal historical value. We have assumed that the 
ee = migrations of the ancestors of the Central Australians 
influence in the took place from the north to the south, but we always 
Torres Straits. have to reckon with back-waves in this case, with the 
influence exercised on the islanders at a later period by the 
inhabitants of the mainland. The representative of such a recent 
movement is evidently Kwoiam, the berserker-hero of Mabuiag, 
whose magical emblems (augud) have already been compared to the 
Churinga. His head was frequently said to be like that of an 
Australian (“all same belong Mainland’’). He was also said to 
have straight hair, or ‘‘ hair like a mainlander.’’ Psychologically 
also, the Mabuiag people recognized an affinity between Kwoiam 
and the Australian ; like them he had a “ wild throat and a half wild 
heart.” One informant said, “ that mainlanders fight all the time 
just like Kwoiam.” He always fought with the characteristically 
Australian weapon, a javelin hurled by a throwing-stick—a weapon 
which his adversaries never used. Indeed, all he did was “ main- 
land fashion’”’; he, his mother and his wadwam always kept to 
themselves and were like mainlanders.3 The natives of Cape York 
Peninsula also talked about Kwoiam.t The cult of Kwoiam centred 

t Haddon, l.c., V. 28, 29. aId.,; Vi35,. 36) 37% 
s Id., V. 81. «Id., V. 82. 

round his cairn; however, no remains were found on investigation 
and it seems that the islanders had the custom of erecting a cairn 
independently of the grave.t The head of his unfortunate mother 
is still to be seen at Mabuiag as a large ovoid boulder. A long double 
row of stones represents the heads taken by Kwoiam.? A short 
distance up the hill are some rocks, from out of a cleft in which a 
perennial stream flows. One day Kwoiam was thirsty and he drove 
his spear into the rock; water gushed forth and has never ceased 
to flow. Only old and important men were permitted to drink 
from the pool which it forms; those who broke this taboo would 
become prematurely grey.3 Kwoiam belonged to all the totems,4 
and similar “‘ dominant totems’ have already been noted by us in 
Australia.s Another peculiarly Australian institution are the sex- 
totems.6 In the Western Islands we find that there is a vestige 
of totemism in the belief in “‘ lamar ebur ’’ or ghost animals. Usually 
it is the eponymous animals of a group with an animal name that 
appear at the death of a male member. The remarkable thing, 
however, is that we have separate ghost animals for the men and 
different ones for the women. Women are represented by flying 
animals, bats and birds. ‘‘ This looks suspiciously like what has 
been termed asex-totem.” 7 To these remarks of Dr. Haddon we 
shall only add that the bat is usually regarded as the typical 
representative of the sex-totem complex in Australia; he teaches 
the natives to make fire which amounts to the same thing. Here 
again we find that Eguon, a giant bat, is said to have introduced fire 
to Mowat.8 

If the ancestors of the Central Tribes, or at least of one of the 
races which have contributed to the formation of these tribes, came 
ideas from the North and touched the Torres Straits in their 
Australia and Wanderings, we shall expect to find some traces of 
New Guinea. their migrations in New Guinea. We have traced 
Intichiuma Seis 5 ae i 
Ae BAe the origin of the Intichiuma ceremonies back to a 
initiation primeval pairing season and that of the Initiation 
rites. : 

ceremonies to the fight between the old and young 

males for the possession of women. This fight must have been 
the prelude to the act of copulation with our brute ancestors, as this 
is actually the case amongst various species of mammals. This 
is why we find a close connexion between Initiation and Intichiuma 
ceremonies, the latter often appearing as the closing phase of the 

: Haddon, l.c., V. 368. *Id.,ibid.,V.82. 3Id.,ibid., ¥.82. 4Id., ibdi., V. 367. 

5 Cf. above, pe. 288, 295; Parker, Euahlayi, 7; Spencer, N. T.N.T. A,, 215. 

6 These need not be the result of a secondary influence from Australia; they 
may be vestiges of the migration which we shall call the (6) wave, and which 
seems to have developed sex-totemism. 7 Haddon, l.c., VI. 257. 

8 Beardmore, “ The Natives of Mowat, Daudai, New Guinea,” J. A. I., XIX 
462. Haddon, l.c., V.17. The bat is also the Prometheus of the Pennefather tribe. 
—Roth, S. M. M.,, 1903, IIo ; 

former. Amongst various people the closing phase of the Initiation 
ceremony is a sexual orgy; this must have been repressed on 
account of its incestuous contents at an early period in the evolution 
of the Central Australian tribes, and a series of symbolic repre- 
sentations which we call Intichiuma must have developed out of 
this repression. Amongst the Dieri tribe the boy gets a bullroarer 
after initiation ; he is told to twirl this when hunting so that the 
tribe may reap a good harvest of reptiles, snakes and other game.? 
The Kaitish abstain from killing a certain species of snake which 
they think makes the yams grow.3 

Further north we come to the Melville Islands; here we find 
an intimate connexion between initiation and yams. The yams 
are the “fathers,” the Initiation ceremony is a Yam ceremony, 
an Intichiuma to make the yams grow.4 At Kiwai each youth 
receives a bullroarer at initiation ; by whirling it he ensures a good 
crop of yams, sweet potatoes and bananas. A wooden image of a 
nude woman, shown to the boys at the Moguru (Initiation) ceremony 
in the rainy season, ensures a good supply of sago. If the food 
supply is insufficient a Moguru ceremony is held.s At the mouth 
of the Fly River in New Guinea the bullroarer is called the mother 
of yams.6 There are two main elements in the Moguru: the first 
forms part of the initiation and is concerned chiefly with fighting; 
the other includes sexual excesses to ensure the productivity of 
food-plants, especially the sago.7 Segera of Sumai was a man of 
the Sago totem. He desires to be revenged for the death of his 
son which is ascribed to sorcery, and spoils all the sago of the district 
by his magic. Many people die in consequence. He goes around 
the country planting one sago shoot after the other, one in each 
garden. He tells the people that when he dies they are to cut him 
up and place pieces of his flesh in their gardens, but his head was 
to be buried in his own garden. 

I have put forward the hypothesis that the exaggerated craving 
for revenge exhibited by savages is merely a veil behind which they 
hide their bad consciences. It is they themselves who most fervently, 
though unconsciously, have wished to kill their comrade, and hence 
they show an all too great zeal in searching for the culprit in a 
foreign tribe. When they do find him and kill him they are really 
repeating the murderous deed which they intend to expiate.8 Thus 

1 Cf, the Engwura of the Arunta, the Muraian of the Kakadu. 

1 Gason-Curr, IT. 59. 

3 Eylmann, Die Eingebovenen der Kolonie Stidaustralien, 1908, 224. 

4 Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 97. 5 Haddon, l.c., V. 218, 

6 Chalmers, J. A. I., XXXIII., 1903, 113, 116, 118. 

7 A. C. Haddon, Migrations of Cultures in British New Guinea, 1920, 4, quoting 
Landtmann, ‘“‘ Papuan Magic in the Building of Houses,” Acta Arboensis Humaniora, 
I, Abo. 1920. Id., ‘“ The Folk-tales of Kiwai Papuans,” Acta Soc. Sc. Fennicae, 
1917, 339, 344. See also the sexual elements of the moguru ceremonies at Goaribari 
(Haddon, ibid., 7), and at Torobina (ibid., 22). 

8 Roheim, Spiegelzauber, 1919, 198. 

we should explain Segera, the avenger of his son’s death, as a 
reaction-formation ; originally it was he who killed his son. When 
he spoils the sago, he is repeating the same deed ; for 
phe ee = we have had occasion to observe in connexion with 
the Sida legend that the food-plant is the son of 
the vegetation-hero sprung from the intercourse between the foreign 
hero and the women of the island. We have shown how the zogo 
charms, originally pure Intichiuma rites for the multiplication of 
food-plants and animals, have, after becoming disconnected from the 
Oedipus complex, produced offshoots in which the purpose of the 
rite is not the multiplication of an animal, but the exact contrary. 
Here we have the same development: the Sago-man who plants 
sago is also the man who spoils it. In these aberrant variants we 
again have the representatives of a more original type ; destruction 
of the totem (father) was the primary tendency of the rite for which 
afterwards multiplication was substituted. The type of the Oedipus 
complex which we have here is the one which is fashioned by the 
fear of retribution: it is the father who kills the son out of fear of 
his successor. This phase is also represented in the Intichiuma 
ceremonies, when the old men eat the kangaroo which they have 
procreated from the rock. In the sequel, however, we can restore 
the original version; the death of the father Segera at the hands 
of the son is the prelude to new life in vegetation. To this day it 
is thought that the sago planted by a Sago-man flourishes better 
than any other sago, and, arguing from Australian analogies, we shall 
say that originally it was the Sago-man who, in totemic incest, 
procreated first the young sagos and then ‘‘ magically made” 
the sago palm. There is also a Sago Intichiuma, of which, however, 
no details are known. In the Hood Peninsula there is a girls’ 
maturity festival called “ kapa.” Besides being a maturity cere- 
mony for girls it may be regarded as a “ special development of one 
disassociated phase of an Initiation ceremony.”2 We can make 
an important observation in this connexion: the analogies to the 
Intichiuma ceremonies are to be found in the magical rites for the 
multiplication of the food-plants.3 After the cult of the yam and 
the sago 4 the next example is the cult of the mango tree. There is 
a Mango ceremony, “ oilobo,” connected with the initiation rite of 
the Mailu. Mango saplings with creepers attached to them are 
t Frazer, T. 6 E., If. 31, 32. 

2 A.C, Haddon, Migrations of Cultures in British New Guinea, 1920, 11. 
3 This fact has been emphasized by P. W. Schmidt, “ Die Stellung der Aranda,” 
Z. E., 1908, 870, who also shows that plant-totemism was introduced by the Central 

and Northern tribes to Australia. The psychological explanation of this fact would 
probably lead us very far afield. 

¢ Another element of this phallic complex is the serpent, which is thought to 
influence the growth of the food-plants among the Kaitish. According to a Kai 
legend the various sorts of yam grow from the cut-up body of a serpent.—Keysser, 
Aus dem Leben dev Kaileute. Neuhauss, Deutsch Neu Guinea, 1911, III, 180-85. 

brought from the bush. There is a ceremonial eating of the betel 
nut, accompanied by the Betel-nut incantation, in which are 
mentioned two legendary men, Alcheringa beings, who lived at 
Maivaro in Milne Bay, and were the first to introduce betel nut into 
the country ; the song makes the nut plentiful. Then there is the 
ceremonial cutting of the saplings into small pieces. Here we have 
animal fertility again brought into close connexion with the food 
plants, for these pieces of the mango sapling are wrapped into mats 
with the creepers, and they form a charm which ensures an abundance 
of pig. Here we have the ceremonial eating of the object which 
ought to be multiplied, a reference to mythical beings of the past, 
and probably also the concept of multiplication by division (cutting 
the mango to pieces), which are all prominent features of the Inti- 
chiuma ceremonies. The connexion between the Walaga feast 
(Mango cult) and Initiation ceremonies is proved by the fact that 
the Mango cult is the only occasion at which bullroarers are swung 
at Awaima and Taupota.2 Another prominent feature of the festival 
is the ceremonial platform, the planks at the edge of which are 
usually made of the wood of the tree called Dabedabe.3 
We should need a separate investigation on the subject of 
ceremonial platforms ; at any rate, they form a feature of Australian, 
Papuan and Melanesian initiation ceremonies, and are 
either degenerate survivals or the incipient stages of 
the men’s house (“‘ Mannerhaus’’).4 As the killing of 
pigs is a very prominent feature of the feast, we shall be tempted 
to connect it with the myth on the death of a giant boar, in which 
platforms play a part that can only be explained with reference 
to a ceremony. 

An enormous pig used to make fearful inroads in the gardens, 
besides devouring men and women, so that all the inhabitants of 
Wamira (Goodenough Bay) had to leave the village. Only one 
woman who was big with child remained alive ; she hid in a hollow 
tree.s When her child attains full manhood® he begins to inquire 

The death of 
the giant boar. 

t Haddon, Migrations, 29, 30, quoting Malinowski, ‘‘ The Natives of Mailu,” 
Trans. Roy. Soc. S. Australia, 1915, XXXIX. 494. 

» Seligmann, The Melanesians of British New Guinea, 1912, 592. 

aid? Le: 

¢ See W. Foy, “‘ Baumstumpfs-Symbole und Zeremonial-platformen in Ozeanien,” 
Ethnologica, Il. 231. 

5 Seligmann, l.c., 414. Or in a hole in the earth—A. Kerr, Papuan Fairy 
Tales, 1910, 121. 

6 “The men’s house (darimo) suggests the idea of a gigantic pig.”—Haddon, 
Migrations, 3. ‘‘ Greedy monster desiring lives of young men, bought off with 
pigs” (ibid., 5). *‘ At the terminal feast, each boy stands on a dead pig ’’ (p. 13). 
“ The initiation of the boys begins with eating wild pigs and ends with eating 
domesticated pigs” (p. 19). “‘ A human victim, a cassowary, and a pig sacrificed 
when the war canoe is complete” (p. 24). ‘‘ Each boy stands on the pig presented 
by his mother” (p. 32). The men at the initiation ceremony ‘‘ wear huge head- 
dresses of feathers and frames of pigs’ teeth over their faces.” Formerly a man was 

about the pig ogre. He builds a series of long and high platforms, 
stacking each of them full of spears. When the pig ogre attacks 
him he keeps jumping from one platform to the other and retreats 
before the animal, showering spears on him all the while. The boar 
demolishes all the platforms ; when it comes to the last the young 
man kills him with a huge spear. The body floats on a raft to the 
place ‘‘ where people are mourning.” The exiles return and all 
feast on the boar’s flesh ; the boy who killed him becomes chief.? 

The child who, when he attains full manhood, kills the boar-ogre 
is doing very much the same thing as the novices do at initiation. 
They stand on a dead pig or in other cases they must kill a man 
before being admitted to full manhood. The pig is a symbolic 
substitute for the man ; and the novice suffers the talion-punishment 
when he is devoured by the pig-monster, or, with another modifica- 
tion of the same motive, the monster is hungry for pigs instead of 
youngsters. We know that initiation is the repetition of the 
primeval conflict between the Father and the Son, and we shall not 
be surprised if the boar who is killed by the young man proves to 
be a representative of the Father-Imago. The platforms would be 
the ceremonial platforms of initiation, and we should thus get back 
to the primitive root of that ceremony when it was not the boar 
who slew (and revived) the boy, but the boy who slew the boar. 
(“‘ The boy stands on a dead pig.’”’) But in the original setting the 
boar must have been not only an enemy who is slain, but also the 
father who is mourned, as the body drifts to the country where 
people are mourning. Then comes the cannibalistic communion ; 
the corpse of the semi-brutal leader of the herd is devoured by his 
people and the first rebel becomes chief. 

If we connect this pig-eating with the Walaga feast, we are 
avowedly making use of a conjecture, but this conjecture is soon 
verified by comparing the myth of Dabedabe. Dabe- 
dabe is the name of a tree which is used in constructing 
the ceremonial platforms of the feast; this reminds us of our 
Australian initiation spirits, who, after their death, are turned into 
trees out of which the bullroarer is made. A sow gives birth to a 
litter of pigs and one man child. The boy is brought up in the 
village but the old sow comes after him and takes care of him. 
One day when he is bigger he hears his mother crying for food, and 
he resolves to make a garden so that he might grow food to give 
her. Dabedabe’s foster-father wishes to provide food for the men 

cut up for the boys to eat, now a wild pig is substituted (p. 34). Wild pigs killed 
at burial feast (p. 35). We intend to devote a separate paper to the ceremonial 
use of pigs in Oceania. Cf. Rivers, Melanesian Society, 1914, II, in the index. 

t Seligmann, l.c., 414, 415. Ker, l.c., 121-27. Twins kill boar ogre. J. Meier, 
Mythen u. Evzahlungen der Kiistenbewohneyr dey Gazellehalbinsel, 1909, 25. 

» There seems to be an intimate connexion between cultivation and the only 
domesticated animal, the pig. The identification of the pig and the mango is very 
prominent in the Walaga ceremony. 

Dabedabe. 

who help Dabedabe in his gardening work. He kills Dabedabe’s 
mother, the old sow. When Dabedabe hears this he says that he 
must leave them, as they have eaten his mother. He tells them 
they are not to throw one bone of the pig away ; he makes a bundle 
of all the bones, slings it on his shoulder and wanders from village 
to village. He wishes to abide at Quamana, but the people would 
not suffer him, as his body was full of sores. He lives in a cave 
with a child, who tells him that the people are going to hold a 
Walaga feast and eat men who will be cut up for the feast. Hearing 
this, he goes down to the river, and opening the bag which contained 
his mother’s bones, he flings some of the bones with his full might 
at a stone. They become men; he tells them to go and cut poles 
for him. Then he takes the rest of the bones, throws them at a 
stone, and they become a great number of pigs. He makes his 
men carry his pigs with the help of the poles to the place where the 
feast is given, and persuades the people to accept the pigs instead 
of the men they are about to eat. ‘‘ From that day until now men 
are spared and pigs are slain when a feast is made, and at Quamana 
as also at Bou (the home of Dabedabe) are abundance of pigs to 
this day.” # 

The legend looks as if it was complementary to the other myth 
on the death of the wild boar. In the former version we have got 
a boar-father and a human mother: here the reverse is the case. 
The parent who appears in the guise of an animal must be the one 
in regard to whom the censor deems it expedient to throw a symbolic 
veil over the latent import of the action ; in one case it is the death 
of the totem-father (killing the boar), in the other it is the incest 
with the totem-mother that is emphasized. We must suppose that 
Dabedabe actually did eat of the old sow in the original setting of 
the tale, and eating represents coitus transposed upwards. In the 
Anula ceremony dugongs and crocodiles are multiplied by throwing 
sticks at the rock,? which we have recognized as the symbol of the 
maternal womb (throwing is coitus) ; here the motive is reversed 
and the mother’s bones are thrown at the rock.3 Evidently this is 
an Intichiuma of pigs, hence the clause of the legend which says 
that the myth explains the abundance of pigs at Quamana and Bou 
to this day. This Intichiuma consisted in multiplying pigs by 

t Ker, l.c. 13-18. Dabedabe is the wild ginger (ibid. 22). Perhaps the belief 
of the Kuni that ginger causes miscarriage may be connected with this myth. 
Eschlimann, “‘ L’enfant chez les Kuni,’’ Anthropos, 1911, 261. Then Dabedabe 
would stand for the incest complex, and the belief would refer to incest as causing 
barrenness. In another version the bones are washed instead of being thrown 
at a stone near the river (Seligmann, 416). ‘‘ Ever since then pigs have been eaten 
instead of men at the walaga.” 

a Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 313. 

3 There is a widespread belief amongst savages that the bones, if not consumed, 
will ensure the rebirth of the animal.—Frazer, Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild, 
tgt2, II. 256, 259. 

having symbolic intercourse with the mother (eating her and throwing 
her bones at the rock), but it must have passed through a phase in 
which it was not pigs but men who were procreated in this fashion. 
As it is, first men and then pigs are created in this manner in 
the myth. If we attempt to condense these two myths we shall - 
get the story of a hero who killed his boar-father, mourned for him, - 
and proceeded to multiply the species in incestuous intercourse 
after his death. 

We shall now return to the present Walaga feast and see whether 
our conclusions are confirmed by it. The feast takes its name from 
Phe Walees © > big dancing platform (walaga) which is built specially 
feast for the occasion ; Walaga is also the namc of a dance 
(continued). performed in single file by both sexes upon saplings 
placed round the outer edge of the dancing platform. The head-man 
of one of the more powerful clans of the community becomes 
taniwaga, that is master of the ceremonies. Eight to twenty men 
are chosen from his own community as his assistants. The taniwaga 
selects a wild mango tree from the jungle and his assistants clear a 
circle round the tree. From the time that this is done the taniwaga 
and the men who have cleared the ground around the tree are 
sternly differentiated from all others, being in the highest degree 
Vivivireina, 1.e. set apart or “ holy.’””. They may not wash or drink 
water, they may not eat boiled food, nor may they eat the fruit 
of any mango tree. These fasting men who are the coadjutors of 
the taniwaga live by themselves in a separate house, where all the 
rubbish and fragments of their food is stored in baskets, whence 
it may not be removed till after the end of the ceremony. About 
the same number of women of the clan of the taniwaga begin to 
fast on the same day as the men. They avoid the opposite sex, 
abstain from water, boiled food, and the fruit of the mango tree. 
However, they do not have a separate house of their own and their 
rubbish is not stored up. Before the posts of the platform are 
stepped down, the medicine men perform a ceremony to extract 
the spirit of any dead man who might happen to be present in the 
post, so that it should not be injured by the erection of the post. 
When the platform is ready it is time to cut down the mango tree 
which has been previously selected. Great care is taken to prevent 
any chips of the tree from falling on the ground when the tree is 
cut, which is done with a special stone adze. A procession is 
formed which brings in the mango tree, whilst others bring the pigs 
for the feast. As the men passed a house they speared the wall 

* Cf. the pig in the totemic system of the Trobriand Islands,—Seligmanan, l.c., 679, 
681. Certain of the Marshall Bennett Islanders would not eat pigs of a yellowish- 
brown colour because this was the colour of man (ibid., 681). In the myth of 
Dabedabe, the man claims the ‘“‘ brown one”’ of the pigs littered by the old sow 
because it is a man, the mythical hero. 

with the branches they had been waving and left them stuck in the 
walls. They said that the particular house speared indicated some 
connexion between the head of the family or clan living in the 
house and the pigs in the procession. One of the mango poles is 
placed in the centre of the platform and one in the house of each 
of two chief men. The men and women who had fasted since the 
mango pole had been selected danced round the platform charging 
the evil spirits to keep away from the people. At daylight the pigs 
are killed, being speared as slowly as possible so that,the maximum 
amount of squealing takes place ; their cries are now said, to be heard 
by the mango tree, and it is absolutely necessary that they should 
cry loudly for some time before dying. If the mangoes do not 
hear the pigs squealing they will not be fruitful. The food is 
distributed between the guests in a ceremonial manner; one of 
the head-men climbed the mango pole in the centre of the platform 
and chanted what sounded like a prayer. The next day the mango 
is taken down from the platform, wrapped in new sleeping-mats, and 
carried by the fasting men to their sleeping-house, where it is hung 
from the roof. The feast is ended, but the men still abstain 
from mango, pigs, eels and water—to break the fast would entail 
the risk of breaking out in sores. After an interval of about 
twenty-two months the mango was again brought. Some infor- 
mants said this was done when the house which contained the mango 
began to rot, while according to others the mango would speak to 
the taniwaga in his dreams, saying to him, “‘ Let me smell smoking 
pig’s fat, so your pigs will be healthy and your crops will grow.” 
Follows a repetition of the festival. The taniwaga and the fasting 
men go to the house in which they slept before the mango was cut, 
decked in the dancing costumes they wore when they cut the mango, 
and they hand out all the rubbish which has been collected in the 
house. Thencomethe mats with the mango leaves and chips, and 
finally the mango tree wrapped inits mat ; as these things are handed 
out the men present rush up and, wiping the dust off them, smear 
it over their bodies. They bring the mango back to the platform. 
Now, the man who climbed the mango pole on the former occasion 
takes a number of young green mangoes from a basket, and cutting 
them into pieces, places them with his own hands in the mouths of 
the fasting men, or he places fragments in the hands of the fasting 
men, who chew the mango small and spit the fragments in the direc- 
tion of the setting sun. Thisis done, according to certain informants, 
in order that “‘ the sun should carry the mango bits over the whole 
country and everyone should know.” A part of the tree is then 
broken off and burnt with the refuse, and the ashes are perhaps 
mixed into the food given to the pigs. The tree is exhibited at 
intervals and a part of it is burnt at each exhibition ; a new Walaga 
can only take place when the old mango tree is completely consumed 

by fire. This is how the feast is conducted at Bartle Bay." The 
description of the Walaga feast at Diwari contains additional details. 
Objects belonging to certain dead men are hung on the mango pole.? 
When fewer pigs are brought than ‘‘ one mango”’ (five pigs are 
called one mango), the people bringing them carried branches of 
trees and pieces of sticks with a wisp of grass tied to the end, and 
with these speared the house of the man to whom the pigs are given. 
These sticks and branches, which are called Dabedabe, were after- 
wards collected from the houses.3 The mango leaves and the 
property of the dead men which were suspended from the pole were 
burnt in the fire, over which the pigs were singed whole.+ It seems 
that the Walaga is regarded as a sort of finale for all death feasts, 
the idea being that the spirits of the dead should be gratified by 
knowing that all duties have been performed. If not, sickness, 
death and failure of the crops would be sure to follow. There is a 
constant identification of pigs and mango; five pigs are called 
‘‘a mango,” and a young mango is cut and carried in procession 
with the pigs as they are brought in.s The mango tree must hear 
the cries, smell the burning fat, and know that blood has been 
poured out. Otherwise the crops will fail, the fruit trees will be 
barren, the pigs will not be productive, and even women will fail 
to bear children. Before Dabedabe substituted pigs for men 
human victims were offered at the festival. After he died his spirit 
can be passed by ceremonies and incantations into the mango tree 
selected for the Walaga feast.¢ 

We had best start with a seemingly insignificant detail. When 
the posts are erected there is some fear of injuring the spirits of the 
The great fease “ead and the medicine men are called in to neutralize 
asamortuary the danger. If we go back to a phase in the develop- 
aii ment of the ceremony which came before the medicine 
men were introduced, we shall come to the conclusion that the 
original intention of the ceremony is the very thing they seem to be 
so anxious to avoid: to injure the spirits of the dead. We know 
that it is a wellnigh universal method in dealing with dangerous 
ghosts to drive a stake into them. The platform may originally 
have been a burial-mound to prevent the dead from returning, the 
dance round the platform would be a funeral dance, and the fasting 
men would be the mourners who punish themselves with fasting for 
their sins in having ‘‘ wished’ and thereby magically caused the 
death of aman. Ifa ghost is dangerous it must have good reason 
for being what it is, and this reason can only be that it thirsts for 
revenge on its murderers. The posts of the platform are so many 

t Seligmann, l.c., 588-99. 4 Newton, apud Seligmann, ibid., 602. 

3 Id., ibid., 603. 4 Id., ibid., 604, 605. 5 Seligmann, 651, 652. 

6 Haddon, Migrations, 30, 31. Besides Seligmann, Haddon uses another author 
who is inaccessible to me, and from whom these details are taken (Stone Wigg, 
The Papuans, 1912). 

»ae 

stakes in the body of the dead ;! a dead man’s things are consumed 
by fire with the mango pole, and indeed the mango itself is no other 
than Dabedabe, the culture-hero who first substituted pigs for 
men in the Walaga festival. The ritual thus permits us to add a 
detail which is missing in the myth ; Dabedabe was evidently killed 
for his pains by ungrateful humanity. The rite compels us to 
assume it, for is not the wild mango tree which represents him cut 
and slowly consumed by the flames? Pig and mango are identical 
symbols—they mean the same thing—and Dabedabe after all was 
the son of a sow just like the pigs who are slaughtered for this 
feast as his representatives. The identity of pigs with men is not 
quite lost in the ceremony, for the men who bring in the pigs throw 
their spears at the house of the head-man of the clan, and they say 
that this indicates a connexion between the head of the clan and the 
slaughtered pigs. There is another obscure ceremony which may 
be mentioned. The taniwaga rolls over in the house when he hears 
the pig squealing. Is he imitating the agonies of the animal ? 
When fewer pigs are brought than one mango the house of the 
man to whom the pigs are brought is speared : the man is a substitute 
for the missing pig. We must not forget that pigs have been 
substituted for men; and the taniwaga who rolls over, the head 
of the clan whose house is speared, seem to show that they have 
been substituted for a head-man, a chief, a representative of the 
Father-Imago. Now we are fathoming the reason why the beneficent 
Dabedabe had probably to suffer death at the hands of his wor- 
shippers; the son of the sow killed his father, the wild boar, or 
rather he is identical with the nameless hero who performs this 
feat in the legend. This would give meaning to another obscure 
detail ; the spears which are hurled at the house of the head-man 
are called Dabedabe, which means that Dabedabe is the man who 
killed the chief and succeeded to his glorious but dangerous post. 
We have also had the temerity to accuse Dabedabe of having 
committed another sin of similar nature, and, disregarding the denial 
of the legend, we said that he too must have eaten the flesh of his 
sow-mother, that is committed totemic incest. The ceremony 
strictly prohibits the fasters from eating mango and pig (Dabedabe 
refuses to eat of the sow), and if they do not observe this taboo 
they will break out into sores. Now Dabedabe is full of sores when 
he comes to Quamana, which shows us that, in an earlier form of 
the myth, he had actually broken the taboo and eaten the flesh of 
the sow, his mother. He is one of those Alcheringa ancestors who 
ate their own totem and lived with the women of the same totem, 
and the fact that he substitutes pigs for men only means that he 
represents a phase of social evolution in which the Oedipus complex 

* ‘Tt is obligatory to kill a man when a new long house is built.”—Haddon, 
Migrations, 23. 

was gradually being projected from human beings to domesticated 
animals. At every Intichiuma the death of the totem-ancestor 
is commemorated and repeated in the death of the totem-animal ; 
at the walaga the pigs who are the brethren of Dabedabe are 
slaughtered, the mango into which his soul has migrated is cut into 
pieces. Perhaps the platform is a burial platform, then the mango 
pole on it would correspond to the corpse. The custom of smearing 
the body of the mourners with the exudations of the desiccating 
corpse is one of the features of delayed burial, and we find that 
at the repetition of the feast the taniwaga and his coadjutors actually 
smear their bodies with the dust of the mango tree. That these 
fasting men are mourners is affirmed by the identity of the taboos 
they have to observe with those to which the “ gariauna,”’ the men 
who take part in the mourning ceremony, are subjected.t The fast 
is also observed by the men who perform the Intichiuma cere- 
monies ; it is the inhibition aspect of the cannibal meal (eating the 
father or mother) and is projected from human flesh to that of the 
totem-animal (or the pig) and then to food in general. Dances are 
often performed at funerals in an ambivalent attitude of pleasing 
and imitating the dead and of driving them away by a show of 
vigorous action, and here the dance of the fasting men is said to 
drive the evil spirits away. After death there comes the multi- 
plication of the species, the Father was the obstacle between the 
sons and the women of the Horde. We know that the pig is a 
substitute for the Father-Imago, and thus we can explain why the 
squeal of the dying animals, the agony cry of the dread leader of 
the Horde,3 should fertilize first the women and in a latter phase 
of evolution the sows, mango trees and crops. 

In this multiplication-phase of the rite+ we find certain 
details with which we are acquainted from Central Australia. The 
mango is cut into pieces (multiplication by division), 
bits of it are put into the mouths of the fasting men, 
who may not eat mango (the usual Australian way for 
terminating a taboo period), and they spit these fragments about 
towards the setting sun. In the Arunta tribe one of the Panunga 
puts a little of the seed up to a Thungalla’s mouth and he blows it 
away in all directions, the idea of this being to make the grass grow 
plentifully everywhere,” 5 just as the sun is expected to carry the 
bits of the mango over the whole country.6 We shall come to the 

The mango feast 
and Intichiuma. 

« Seligmann, l.c., 611. Taboo of water, boiled food and pigs. 

a Cf. Roheim, Imago, IX. 93. 

3 Cf. Reik, Probleme dey Religionspsychologie, 1919, 253. 

¢ The care which is taken of all the rubbish as well as the water taboo points 
to an anal-erotic element in the multiplication ceremony. 

5 Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 293. 

6 “ That everyone should know ”’ (Seligmann, 598) is probably a rationalizing 
addition. The original meaning must have been, “ and mangoes should grow 
everywhere.” 

conclusion that what we have called the liberation-phase in the 
evolution of the Intichiuma has left its traces in New Guinea (cutting 
sago sapling and mango palm to pieces, removal of taboo and 
multiplication), and that, taken in conjunction with other facts, 
its presence is probably one of the traces left by the ancestors of 
the Central Tribes in their migrations. We ought to know more 
of the unexplored regions of New Guinea and perhaps also of 
Australia than we do to be able to hazard more than guesses as to 
the nature of the cultural connexion between these two neighbouring 
continents (or islands). At any rate, we cannot deal adequately 
at present with this problem, but must turn to another 
Paice aspect of the question which is very characteristic of 
caves, stonesin Central Australian culture and totemism. I mean 
oo ap ee the prominent part played by stone objects, natural 
and artificial, in the magico-religious concepts of 
these people. When Dabedabe dashes his mother’s bones to a 
rock, men and pigs come into existence just like the ratapas who 
emanate from the Nanja rock, which is also struck when the totem- 
animal must be multiplied. The Churingas lie and the Alcheringa 
ancestors live in a cave—in the Ertnatulunga. Now it is a remark- 
able coincidence that Dabedabe, too, is recorded to have lived in a 
cave, and that he has a child in his company there whose origin is 
not mentioned in our myth. Caves play a considerable part in the 
traditions of New Guinea and Torres Straits which deal with the 
days of old, and we may perhaps compare the Ertnatulunga, the 
final resting-place of the Alcheringa ancestors, from where the 
children are supposed to emanate, with these mythical caves. “In 
the old days men lived not in houses, but dwelt in caves and holes 
in the ground.” ! We hear of an old woman who lives in a cave 
with a rock door, which opens when the magic words are pronounced, 
“O rock, be cleft.” According to Wagawaga traditions, in 
ancient. times everybody lived in a cave “inside great stone,’ 3 
that is in a place very similar to those in which the unborn babies 
are still supposed to dwell in Central Australia. According to the 
opinion of the Kai, all the animals came out of caves, and it is 
dangerous for men to approach these caves.4 ‘‘ Miloal was the 
name of the first man who lived at Saibai. He lived in a hole in 
the ground.”’ 5 
Hand in hand with the myths on cave-dwelling ancestors and 
on stones giving birth to human beings (see infra, p. 370) we have the 
magical importance of stones, legends of petrifaction and of culture 
heroes who erected stone monuments or introduced astonecult. There 

t Ker, Papuan Fairy Tales, 1910, 135. 2 Seligmann, l.c., 399. 

3 Seligmann, l.c., 388. 

4 Keysser, Aus dem Leben dey Kaileute. Neuhauss, Deutsch New Guinea, III. 160. 
s Haddon, V. 27. 

is a legendary old woman called Irado connected with the Turtle 
Zogo (Intichiuma) legend. She was not born of a woman but grew 
out of the earth at a place called Zuz-giri, a rocky piece of ground 
between Werbadu and Terker. She seems to be the personification 
of a special kind of yam called ketai, perhaps the ‘“‘ mother ketai,”’ 
the original tuber which is believed to be everlasting and which 
keeps on producing new tubers for ever if not injured in any way. 
When Irado arrived at Kop she settled down there, eventually 
turning herself into the stone that stands behind that village. 

Aigeres is a stone rudely carved and said to represent a woman. 
Every evening she called out to the zogo stones on the surrounding 
gardens and scoffed at them for having dark earth and not red earth 
like hers. Beside her was a small clam shell which contained a 
pebble ; these were her basket and her food. She ensured good 
crops of yams.?_ If we recall the fact that some of these stone zogo 
have definite legends associated with them which represent them 
as petrified mythical beings, we shall find the similarity to the 
Alcheringa ancestors who are turned to stone and who after their 
death survive as Churingas, and multiply food, animals and plants. 
We may safely assume that the “impersonal ’”’ stones which were 
kept in the Murray Island gardens to make the yams grow or any 
other sort of food to be fruitful were once “‘ personal’’ ones,3 that 
is that they represented petrified ancestors whose legend had been 
forgotten while the practical side of the matter, the ritual, still 
survived. 

The Koitapu tribe in New Guinea respected two small round 
stones from the river bed as powerful spirits which produced rain 
and abundant crops.4 Warorovuna is a stone totem, pieces of 
which were chipped off and boiled, the water being drunk to give 
strength in war.5 All over the Kai country we find rocks, the exist- 
ence of which is a puzzle to the natives. These are regarded as 
petrified spirits or human beings.6 The Kai have tales of a bygone 
generation of human beings, the Nemu, who may perhaps be called 
demi-gods. They lived on earth before the present species of mortals 
came into being, and their power far exceeded that possessed by 
any man on earth. They are the culture heroes who invented all 
the customs that are observed to-day. At their death they were 
transformed into animals or into the great boulders which testify 
the greatness of bygone days. They all perished in a great flood.7 
The tales which relate their doings are not merely told for pleasure, 

1 Haddon, t.c., VI. 52. 2 Id., VI. 212. 3 Id., VI. 212. 

« H. H. Romilly, From the Verandah in New Guinea, 1889, 76. . 

5 Seligmann, op. cit., 454. Both the augud and the Churinga (Spencer and 
Gillen, N. T., 135) are war medicines. There is an incised stone called “ garuboi,” 
sale the serpent, which is a sort of ‘‘ dominant totem ” of the Massim.—Seligmann 
ibid., 466. \ 

6 Keysser, Aus dem Leben dey Kaileute. Neuhauss, 154. ? Ids;ng6: 

it is thought that they will be pleased by hearing the record of their 
deeds and make the food-plants grow,' just as the wanderings of the 
Alcheringa ancestors (who are also transformed into rocks and 
animals and also perish in floods) are related and acted at the 
Intichiuma ceremonies. 

If we follow these tracks where they lead us we shall be rather 
surprised to see that we have arrived at Indonesia, and we shall 
ss aan ae be forced to assume a historical connexion of some 
of Indonesia and SOTt between the inhabitants of Central and Northern 
ipo Australia on the one hand, and the stone-using 

ustralia. : : i 
immigrants of Indonesia on the other.? 
The Arunta value the stone Churinga higher than the wooden 
ones, because it is the totem-ancestors themselves who were usually 
turned into stone Churinga, whilst those who were 
Ao Rage ;, imstructed by them in the ceremonies are represented 
by the wooden ones.3 All the narratives of Central 
Australia “. . . give an account of beings coming from the north, 
who introduced certain elements of the material and magico-religious 
culture and modified the social institutions.” 4 We may also add 
that these beings are usually represented as having introduced stone 
implements and are closely connected with the sky world. Coming 
down from their home in the western sky the Ungambikula (self- 
existing) introduce the stone knife and transform the inapertwa 
creatures into real human beings.5 If not from the sky then all 
the culture heroes who bring the stone knife are said to come from 
the North. According to a Kaitish tradition the stone knife was 
thrown down by the sky-being Atnatu.7 The Binbinga and Mara 
believe in sky beings who have knives (evidently stone knives) 
instead of arms, and the fact that these beings are represented as 
hostile to the natives perhaps only reflects the attitude of the 
aboriginals towards the culture wave which must have been char- 
acterized by the use of stone for practical and magical purposes.’ 

According to the Dieri and allied tribes, the stone knife was 

introduced by two heroes who were called River-bed of the Sky, 

that is Milky Way.9 Moreover, there seems to be a very close 

1 Neuhauss, 161. 

3 Cf. W. J. Perry, The Megalithic Culture of Indonesia, 1918. 

3 Strehlow, A.&L., II. 79. Spencer and Gillen think that there is no difference 
between stone and wooden Churingas, the greater magical value is only a sign of 
greater antiquity.—Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 142; Nor. T., 277. Cf. Eylmann, 
l.c., 193. However, as all totem groups are said originally to have had stone ones 
(Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 152), these are evidently the real ancient type. In 
some groups, especially in the southern part of the tribe, stone ones may be absent 
and only wooden ones found, which again indicates the northern origin and the 
southern limits of the stone culture wave.—Id., ibid., 152. 

¢ Rivers, ‘‘ Sociological Significance of Myth,” F.-L., 1912, 329. 

5 Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 388, 389. 6 Strehlow, A. & L., I. 6, 8, 9. 

7 Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 345. 8 Id., ibid., sor. 

9 W. W. Howitt and Otto Siebert, ‘“‘ Legends of the Dieri and Kindred Tribes 
of Central Australia,” J. A, I., 1904, 100. 

s Of8bpna On 

t OS oo 

ERS 

Il. 

IN; 

a 
VII. 
VIII. 

IX. 

8. TOTEMISM AND DESCENT. 

. Two-Ciass SYSTEM AND MALE DESCENT. 

115 (H.127). 

Four-CLass SYSTEM AND MALE DESCENT. 
7 (Sp. III, 179), 158, 163, 332 (H. 116-18, 333), 230, 231, 232, 
234, 235, 236, 237, 238, 239, 240, 241, 242, 243, 244, 245, 246, 247, 
248, 249, 250, 251, 252, 253, 254, 255, 250, 257, 258, 259 (Brown ; 
‘Three Tribes of Western Australia,” J.R.AJ., 1913, 147}; Id.: 
‘The Distribution of Native Tribes in Western Australia,’ Man, 
1912, 143). 

ac Danes citi AnD Direct MALE DeEscENT; FORMER Two-CLass 
SYSTEM AND MALE DESCENT. 
28, 31, 32 (Sp. IT, 179, Sp. HI, 60). 

LocaLizEp (ANIMAL NaMED) Moretres with MALE Descent oF TOTEM, 
47 (Sp. II, 26), 98, 99, 100, IOI, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107 (H. 
126-29), 110, 114, 116, 117 (R. H. Mathews: E.S., 99). 

. E1icut-CLass SYSTEM AND MALE DESCENT. 

21, 27 (Sp. III, 179), 35, 41, 42 (Sp. IH, 169, 171), 43, 46, 49, 222 
(Sp. II, 161-66). 
LocAaL ORGANIZATION AND MALE DESCENT. 
87 (H. 130), 89 (H. 131), 108 (H. 135, 146), 111 (H. 133), 272 (H. 129). 
LocaL ORGANIZATION AND FEMALE DESCENT. 
t; 2, %12 (Spell, 279). 
Two-CLass SYSTEM AND FEMALE DESCENT. 
67, 71, 74, 75, 77, 78, 81 (H. 91, Sp. Il, 148), 92, 93, 95 (H. 121), 
90, 94, 96, 119 (Mathews, 89), 109, TIO, II2, I2I, 122, 123, 124, 
125, 126, 127, 128; <232, 133, 235, 340) Tal, 143) 32m) Seen 
96-109. A. R. Brown: ‘“‘ Notes on the Social Organization of 
Australian Tribes,” J.R.AJ., 1918, XUVIII, 248-50), 
Four-Ciass SYSTEM AND FEMALE DESCENT. 
113, 130, 137 (H. 107, 108), 138 (Mathews, 6), 152, 153, 154 (H. 104, 
105, Mathews 12), 151, 165, 171, 173, 174, 177, 179 (H. 109, 111), 
180 (H. 113), 183, 185, 186, 187, 188, 189, 190, ror (H. 113), 193, 
196, 204, 210, 223, 224, 280 (Roth: Nomenclature, 103, E.S. 57, 
58), 297, 299 (H. 113). 

. MATRILINEAR DESCENT OF TOTEM COEXISTENT WITH PATRILINEAR DESCENT 

oF CLASS. 
24, 25, 45 (Sp. II, 179). 

. PATRILINEAR DESCENT OF TOTEM COEXISTENT WITH MATRILINEAR DESCENT 

or CLASS. 

131 (C. Richards: ‘The Marran’ Waree’ Tribes or Nation,” 
Science of Man, 1903, 165). 

. DoUBLE SYSTEM: PATRI- AND MATRILINEAR TOTEMS. 

76 (Siebert: ‘‘Sagen und Sitten der Dieri und Nachbarstamme,”’ 
Globus, 97, 48). 

. MoTHER’s TOTEM RESPECTED IN ADDITION TO OWN ToTEM. THE LATTER 

IS EITHER INHERITED FROM THE FATHER OR DEPENDENT ON THE 
LocaLity OF INCARNATION. 

31, 32, 41 (Sp. II, 173), 35 (Sp. II, 172), 46, Sp. II, 166), 52, 
56 (p. 415), 222 (Sp. II, 166). adits 

. CONCEPTIONAL TOTEMISM. 

4, 6, 13, 17, 18, 19, 20 (Sp. III, 277), 48, 50, 51, 52, 55, 56 (Sp. I, 
II, Strehlow), 261, 262, 263, 264, 265, 266, 267, 344, 345, 346 
(D. M. Bates: ‘“‘ The Marriage Laws and some Customs of the 
West Australian Aborigines,”’ Victorian Geographical Journal, 
ge og ‘cohae 1905-1906, 47. Frazer: Totemism and Exogamy, 
» 593, 54). 

association between the stone knife and the stone Churinga. Accord- 
ing to a legend of the Ngameni and Karanguru, both the stone 
knife (used for circumcision) and the Wolkadara (Churinga) ' were 
brought from Antiritcha in the McDonnel Ranges.z The stone 
knives used by the ancestors for circumcising the boys are also 
Churinga.3 Now, it is a remarkable fact that recent research has 
demonstrated a close association between mythical sky beings and 
the practical as well as magical use of stone in a part of the world 
which lies opposite to North-West Australia and which has certainly 
influenced New Guinea—especially the western half of that island— 
in Indonesia. We shall now proceed to examine whether there 
are any other resemblances between what may be called the 
Churinga culture wave of Australia and this region. If we 
find that such analogies can be demonstrated we shall have to 
face the question how far they are to be accounted for by the 
general similarity of human nature, by the laws of the Uncon- 
scious which we owe to the genius of Freud, and how far they are 
to be regarded as proofs of culture contact or common origin 
between these two regions. 

In Belu small stones, called voho matan, which have cylindrical 
or elliptical forms, or are shaped like the human body, are supposed 
Midiogthi ve che -t0 be the residence of spiritual beings. When such a 
churinga in stone has been obtained through a dream revelation 
hea the priest chooses a spot where it shall be placed and 
a rectangular structure of stones is erected with a flat stone on the 
top on which the voho matan (holy eye) is placed.s The rain-maker 
of the Gnamulla in North-West Australia builds a heap of stones or 
sand two or three feet high, and places his ‘‘ millia gurlee,’”’ that is 
“ Potent or Live-Stone,” on the top of it. This stone is generally 
handed down for generations. ‘‘In an interior Lundu house at 
one end were collected the relics of the tribe. These consisted of 
several round-looking stones, two deers’ heads and other trumpery. 
The stones turn black if the tribe is to be beaten in war and red 
if they were to be victorious ; anyone touching them would be sure 
to die, if lost the tribe would be ruined.””7 The greatest misfortune 
which a totem clan can suffer is to lose the Churinga which are kept 
in custody in the holy cave. The Kenyahs have a number of large 
spherical stones in the house. When a household removes and 

= Cf. Siebert, ‘“‘ Sagen und Sitten der Dieri,”’ Globus, 97, 49. 

z Howitt and Siebert, “‘ Legends of the Dieri,” J. A. I., 1904, 108. 

3 Spencer and Gillen, Nov. T., 275. 

4 W. J. Perry, The Megalithic Culture of Indonesia, 1918, 160, 181. 

s Gryzen, “‘ Mededeelingen omtrent Belu of Midden Timor,” Verh. Bat. Gen., 
LIV, 1904, 75, 76, cited according to Perry, Megalithic Culture, 57; and Krujt, 
Het Animisme in den Indischen Archipel, 1904, 207. ce 

6 Clement, ‘‘ Ethnographical Notes on the Western Australian Aborigines,” 
Int. Arch. f. Ethn., 1904, XVI. 6. a 

? H. Ling-Roth, The Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo, 1896, I. 232. 

builds a new home for itself these stones are carried to the new site. 
The Keisar Islanders will fetch a small stone of remarkable appear- 
ance from the grave a few days after the burial—as long as this stone 
is in the hands of the family it keeps them in connexion with the 
soul of the dead man ; the soul sometimes visits the stone and chooses 
it as its temporary abode. There is usually a hole in the roof of 
the house to permit free entry for the soul in case it should feel 
tempted to pay a visit to his stone. The loss of the stone would 
be fatal; the ‘‘nitu”’ (soul) would not come any more. In Wetar 
small carved wooden images called “‘ jene,’’ which represent human 
beings in the doubled-up position in which the dead are interred, 
and which is so characteristic of the human embryo, are regarded 
as embodiments of the soul. The soul is first lured into a stone 
which is put on its grave and thence it is transferred to the carved 
image.3 On the island of Leti these stones are made use of in 
another way. When they go on voyages they desire to be accom- 
panied by the ancestral ghosts, and as it would be inconvenient to 
carry the images along with them they incorporate the souls in 
small flat stones which they take along so that they are accompanied 
by the petrified ghosts of their ancestors.4 If we suppose that the 
Arunta have reached their present home through a long series of 
migrations then this custom will throw new light on the development 
and origin of their Churingas. The ancestors of the Arunta carried 
such small stones along on their wanderings when they were com- 
pelled to leave the bodies of their ancestors behind, and they buried 
these stones in caves because they had a dim memory of a time 
when their ancestors were buried in caves. Several incised stones 
shaped like Churingas have been found in New South Wales and can 
be seen in the Sydney Museum. They are obsolete now among the 
New South Wales aboriginals, but it is said that they were collected 
from old round graves of the dead,s and the Whites called them 

t Hose and McDougall, The Pagan Tribes of Borneo, 1912, II. 16. 

2 J. G. F. Riedel, De Sluik en Kvroeshaarige Rassen tiusschen Selebes en Papua, 
1886, 421. Cf. 394. 

3 H. Berkusky, “‘ Totengeister und Ahnenkultus in Indonesien,” Archiv fiir 
Religionswissenschaft, 1915, 314, citing Jacobsen, Reise in dey Inselwelt des Banda- 
meeves, 120. 

¢ Baron Van Hoevell, “‘ Leti Eilanden,” Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal Land en 
Volkenkunde, XXXIII, 1889, 206. The Tasmanians seem also to have been ac- 
quainted with the idea of symbolizing absent persons by stones. Backhouse writes : 
“One day we noticed a woman arranging stones ; they were flat, oval, about two 
inches wide, and marked in various directions with black and red stripes. These 
we learned represented absent friends, and one larger than the rest a corpulent 
woman on Flinders Island known as Mother Brown.” W. J. Sollas, Ancient Hunters, 
1911, 77. H. Ling-Roth, The Aborigines of Tasmania, 57. J. Backhouse, Narrative 
of a Visit to the Australian Colonies, 1843, 104. 

s Andrew Lang, The Secret of the Totem, 1905, 77. Articles on these stone 
objects have been contributed by W. R. Harper and Graham Officer, Proceedings 
Linnaan Soc., New South Wales, 1898, XXIII, XXVI (quoted by A. Lang). Cf., 
“In parts of New South Wales curious-looking stones marked with scratches and 

““ grave-stones.” The custom is recorded from Perth, West Austra- 
lia, that after death women carry small bundles of leaves and sticks 
with them. These bundles are placed at night beside a fire made 
for that purpose, and they are said to attract the ghost and thus 
keep it from visiting the huts of the living.: A bundle which attracts 
a ghost looks like a substitute for the corpse, and indeed it seems 
that we have a local variant of the well-known Australian custom 
of women carrying the corpse of the deceased relative wrapped in a 
bundle. Afterwards the bundle becomes a substitute for the corpse, 
and a stone or stick may acquire the same meaning and develop 
into a full-blown Churinga. 

The Churinga in the Ertnatulunga is the corpse in the grave. 
We must only stick to the ipsissima verba of the natives to see that 
we have not been misled by a tendency to speculate on ethnic 
origins. They tell us that the Churingas are the transformed bodies 
of their Alcheringa ancestors, the body of the ancestors whose 
reincarnations they are ;3 and if we interpret the word ‘‘ transform- 
ation ’’ in a historical and psychological sense we can understand 
how the belief in Churingas was developed. It seems probable 
that the ancestors of the Arunta practised cave burial 
in their original home, but that this practice was 
dropped for some reason in the course of their migrations and only 
survived in the storing away of ‘‘ ancestral bodies ’’ made of wood 
and stone in caves. In the extreme north-east of Australia the 
Gudan natives (Cape York Peninsula) sometimes buried the dead 
in the clefts of the rocks.4 

The Ewenyoon expose their dead on platforms, cremate them 
and put the ashes in a niche beneath a large rock.s Cave burial is 
recorded in Western New Guinea ® in conjunction with the custom 
of re-burial and the custom of erecting stone circles round the 
grave.7. The natives of Adie (small island opposite to the western 
coast of New Guinea) have a tradition that they originated from a 
colossal tree-trunk which was drifted by the sea from the west and 
on which the earth grew till it developed into the island of Adie.® 
The myth can only be interpreted as the record of the eastern 
migrations which started from Indonesia. Here we find that cave- 
burial is recorded amongst the Benguet Lepanto Igorot,9 amongst 

Cave burial, 

of the shape of a banana were put upon the graves just above the head of the corpse ; 
one sort is said to have been used for men, another for women.’”’—N. W. Thomas, 
Natives of Australia, 1906, 199. 

t Curr, op. cit., I. 330. s Strehlow, A. & L., II. 76. 

3 Id., II. 81. 4 Dr. Creed, J. A. I., VII, 1877, 268. 

5 W.H. Bird, ‘“‘ Ethnographical Notes about the Buccaneer Islanders,”’ Anthropos, 
Toit, 178. 

6 O, Finsch, New Guinea und seine Bewohner, 1865, 76, 82, 87. 

7 Id., ibid., 92. 8 Finsch, l.c., 93. 

9 Perry, Megalithic Culture, 22. ¥F.H. Sawyer, The Inhabitants of the Philippines, 
1900, 259. 

A 

A\ 

Bo Phos 

> 

9. THE DISPOSAL OF THE DEAD 

I. PLATFORM BuRIAL AND ANOINTING. 

II. 

3 (Sp. III, 250, C. I, 255), 24 (Sp. III, 249), 26, 28 (Sp. ITI, 253), 
27 (Sp. III, 251), 31, 32, 34, 35 (Sp. IL, 547), 37 (Sp. IIL, 253), 
38, 39 (Sp. II, 547), 41 (Sp. III, 245), 43 (Sp. II, 506, 515), 45 
(Sp. IIl, 249), 46, 47, 48, 49, 59 (Sp. II, 506, 515), 53, 54 (Roth : 
Burial, 396), 61, 62 (Strehlow: IV, 26), 89 (Taplin: 20), 108 
(H. 459), 139 (J-A.J. VII, 253), 149 (H. 467), 157 (H. 469, Roth; 
Burial, 401), 163 (H. 470), 171, 174, 175 (H. 471, Roth: Burial, 
397), 177 (H. 467, 468), 179 (H. 467), 184 (Roth: Burial, 397), 
189 (C. III, 20), 192 (H. 474), 198 (Roth: Burial, 388), 209 (Roth: 
Burial, 368), 210 (Roth: Burial, 370), 222 (Roth: Burial, 396, 
Sp. II, 506-15), 228 (Anthropos, 1911, 177), 232 (Brown: J.R.A.I., 
1913, 169), 300 (Roth: Burial, 397), 304 (C. III, 79), 312 (H. 467, 
468), 334, 337 (Roth: Burial, 397), 338 (Roth: Burial, 398), 
368 (Strehlow: IV, 26). 
Bopy or ReEtics CARRIED ABOUT. 
14 (C. I, 272), 87 (H. 450), 89 (Taplin: 20), 93 (H. 456), 157 
(Leichhardt: Briefe, 1881, 132), 158 (H. 469), 174, 175, 184 (Roth: 
Burial, 397), 198, 200 (Roth: Burial, 387, 388), 203, 204, 205 
(Roth: Burial, 371), 209 (Roth: Burial, 368), 210 (Roth: Burial, 
370), 300 (Roth: Burial, 397), 308 (Leichhardt: l.c., 1881, 132), 
302 (C. III, 64), 334, 337 (Roth: Burial, 397), 389 (J-AJ., XIU, 
8). 

III. EartH Buriat. 

4) 

& 8 

IV. 

VII. 

VIII. 

IX. 

(4) Extended and other positions. 
3 (C. I, 255), 4, 6, 13, 17, 18, 19, 20 (Sp. III, 241), 69, 70, 71, 73, 
74, 76, 81 (H. 448, Globus, XCVII, 56), 82 (H. 450), 97 (H. 458), 
too (H. 458), 111 (H. 462), 121, 124, 125, 126 (H. 452, Cameron: 
Journal, 1884, 363), 130 (H. 466), 132 (H. 451), 136, 137 (Cameron: 
Journal, 1884, 363), 153 (H. 466), 158 (H. 469), 163 (H. 470), 174, 
175 (Roth: Burial, 397), 177 (H. 467), 192 (H. 474), 196 (Roth: 
Burial, 394), 198 (Roth: Burial, 388), 209, 210 (Roth: Burial, 
368-70), 307 (C. III, 122), 312 (H. 467), 328 (H. 452), 329 (H. 474), 
334, 337 (Roth: Burial, 397). 

(b) Doubled up and sitting. 
1, 2 (Sp. III, 230), 42 (Sp. II, 545), 95 (H. 453), 115 (E. M. Curr: 
Recollections of Squatting in Victorta, 1883, 286), 156 (H. 469), 
224 (Roth: Burial, 395), 232 (Brown: Journal, 1913, 169), 261 
(C. I, 339), 262 (C. I, 348), 321 (H. 461), 351 (Folk-Love, XIV, 
337), 366 (D. W. Carnegie: Spinifex and Sand, 1898, 36). 

(c) Side-chamber. 
52, 56, 65 (pp. 192, 353, Strehlow: IV, 16, 25), 110 (H. 460), 321 
(H. 462, Fraser, 81). 

(d) Buried at birth-place. 
14 (C. I, 272), 232 (Brown: Journal, 1913, 169). 

CREMATION. 

93 (H. 456, Angas, I, 96), too (H. , 163 (H. 470), 198 (Roth: 
Burial, 583), sey CL, a (H. 443), 163 (H. 470), 198 ( 

. CANOE In Buriat RITES. 

VI. 

327 (H. 463). 

FLIGHT. 
56 (Strehlow, IV; Teil, II, 1915, 25), 271 (C. I, 396), 272 (Co 
404, H. 450), 334 (H. 471). 

BuriaL-Mounp. 

1, 2 (Sp. ITI, 230), 4, 6, 10, 13, 17, 18, 19, 20 (Sp. III, 241; Base- 
dow: Trans. Roy. Soc. S.A., XXXI, 7), 47 (P- 354), 67, 70, 71, 72, 
73) 74, 75, 76, 80, 81 (p. 353), 83, 84, 85 (p. 353), 88, 95, TIO, 130, 135, 
153 (PP. 352, 353), 196 (p. 354), 261 (C. I, 339), 284, 285, 286 (p. 353). 
CAVE Buriat. 
203, 204, 205 (Roth: Burial, 384), 206 (p. 341), 228 (p. 341), #32 
(Brown: Journal, 1913, 169). 
MEGALITHs, 

75 (P+ 355), 335, 336 (p. 354). 

the Ifugao of Luzon,? in Central Celebes,? and amongst the Kabui 
Naga.3 

Another remarkable link between Indonesia and Central Australia 
are the stories of floods and petrifaction. It is time to call attention 
The Alcheringa to a very marked feature of Central Australian tradi- 
neasors axe tions; the Alcheringa ancestors who go into the 

dead men, their S a “ 
Wee ns ground are dead, and if tradition says that ‘‘ stones 

are the arose to mark the spot,” this must be taken literally ; 
stones on it j 
<a it is as much as to say that stones were erected on 

their graves. 

We are told about an Eagle-hawk ancestor who died and 
went into the ground. Before he died he made a large Nurtunja 
or sacred pole, which he placed on his head; it went right 
through his body and a big stone called Eagle-hawk Nurtunja 
arose to mark the spot. A Crow ancestor died at Ung- 
wurla, and a big black stone marks the spot.s When the two 
Parenthie lizards died two great stones arose to mark the spot, 
and on the top of each of these there is a hole in which are placed a 
number of round Churinga stones, representing the eggs which the 
lizards used to carry about in a cavity on the top of their heads.é 
The ancestor of the Laughing Boy totem is killed by the sky falling 
down and a great pile of stones arose to mark the spot.7, When the 
local people resented the doings of the Honey Ant people they opened 
the veins in their arms, making such a flood that the whole party 
was drowned, and a black hill covered with black stones arose 
where the wanderers perished, and their Churinga are now in the 
storehouse of the local group.§ For a similar reason the Ooraminna 
Creek became flooded and all the Erkincha men were drowned, a 
stone arising at the spot where these men perished.9 We think that 
the stones did not arise of their own accord originally, but were 
erected as memorial columns by the survivors. Of course, we do 
not mean the actual rocks which have been scattered about the 
country by natural forces and under which there is no one buried. 
When applied to these, then the legend is indeed a reversal as 

- we have explained above ; it is located at a certain part of the land- 

scape so as to facilitate psychic adjustment to environment ; it is 
the myth which marks the stone and not the other way round. 

t Perry, Megalithic Culture. Beyer, ‘‘ Origin Myth among the Mountain Peoples 
of the Philippines,’ Philippine Journal of Science, VIII, 1913, 237. 

1 Id,, 23. Grubauer, Unter Kopjagern in Zentral Celebes, 1913, 200. 

3 Id., 23. Hodson, The Naga Tribes of Manipur, 1911, 14. 

4 Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 399. 5 Id., ibid., 400. 

6 Id,, ibid., 408. 7 Id., ibid., 423. Cf. 424, 433, 434. 

8 Id., N. T., 438. Cf. 439. 

9 Id., ibid., 444. Charec,an “‘ Alcheringa being,” who is regarded as the ancestor 
of the Woolwonga tribe by the Larrakia dies, and after death his body turned into 
a large stone on the banks of a creek, and anybody who touches this stone is bound 
to die shortly.—P. Foelsche, The Larrakia Tribe. Curr, I. 253, 254. 

If this reversal was brought about by the fact.that an immigrant 
people was trying to explain the features of a new environment, 
we shall assume that these immigrants had in their former home 
both the custom of burying their dead in caves and also—a variant 
of that custom—of putting stones on the earth grave. This would 
make it natural for them to speak of their ancestors as having “ gone 
down into the earth,” and to try and explain the rocks they saw 
by supposing somebody buried under them. But, and this is the 
great question, why did tradition obliterate the detail that the 
stones were piled up over the body of the ancestor by human hands, 
which would have been more in keeping with the actual customs 
of the ‘‘ ancestors of the Alcheringa ancestors”? An important 
detail forgotten means that it has become repressed for some reason, 
and we have to go considerably out of our way to get at the reason 
of this repression. 

Perry has tabulated a group of Indonesian traditions which he 
calls ‘‘ punishment tales.’’ The heroes of these tales end either by 
The punishment Petrifaction or by a flood, and we shall now have to 
tales in investigate whether there is any other connexion 
caer oy between them and the Alcheringa ancestors. In 
ten of these tales the offence for which people are punished by 
petrifaction or drowning is that they are said to have “ laughed 
at animals”; in six, the reason is that they are guilty of incest 
or adultery.t If we do not take the mysterious injunction about 
“laughing at animals’ too literally, we shall perhaps fathom the 
meaning of these traditions. To laugh at something means to 
disregard it, and in this case it would not be disregarding the animal 
which is such a great sin, but disregarding the animal taboo. Now, 
from certain beliefs found in Indonesia Perry comes to the conclusion 
that the stone culture introduced into these islands was totemic, 
so that the animal taboos would be totemic taboos. But what are 
the two cardinal taboos of totemism ? Not to kill the totem animal, 
who represents the father, and not to marry a woman of the same 
totem, for this would be equivalent to committing incest and 
marrying the mother. The two offences of the punishment tales 
thus appear to mean one and the same thing; committing incest 
and laughing at animals both mean breaking through the totemic 
taboo, only in one case the sin is expressed in a direct manner, in 
the other we have a roundabout statement. The punishment for 
these offences is death, and the heroes of the Indonesian traditions 
must suffer this punishment in two ways. Either they are drowned 
in a flood—in which case, as we have pointed out in dealing with the 

1 W. J. Perry, The Megalithic Culture of Indonesia, 1918, 124-134. E. H. 
Gomes, Seventeen Years Among the Sea Dyaks of Borneo, 1911, 205-207. J. Warneck, 
Die Religion der Batak, 1909, 86.. Perry and Gomes also record a few cases in 

which the breach of hospitality is the reason of petrification. 
2 Perry, op. cit., 155-160. 

Central Australian traditions, there is a wish-fulfilment discernible 
behind the punishment (flood = amniotic fluid, return into the 
maternal womb = incest)—or they are petrified. We think that 
they would not be petrified if there were no human hands to move 
the stones, indeed, by saying they were petrified we are simply 
using another word for stoned. But we must defer this point for 
further consideration till we see any reason to suppose that the same 
punishments are suffered by the ancestors of the Central Australians 
for the same offences. We remember that these ancestors are 
constantly represented as having lived with women of the same totem 
and eaten their totem animals, and there were certain signs in 
tradition that a neurotic feeling of anxiety was coming up in the 
footsteps of this primary stage of wish-fulfilment. However, the 
dominant attitude of Central Australian mythology is to find wish- 
fulfilment quite natural on the part of the Alcheringa ancestors, 
and if there is any reason why they should die, it is rather because 
they are an obstacle to the wish-fulfilment of the next generation 
than for ‘‘ moral ’’ reasons. 

These are far more emphasized in the Indonesian tradition. 
The relation between the two groups seems to be that the Australians 
represent the more primitive offshoots of the same parent stem. 
In both cases we have mythical ancestors who commit incest, must 
die for it, whilst the death they suffer is nearly identical. But in 
Indonesia the attitude of the storyteller is more like one who resents 
the contents of his tale, whilst in Australia the “‘ criminal’”’ is 
glorified by apotheosis. As in many cases, we see here how further 
development is likely to call repressed elements to the surface ; 
here the original, but originally purely selfishly inimical attitude of 
the primitive horde towards the hero of the tale, which is repressed 
by the desire to exalt the dead father to a deity, comes to the surface 
under the thin veneer of moral reprobation. We shall now have 
to discuss the original and unconscious meaning of petrifaction. 

A myth of the Philippine mountain people tells us about a man 
called Ango who went a-hunting. He killed a fine boar, but broke 

his spear in the process. He went to a stream and 
ee of began to mend the weapon. The croaking of the 

frogs attracting his notice, he began to imitate them 
and told them that it would be better if they would stop their 
noise and help him. After this he continued his course up the 
torrent, but noticed that a multitude of little stones began to follow 
him. Surprised, he began to quicken his steps, and looking back 
he saw bigger stones joining in the pursuit. When he arrived at 
his potato patch he was quite exhausted, whereupon the stones 
overtook him and became attached to his finger. His wife and 
children tried to stop the petrification, but it was all of no avail, 
for first his feet, then his body up to his hips, and then the chest 

and head turned to stone. To this day the petrified forms of Ango 
and his wife and children are to be seen on the peak of Binaci.* 
At Bulili there is a female image representing a woman who com- 
mitted adultery with her husband’s brother ; that is, incest. She 
was beaten for this and during the punishment she was turned into 
stone.2 This leads us to suppose that it was probably human hands 
who moved the stones in the case of Ango, that the stones were 
hurled at him, and his retreating and dying figure was buried beneath 
aheapofstones. That the sin of “ laughing at animals ’’ is connected 
with totemism seems to be corroborated by this tradition ; for what 
he really does is simply to perform a totemic rite in imitating 
animals. A latter age which “laughed” at something it had left 
behind has left its imprint on the tradition, for it interpreted a totem 
rite as pure mockery.3 

At one spot on the Buccaneer Island there is a large rock on 
the top of which there are a number of small stones. The natives 
say that an evil spirit troubled the camp at one time, that 
they co-operated and chased him all over the island till they 
cornered him on this rock, where they exterminated him with 
stones.4 

If we wish to explain who this “‘ evil spirit ’ was, we must inquire 
into the probable antiquity and the magico-religious survivals of 
the custom of hurling stones at an enemy or object of chase. It is 
a well-known fact that monkeys are in the habit of using stones 
they find for breaking hard fruits and as missiles to hurl at their 
agegressors.5 Basedow tells us that amongst the Aluridja in Central 
Australia a fair amount of hunting is done with the simple aid of 
stones and sticks which they hurl at the smaller game. In the 
making and use of implements and weapons these tribes were 
particularly primitive, apparently more so than the natives of any 
other part of Australia.6 The extremely archaic character of the 
hurled stone as a weapon is also made probable by the fact that it 
is pre-eminently used by spirits and magicians against man and 
by man in dealing with the spirit-world, and we know very well 
that spirit world is extremely conservative and usually lags behind 

t Perry, Megalithic Culture, 124, 125. Beyer, Philippine Journal of Science, 
VIII. 90. a Perty,- es 135; 

3 The infantile parallel to this is the case of children who often imitate their 
teachers and parents in derision, thus allowing the aggressive tendency to crop up 
behind what is apparently an act of identification. 

4 W. H. Bird, “ Ethnographical Notes on the Buccaneer Islanders,” Anthropos, 
1911, 178. On one of the hills on the island there is a cairn of stones seemingly 
thrown on a heap; it is said to have been built by the wagtail. Perhaps this is a 
trace of a lost bird-cannibal myth of the South Australian type. 

5 Darwin, Descent of Man, 1.75. Cf. L. Noiré, Das Werkzeug, 1880, 387. Noiré 
seems rather to underrate the mental capacities of apes when he denies that their 
intention in throwing is to hit the object of their wrath. 

6 H. Basedow, ‘‘ Anthropological Notes made on the South Australian Govern- 
ment North-West Prospecting Expedition,” Trans. R. Soc. S. A., XXVIII, 1904, 28. 

cS 

the times in technical achievements. The natives of the Yas 
Tumut and Murrumbudgee believe that they can kill an invisible 
foe by throwing the magical quartz-crystal in the direction where 
he is supposed to be.!_ The contents of the bag of a Kabi magician, 
would be a few pebbles, bits of glass, bones, etc. This artillery is 
enough to kill at any distance. A blackfellow gets a stitch in his 
side, and immediately he believes that an enemy has cast a pebble 
at him from behind a tree.2 Magical stone-throwing causes death 
among the Kamilaroi.3 Sometimes there is a further modification ; 
instead of throwing the stone it suffices to ground some powder 
off it and strew it on the victim. In the districts north of the 
Boulia, i.e. the Upper Georgina River, Upper Leichardt River and 
Selwyn Ranges, and at Cloncurry, a white powder somewhat the 
appearance of very fine ashes is placed in close proximity to the 
place where the victim sleeps with the object of killing him. The 
Maitakudi call this powder “‘ mau-ar.”” In order that the performer 
should not injure himself by contact he sprinkles it where required 
from out of a mussel shell.s Amongst the Kaitish, Warramunga 
and northern tribes generally a very potent form of evil magic 
called mauia is supposed to be associated with certain little stones. 
Each little stone is wrapped up in fold after fold of paper bark or 
string. When it is used among the southern tribes the usual plan 
is to powder a little off on the top of a spear and then to drop it 
very quietly on the victim’s body when he is asleep.5 The Bakerewe 
believe that their wizards can ‘‘throw’’ a disease at a whole 
district.6 The “pains”? which are ‘“‘shot”’ into their victims 
seem to be quartz crystals and other stones.?7 At Gelaria a spirit 
called “‘labuni”’ throws a stone or human tooth at its victim.® 
The same archaic artillery is also used by man in his combats against 
the spirit-world. In South Australia a species of black fly catcher 
is regarded as an evil spirit. Whenever they see it they pelt it 
with sticks and stones, though they are afraid to touch or destroy 
it.9 In Western Hungary a stone is thrown towards the owl 
because its hooting is thought not merely to presage, but also to 
cause death.t° Similarly in New Britain they pelt the owl, which 

1 G, Bennett, Wanderings in N.S. Wales, 1834, I. 191. 

2 Mathew, Eagle-hawk and Crow, 1899, 144. Curr, IIT. 164. 

s Ridley, ‘ Report on Australian Languages and Traditions,” J. A. I., 1872, 
II. 272. ¢ W. E. Roth, S. M. M., 1903, 32. 

5 Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 466, 467. 

6 E. Hurel, ‘ Religion et Vie domestique des Bakerewe,”” Anthropos, 1911, 87. 

7 A. L. Kroeber, ‘‘ The Religion of the Indians of California Univ. Cal. (Publ. 
Am. Arch. Ethn., IV. No. 16), 1907, 329, 333, 349. E. Sapir, “ Religious Ideas of 
the Takelma Indians,’ Journ. Am. F.-L., 1907, 40-42. Dixon, “ Notes on the 
Achomawi and Atsugewi Indians of Northern California,”’ American Anthropologist, 
1908, 218, 219. 8 Seligmann, op. cit., 640-42. 

9 G. F. Angas, Savage Life and Scenes in Australia and New Zealand, 1847, 1. 96. 

10 Roheim, “ Adalékok a Magyar Néphithez”’ (Contributions to Hungarian Folk- 

Lore), 1913, 11. 

they regard as a death omen, with stones.t .The same method is 
employed against other birds of evil omen,? whilst to throw a stone 
over the roof of a sick man means causing his death by magic.3 
If we accept these and similar data as indicating the antiquity of 
the hurled stone as a weapon of mankind, and take it in conjunction 
with the use made of the same by the anthropoid apes, we shall 
go on to assume that the first battles of man were fought by this 
method, or at least that throwing stones in a blind fury with or 
without taking aim must have been a habit of our Pithecoid ancestors 
in which they indulged before making a rush for their foe. 

Weare sufficiently acquainted with the life of the higher mammals 
to know that among them there is hardly any other occasion for 
open battle than the repeated attempts of the young males to 
dispossess the old ones from the leadership of the herd and the 
mastery over the females. Moreover, we know that the ultimate 
victory of the pubescent males over the Paternal Tyrant must 
have been obtained through sheer force of numbers. Their number 
was legion, the Old Male stood alone, and although still more than a 
match for any one of his sons in a single-handed fight, he could not 
resist their combined attack. They probably lacked courage to 
rush at him, for the first one who came to clutching distance was 
sure to pay with his life for his temerity, but they could form a 
circle round him and bruise and exhaust him by hurling stones at 
him without coming to close quarters. The “ mana”’ (hypnotic 
influence) of the Old Male held them at bay and created a taboo-area 
round him.4 Their ambivalent attitude towards him would prompt 
them to rush at him and yet they would feel inhibited in doing so. 
The result would be an act of compromise: they kept their distance 
and only approached him by means of an object which had, through 
introjection, become part of their own selves, i.e. by hurling a stone 
at him.s 

The hero of the Indonesian tales is pelted to death for having 
committed incest, and this is just the sin of the leader of the herd 
in the eyes of those who envy him his power to commit the sin and 
accuse him of selfishness for committing it quite alone. In the 
Intichiuma ceremonies it is the rock which represents the body of 
an Alcheringa ancestor that is pelted with stones, and the Alcheringa 
ancestor represents the Fathers of the Primeval Horde in the days 
before the laws of exogamy came into existence. 

It is by a transference from the Sire to the criminal who com- 
mitted the first Regicide that the legal survival of stoning criminals 

' Kleintitschen, Die Ktistenbewohner der Gazellehalbinsel, 1906, 344, 
* Parkisson, Dreissig Jahre in der Siidsee, 1907, 119 
3 Id., ibid., rr8. 

¢ Cf. S. Freud, Group Psychology and the Analysts of the Ego, 1922, 96. 

5 Cf. R. Hirzel, “ Die Strafe der Steinigung,” Abh. d. sachs, Ges, d. Wiss, XXVII. 
225. 

ee i- 

to death can be explained. In Dabaiba it was ordained that a 
priest who has offended “shall eyther be stoned to death or 
burned.’”’! It looks like a repetition of the primeval murder which 
must have occurred at the season of love and battle, when we read 
that the Athenians used to stone two victims as vicarious sacrifices, 
one for the men and one for the women, at the yearly festival of the 
Thargclia in May. At Tenedos a calf was dressed in boots to repre- 
sent the young bull Dionysos. He was sacrificed to the ‘“‘ cannibal 
Dionysos,” evidently as the substitute for a youth who represented 
the god in former days. The priest who slew the animal had to 
fly for his life to the sea and he was pelted with stones all the way.3 
If we examine the mythic and ritual complex which clusters around 
Dionysos we shall find that the god himself is said to have been 
driven into the sea by Lykurgos who uses the same axe, the bouplex 
which is employed in the slaughter of the human calf. The young 
boy who is sacrificed to the cannibal god is Dionysos himself, who 
in the shape of a bull is rent asunder by the Titans, and these Titans, 
whose habitual weapons are the rocks and stones they hurl at their 
adversaries,4 are the initiates of the mysteries, because the latter 
are said to be painted white in commemoration of the white paint 
used by the Titans when they attacked the bull Dionysos.5 Both 
the calf who is killed by the priest and the priest who flies to the 
sea are representatives of the god, and if the latter is stoned then 
we may guess that the god had to suffer the same lot at the hands 
of his savage adversaries. But if these are the prototypes of the 
initiates, who again stand for the rebellious group of brothers in 
the primeval horde, we again come to the conclusion that stones 
must have been hurled by them in their rebellion against the paternal 
tyrant. This bit of ethnological speculation in which we have 
been indulging with the aid of psycho-analysis must, if correct, 
permit us to make a forecast. The initiation ceremonies are, as 
we know very well, a reversed repetition of the Primeval Conflict. 
Fear of retribution prompts the Elders to turn the tables on youth ; 
instead of permitting themselves to be unmanned and killed by the 
next generation they circumcise the boys and kill them in a fictive 
or symbolical manner. If, then, stones were frequently hurled at 
the Old Male in the primeval conflict, we shall expect to see them 
projected back at the initiates. 
It is a remarkable fact which needs closer investigation from 
an ethnological point of view that there are two “‘ central mysteries ”’ 
in Australian initiation rites; besides the bullroarer we have also 

: F. B. Jevons, An Introduction to the History of Religion, 1911, 73, 74, quoting 
Hakluyt, Historie of the West-Indies Decade, VII. ro. 

2 J. G. Frazer, The Scapegoat, 1911, 254. 

3 M. P. Nilsson, Griechische Feste von religioser Bedeutung, 1906, 308. 

« Eitrem, Opferritus und Voropfer der Griechen und Romer, 1915, 283. 

5 Weniger, “ Feralis exercitus,” A R. W., IX. 212, 

the quartz crystal. We do not know whether this was perhaps 
the initiation symbol of a population that occupied these territories 
before the bullroarer was introduced or whether on the contrary it 
was carried by one special wave of the stone-using immigrants to 
regions in which the bullroarer held undisputed sway. However, 
that may be, and it matters little for our present purpose which of 
the two possibilities be corroborated by investigation, it seems 
certain that these stone initiations have survived in a pure form 
in the special initiation rite of the medicine man. That this rite 
is derived from a puberty initiation is made probable by the fact 
that it is based on the scheme of death and rebirth and also as the 
vocation of shaman is often chosen at puberty.t An Euahlayi boy 
who belongs to the Iguana totem and wishes to be initiated as a 
shaman first sees his totem animal, the iguana. The animal crawled 
all over him, but he was not frightened, as he knew it would not hurt 
him. Then however came the snake, the hereditary enemy of his 
totem animal. Next came a huge figure to him, having in his hand 
a yam stick. The figure drove this into the boy’s head, pulled it 
out through his back, and in the hole thus made he placed a “‘ Gub- 
berah ” or sacred stone, with the help of which the boy would work 
his magic in the future.» The interpretation of this personal vision, 
which must, however, be made up of traditional elements, seems 
easy enough. The boy is unconsciously travelling backwards in the 
history of his tribe. First he sees the protective aspect of the totem 
concept. Then comes the hereditary enemy of his totem (father) 
imago, or rather, his own hereditary enmity towards the father, 
which has been buried in the course of time by the belief in the 
totemic protector. Now he begins to be frightened, and the next 
phase is the attack he has to suffer from a huge human figure—the 
father as he was before the age of animal projection. The weapons 
used in this attack are the primeval weapons of mankind—the stick 
and the stone. 

The Arunta medicine men are initiated in a very similar way. 
The man leaves the camp quite alone until he comes to the mouth 
ofacave. At the break of day one of the Iruntarinia (spirit doubles 
of the Alcheringa ancestors) comes to the mouth of the cave, and 
finding the man asleep throws an invisible lance at him, which 
pierces the neck from behind. A second lance thrown by the 
Iruntarinia pierces from head to ear and the victim falls dead, and 
is at once carried into the depths of the cave where the Iruntarinia 
live. Here the Iruntarinia removes all the internal organs and 
supplies him with a completely new set, also implanting in his body 
a supply of magic Atnongara stones, which he in his turn is able to 

t Cf, on these initiations, Hubert et Mauss, “ L’origine des pouvoirs magiques 
dans les sociétés australiennes,”’ Mélanges d’Histoive des Religions, 1909, 131. 
2 K. L. Parker, The Euahlayi Tribe, 1905, 26. ; 

We 

e 

project into the body of a patient. Besides showing that a spirit 
closely connected with the dead and with the totem is respon- 
sible for introducing these stones into the body of the neophyte, 
this account furnishes us with additional procf for connecting 
the Ertnatulunga cave with the grave. Naturally the cave of the 
Iruntarinia can only be a specific variant of the cave in which the 
Altjiranga mitjina (or the Churinga which represent them) reside. 
Now, murrokun is the name of a mysterious bone obtained by the 
magicians of the Awakabal. Three of these sleep on the grave of a 
recently interred corpse; during their sleep in the night the dead 
person inserts a bone into eachman. The bones remain in the flesh 
of the doctors without any inconvenience to them until they wish 
to project it into any person, thereby causing the death of their 
victim. The chief difference is that in one case we have a grave 
which is only a fictive grave tenanted by an “ Alcheringa ancestor,” 
whilst amongst the Awabakal it is a ghost with whom the candidates 
for the bone were probably personally acquainted. At any rate 
if the initiate is “‘ stoned ”’ we shall think it very probable that this 
is only a just act of retribution. He must have stoned the spirit 
of initiation, the All-Father. 

Indeed the bullroarer is a stone giant Sosom, who swallows 
the youths of the Tugeri at initiation,3 and the Unmatjera say that 
mone coed halk Tuanyirika, the initiation spirit, dwells in a rock.4 
stone supreme Besides these we find mythical or supreme beings 
beings. in the regions we are concerned with who exist in a 
half-petrified condition, and who evidently are so similar to each 
other that a historical connexion, however remote, must be supposed 
to lie at the bottom of their evolution. The Tontemboan of Mina- 
hassa tell us that their sun-lord Kerito was half human and half 
stone, just like the ‘‘ God-man ”’ Maror, whose flesh was half human 
and halfstone.s The Kai have got a primeval being, the Malengfung, 
who was in the world even before the Nemu (the Alcheringa ancestors) 
although he is himself sometimes called a Nemu. He is a typical 
otiose high-god, he does not interfere in the destinies of mankind, 
only when there is an earthquake; this is caused by Malengfung 
rolling over. His dwelling-place is the horizon. One day he will 
rise from his couch at the eastern sky and break through heaven, 
which will then crash down on the earth and set an end to all 
manifestations of life. This Malengfung is a peculiar being; his 
front half is like that of a human being and his face is human, but 
his back view presents the aspect of a gigantic rock all grown over 
with moss. He created a giant called “‘ the old Panggu,” who is 

t Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 523-525. 

2 L, E. Threlkeld, An Australian Language as spoken by the Awabakal, 1892, 48. 

3 Haddon, Migrations of Cultures in British New Guinea, 1920, 21. Z. E., 1907, 392. 
A stone effigy is used at the initiation ceremony of Mawata (Haddon, ibid., 4). 

4 Spencer and Gillen, Nov. T., 498. 5 Perry Le.,or- 

evidently a duplicate of Malengfung. His body is also a rock, only 
the part of his face beneath his forehead is human, whilst his cranium 
is again made of stone. His head is the support of the blue vault; 
he may not move lest the sky should crash down. These respectable 
personages have many relatives both to the East (in Melanesia) 
and to the South (in Australia). Ndengei in Fiji is a serpent, at 
least the head and part of the body are those of a serpent, whilst 
the rest of his body is of stone.2 A saying of the Arunta and 
Loritja is only comprehensible if we interpret it as the half-forgotten 
survival of this stone giant who supported the vaults of heaven. 
They say that the sky rests on pillars which they call “‘ stone-leg,”’ 
at the same time they are afraid of the sky falling down and crushing 
everybody.3 The Euahlayi believe that Baiamai and his wife 
Birrahngooloo cannot move from their place in the sky camp, for 
the lower part of their body is crystallized whilst the upper part is 
human.t If we read about Boyma seated on a throne of crystal 
with beautiful pillars of crystal on each side,s we may be sure that 
we have to do with the same crude aboriginal idea of a semi-petrified 
deity, only in a transcription adapted to a European taste. As to 
the unconscious origin of the idea of a half-petrified ancestor, this 
seems to lie in the fundamental ambivalency of the attitude of the 
youthful rebels towards the Father-Imago; it is as much as to say 
that they were half inclined to petrify, that is to kill him, but that 
there was also a tendency in them to let him live. This is confirmed 
by the fact that we have to do with otiose high-gods, beings who, 
as we shall see elsewhere, really represent the Father who has been 
killed and translated to the sky vault after his death. In this case 
we shall re-interpret the block of stone out of which the human figure 
is thought to rise; it is the stone which is rolled on the grave to 
keep the ghost down, out of which, however, he rises by what may 
be called a return of repressed elements, 

The custom of raising various structures of earth, wood or stone 
over the grave really belongs to those universal modes of behaviour 
and concepts which are the common property and 
heritage of mankind. The Kamilaroi on the Namoi 
and Barwon bury the dead in the ground in a hole deep 
enough for them to be put upright on their feet, and to have an 
empty space above them which is covered in with wood so that 

Grave mounds. 

« Keysser, 155. Neuhauss, Deutsch Neu Guinea, III. 

+ Th. Williams, Fiji and the Fijians, 1858, I. 217. 

3 Strehlow, A. & L., I. 2. 

4K. L. Parker, The Euahlayi Tribe, 1905, 7. This crystallized woman is closely 
connected with floods, thus once more confirming the parallel between floods and 
petrifaction. These floods are started by a flood-ball of blood rolling down the 
mountains (ibid., 8), just like the Arunta cause a flood by opening a vein in their 
arms. The connexion of the flood with amniotic fluid explains its association with a 
representative of the Mother-Imago. Birrahngooloo is claimed as the mother of 
all.—-Parker, ibid., 7. 5 Howitt, N. T., 502. 

ee 

nothing may touch the head of the deceased. The earth is carefully 
pressed down over the wooden roof of his tomb and a mound is 
raised over it. They are very careful about keeping these mounds 
in their cemeteries in order and decorum.t In the country of the 
Barcoo and Diamantina deltas a large stack of wood is placed on 
the grave. The tribes in the district of Adelaide, Gawler, Gumer- 
ache, dug a hole about three feet deep, deposited the body and 
covered it up first with earth and sand and then if convenient with 
stones. At the head of the grave a crescent of earth or stones was 
erected.3 The Wotjobaluk put logs on the grave to prevent the 
dogs interfering with it. The Theddora believed that the dead do 
not always remain in the grave, but come out at times. This 
accounts for their graves being dug like cylindrical pits with a side 
chamber in which the corpse was placed blocked in with pieces of 
wood. An account of a burial by a member of this tribe reads as 
follows: ‘‘ We were at the Snowy River and one of the old men 
died. We dug a hole in the river bank and as we were putting him 
into it we thought that he moved. We were all much frightened 
and all fell back except old Nukong, who stood forward and said, 
‘What are you doing that for? What are you trying to frighten 
us for?” Werammed up the hole with wood and stones and earth 
and went away.’’5 This account brings out one important fact 
which cannot appear in the mere description of the grave—that the 
wood and stones piled up on the corpse are meant to protect the 
living from the ghost. The usual explanation given is that the log 
is a protection not for the living, but for the corpse—to prevent 
the wild dogs from getting at it.6 Large mounds (three or four feet 
high, seven feet long) composed of sticks, stones and earth, have been 
observed on the Barwon River.? Small tumuli are erected by the 
tribes who live northwards from the sea-coast of South Australia.® 
The Dieri have long mounds on their graves.) Eylmann describes 
a double grave mound of the Arunta.t? The earthis piled over the 
body so as to make a low mound with a depression on one side ; 
this being the side which faces the Alcheringa place of the dead man, 

t W. Ridley, ‘ Report on Australian Languages and Traditions,” J. A. I., Il. 

271. Cf. Macdonald, ‘‘ The Aborigines of the Page and the Isis,” J. A. I., VII. 255. 

* Howitt, N. T., 449. 

3 Id., 451. Cf. W. Wyatt, Some Account of the Manners and Superstitions of 
the Adelaide and [Encounter Bay Aboriginal Tribes. J. D. Woods, Native Tribes of 
South Australia, 1879, 165, who only mentions branches and tree-bark on the graves. 

4 Howitt, N. T., 452. 5 Howitt, N. T., 460, 461. 

6 F. Bonney, ‘‘On some Customs of the River Darling Natives talking the 
Weyneubulckoo Language, especially Bungyarlee and Parkungi,” J. A. J., XIII, 
135,136. Logs also used by the Wiradjuri—Howitt, l.c. 466. Parker, Euahlayi, 88. 

7 R. Oberlander, Die Eingeborenen der australischen Kolonie Victoria,” Globus 
IV. 282. 

8 G. F. Angas, Savage Life, 1847, I. 86. 

9 Gason in Curr, The Australian Race, II. 63. 

to Eylmann, Die Eing. dey Kolonie S.A., 233. 

or according to another account his mother’s Alcheringa place.* 
In the Boulia District the body is laid horizontally with the head 
pointing towards the North, which is considered the orthodox 
position.? The depth of the grave varies with the nature of the soil. 
The corpse is covered with logs placed longitudinally, then with a 
layer placed transversely to be followed by a filling in of earth and 
soil: on top of all this are placed heavy logs and bushes, and perhaps 
some heavy stones, all closely interlaced and reaching to a height 
of three or four feet. 

In the Pitta-Pitta language a grave is called mur-ra kambo, 
stick-stone.3 The burial customs of the Warramunga seem to 
indicate that there has been a change in the disposal of the dead 
and an older ceremony has left its rudimentary survivals which are 
incompatible with the present structure of the ritual. They have 
the ‘‘ delayed burial’ type, exposing the body in a tree for a certain 
period and then burying it inconspicuously in an ant-hill4 But an 
important part of the mourning ceremonies is not concerned with 
the tree or ant-hill which really contains the corpse ; there is a small 
mound of earth called kakiti placed on the spot where the dead man 
had actually died. The body is lifted on a bier by the Adelaide 
tribe and the ground upon which the man died is dug up by his 
wives with their long sticks. A little heap of earth is thus formed, 
supposed to contain the “‘ wingko ”’ or breath that has left the body 
and is set free by the digging.s Itis here that the ground is smoothed 
down and that the tracks of the animal which represents the 
murderer are sought for ;§ a ceremony which is performed at the 
grave or grave mound itself amongst the Southern tribes. 

The burial mound seems to be especially developed in West 
Australia. The Whajook tribe raised a mound in a half-circle 
around the grave, into which they stuck green boughs and the 
weapons, tools, ornaments of the deceased.7_ Mounds of stones placed 
due East to West have been described by Grey at Hanover Bay ; 8 
Giles mentions several mounds of stones at Rawlinson Range placed 
at even distances apart and paths cleared between them. There 

: Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 497. Schulze, Tvans. and Proc. R. S. S. A., XIV. 
238. The same type of burial mound is described by Basedow, “‘ Anthropological 
Notes made on the South Australian Government North-West Prospecting Expedi- 
tion, Trans. Roy. Soc. S. A., 1904, XXVIII. 35. 

2 Cf. above, pp. 198, 312 on spirit-land in the north and northern origin of 
Central tribes. 

3 W. E. Roth, “ Burial Ceremonies and Disposal of the Dead.” N. Q. E. Bull., 
9, 394. 4 Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 532. 

5 W. Wyatt, op. cit. 164. J. D. Woods, op. cit. 

6 Cf. Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 519, 526. 

7 Curr, I. 339. Semi-circular mounds are also reported from the Kukatha. 
Ch. Provis, The Kukatha Tribe. G. Taplin, F.-L., etc., 1879, 95. 

§ G. Grey, Journal of two-Expeditions to North-West and Western Australia, 
1841, I, 227. Cf. on cairns in Queensland, Hamlyn-Harris, “ Mummification,” 
Memoirs of the Queensland Museum, 1912, I. 12. 

was also a large piece of rock in the centre of most of these heaps. 
He adds, “‘ I have concluded that these are small kinds of teocallis 
and that on the bare rock mentioned the natives perform their 
rites of human butchery.” These are probably not burial mounds, 
at least not at present, but parallels to the tarlows of the North-west, 
and thus connected with the Intichiuma ceremonies. Three huge 
pillar stones or rocks have been observed in an elevated position 
on a mountain range in New South Wales, and the natives say that 
when they see these three stones in a time of drought and wish 
formerly for one, two or three days of rain, the rain will certainly 
come. The blacks at Clarence River mark the burial-places by 
placing stones in a circle and a large upright slab in the centre.3 
Stone circles from ten to one hundred feet in diameter are reported 
from Victoria and Cooper’s Creek, with another row of stones 
forming an inner circle. We may distinguish two types of these 
burial mounds besides those resulting from a combination of the 
two.5 (a) Earth mounds, (b) Stone heaps or large slabs of stone. 
The differences may either be due to local circumstances or to 
definite cultural influences. At any rate, we see that not much 
evidence as to the meaning or intention of putting a huge stone on 
the grave is forthcoming from Australia. 

The prevalent opinion of ethnologists, however, seems to be 
that the stone is put on the grave to prevent the dangerous ghost 
Whe daverpreia- from returning and haunting the camp of its former 
tion of the fellows. Thus we find a mound piled over the corpse 
burial mound. of the Arabian hero Antar to “‘ prevent his mighty 
soul from breaking through.’’® In Modern Hellas we find the idea 
that the heavier the heap of stones piled over the body the surer 
will the soul of the criminal sink right down to Hell.7 We have 
noticed the case of the Theddora above; they pile earth and stones 
on the grave out of fear of the ghost. If we are right in supposing 
that the young males of the Horde originally hurled stones and 
rocks at their solitary but still formidable foe, it would seem very 
probable that they continued to do so when he was already half or 
quite dead and thus a pile of stones would be raised above the 
wriggling body. The tales which speak of the gradual petrification 
of evil-doers may well contain a memory of this struggle. When 
they had at last made sure of their victory they would probably 
with united efforts drag a large boulder or slab of stone to the scene, 
and with an intention that must have been the direct contrary of 

1 E. Giles, Geographic Travels in Central Australia, 1875, 171. 

» J. Fraser, The Aborigines of New South Wales, 1892, 68. 

3 G. F. Angas, Savage Life and Scenes, 1847, II. 280. 4 J. Fraser, l.c., 68. 

s Large stone on burial mound (Blackman’s Bay, Tasmania).—Oldfield, ‘‘ The 
Aborigines of Australia, Tyans. Ethn. Soc., III. 248. 

6 A. Bastian, Dey Papua des dunklen Inselreichs, 1885, 40. 

7 B. Schmidt, in Nese Jahrbticher, vol. 147, 1893. 

the pious Roman’s wish (‘‘Sit tibi terra levis”), covered the body 
of the murdered father with it, to make assurance doubly sure. 

The question of stone heaps has often been discussed in ethnology 
and folklore, but none of the rival theories which hold the field 
offers sufficient explanation of the regularity with 
which the cairn is associated with the memory of 
murder committed at a particular spot. In Sweden they point out 
a place where two men murdered each other and every passer-by 
stops to add his contribution to the heap of sticks and stones." 
Norse saga tells us how Hrafnkell Freysgodi had a pile of stones 
heaped up over the body of the murdered Einarr.2 In Pomerania 
and West Prussia every passer-by must cast a stick or stone at the 
place where a suicide is buried. Piles of sticks or stones are 
accumulated on these graves.3 In Brandenburg they call the places 
where somebody has met death by violence (suicide, murder or 
accident) ‘‘ dead man,” and the place is regarded as haunted whether 
the body has actually been buried there or not. Everybody who 
passes throws a stick to the pile which keeps growing in dimensions. 
This pile of sticks, which is a sort of grave mound, is called the 
“dead man.’’¢ Stones are cast at the graves of murderers in 
Senegambia.s It was a custom of the bushmen to place heaps of 
stones over their graves and each passer-by considered it was his 
duty to add to the heap. In the Hantam there is a narrow defile 
between two mountains called The Murderer’s Pass on account of 
several colonists having been killed there by bushmen. Near the 
same spot were six large piles of stones or cairns which had been 
raised to commemorate a bloody conflict between two tribes.6 
Besides the common graves covered with heaps of stones larger 
heaps are also found in the country, and if the Namaquas are asked 
what these are they say that Heije Eibib, their great father, is below 
the heap.?7 On the other hand, the same author tells us that the 
bushmen are of the opinion that the devil is interred under these 
cairns and the stones are piled up in heaps to hinder his resurrection.8 
It seems very probable that “ the devil” refers to the legendary 
antagonists of Heitsi-Eibib (Ga Gorib), or perhaps even to that 
hero himself. It was the custom of the Akamba to pick up sticks 
or stones at the side of the road, a place where something bad or 

Stone heaps. 

t Liebrecht, Zur Volkskunde, 1879, 272. 

» Kahle, ‘‘ Uber Steinhaufen, insbesondere auf Island,” Z. d. V. f. Vk., 1902, 92. 

3 A. Treichel, ‘‘ Reisig und Steinhaufung bei Ermordeten oder Selbstmérdern,”’ 
Z. f. E., 1888, XX. 569. Frazer, Scapegoat, 17. 

4 Kahle, l.c., 209, 210. 

5 Waitz, Anthropologie der Naturvolkey, 11. 195. Frazer, Scapegoat, 16. 

6 G. W. Stow, The Native Races of South Africa, 1095, 128. Stow and Kidd, 
The Essential Kafir, 1904, 249, think the mound of stones was originally erected 
against the wild animals. 

7 Hahn, Tsuni-Goam, 1881, 52. 

§ Th. Hahn, ‘‘ Die Buschmanner,” Globus, XVIII. 141. Frazer, Scapegoat, 16, 

unlucky had been seen; for instance, if a man saw some human 
excrement near the side of the road he would throw a stick or stone 
on it, and the next passer-by would do likewise, and so on till quite 
a heap accumulated. The same custom prevailed among the 
Masai and great cairns of stone may be seen at places on the road 
between Kinobop Plateau and Naivasha.t 

On the Zambesi the making of these heaps of stones was 
supposed to have originated in a rape having been committed 
at that spot, and everyone passing would pick up a stone, spit 
on it, and throw it on the heap; or if a young woman jilted a man, 
he would start a heap, spitting on the stones, believing that all 
passers, by spitting on the stones and throwing them on the heap, 
would cause her to want lovers and be jilted.2 In Sweden and 
the island of Oesel cairns are heaped up on scenes of clandestine 
or illicit love, and in Oesel, when a man has lost his cattle, he will 
go to such a spot and say: “‘I bring thee wood ; let me soon find 
my lost cattle,’ at the same time flinging a stick or stone at the 
cairn.3 In the Sahara it is again the connexion with murder 
which is prominent ; the heaps are called “‘ nza,’’ from the plaintive 
wails of the soul of the victim of a bloody deed. The eastern 
tribes of North America have many cairns as burial mounds, and 
tradition always connects these with the memory of some awful 
event that happened at that place. The Hudson Bay Indians 
will throw a stone at the grave to protect themselves against 
ill-luck, and the Pueblo believe that by throwing stones on the 
corpse they are driving the evil spirit out.s In the south-west of 
West Australia the natives throw rushes and branches upon certain 
sacred spots to mollify the spirits that haunt them.6 The Cowarrwel 
blacks who lived near the mountains west of Port Macquarie used 
to sew up the body in tree bark and then suspend it from a tree 
ten feet from the ground and close to one of their paths; each 
black in passing throws a piece of wood beneath the corpse, and 
the body is burnt as soon as the pileis large enough.? In Queensland 
the burial mound is composed of earth and logs, and out of respect 
for the dead every passer-by throws a branch on the mound.® 

tC. W. Hobley, Ethnology of Akamba and other East African Tribes, 1910, ror. 

2 H. W. Garbutt, ‘‘ Native Witchcraft and Superstition in South Africa,” Journ. 
Anihr. Inst., 1909, 532- 

3 J. B. Holzmayer, “ Osiliana,”’ Verh. d. gel. Esin. Ges. zu Dorpat, VII, 1872, 73. 
Liebrecht, Zur Volkskunde, 1879, 274. Frazer, Scapegoat, 14. 

4 Doutté, Magie at Religion dans lV Afrique du Nord, 1909, 425. 

5 Th. Preuss, Die Begrabnisarten der Amevikaner und Nordostasiaten, 1894, 293. 

6 Mathew, Two Tribes, 168, quoting D. M. Bates. 

7 Breton, Excursions in New South Wales, Western Australia and Van Diemen’s 
Land, 1833, 228, 229. Here we have another case of a burial custom which has 
lost its original meaning through an immigrant custom. Originally the heap was 
piled over the body before burial, and this was displaced by exposure and cremation. 

8 H, G. Schneider, Missionsarbeit der Briidergemeinde in Australien, 1882, 42. 

If we start from the hypothetical assumption that all humanity 
passed through a state of society which resembled that still found 
amongst the higher mammals, especially the anthropoid apes, when 
the Law of Love was the Law of Battle between the young males 
and the old Leader of the Horde, and if we also assume that the 
young males would hurl stones at their formidable adversary, we shall 
come to the conclusion that every death, and especially every violent 
death, re-excites the unconscious but very powerful impressions left 
on the psyche of mankind by the first murder and 

The primeval . 3 j : 
murder and revives the whole scene in the symptomatic reaction- 
ee formation of ritual. Just as the Father was stoned 

by the rebels of the Horde, the dead man must be stoned after his 
death and the murder committed is continually repeated in the 
archaic form which characterized the first murder. There is a 
remarkable ambivalency both as to the object and the meaning of 
the whole rite. The person who is stoned after his death may be 
both a criminal, especially a murderer and an ancestor (‘the 
father’ hero-god of the Hottentots), or a saint. The stones are 
thrown as an act of aggressiveness to keep the spirit down, to protect 
oneself from harm and as an act of homage, a sacrifice. From the 
point of view of the brother-clan the Lord of the Horde must have 
appeared to be a criminal who drove the brother-clan from their 
camp and kept all the women to himself, yet at the same time he 
was the beloved father of their childhood ; as soon as remorse for 
the bloody deed got the upper hand the deed itself was re-interpreted 
as an act of worship. 

Other objects which are less and less like the original weapon 
of the semi-ape become substituted for the stone and the rite may 
even be looked upon as a sort of communion; by throwing at the 
god, man is not showing his rebellious attitude towards these 
supernatural beings, but establishing a mystic communion between 
them and himself.: 

Twelve miles to the east of Alice Springs there is a special heap 
of stones. Here in the Alcheringa there lived two men of the Eagle- 
hawk totem who one day ate a large number of Eagle-hawk men, 
womenandchildren. They vomited the beings they had devoured, 
and these are now represented by the heaps of stones called ulkutha. 
These stones are full of evil magic, and for the purpose of keeping 
it from coming out, they must be covered with sticks and hidden 
from view. At the present time any native passing by must throw 
a stick on to the heap and so help to keep the evil magic down 
and prevent it from issuing forth. These dead are of considerable 
interest from our point of view. Their death is caused by the sin 
of the Eagle-hawk, the cannibal father of the primeval horde. The 

t Hartland, Legend of Perseus, II. 96. 
2 Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 472. 

sin seems to be aggravated by his devouring people of his own 
totem, which is a symbolic equivalent of totemic incest. Another 
similar heap is found in the Urabunna tribe and is connected with 
the wanderings of a rat-ancestor who was always having intercourse 
with uninitiated girls. As a punishment for forbidden cohabitation 
his penis broke off, he died, and two stones arose to mark the spot. 
These stones are so full of evil magic that only old men dare go near 
the place. Every now and again a very old man will go near and 
throw stones and bushes in order to keep the evil magic down.! 

These two Central Australian variants of the stone-heap contain 
interesting confirmation of our views as to the relative position of 
the usual Alcheringa myth and the Indonesian Punishment Tales. 
In Australia the ancestor who has been committing symbolic incest 
is rewarded by subsequent apotheosis, in Indonesia he is stoned. 

In the cases mentioned above he is evidently punished: the 
inimical attitude of the Horde towards the Leader breaks through 
just as in Indonesia (his sin is an aggravated form of totem-eating 
or prohibited sexual intercourse). Yet these evil-doers are Alcheringa 
ancestors like all others and they participate in the usual form of 
apotheosis, a stone arising to mark the spot of their death. 

Another important phase in the evolution of the rite is the idea 
of retribution. The first crime of humanity survives under the 
guise of a legal execution of criminals,? and the murderer who is 
stoned after his death suffers his punishment as the representative 
of a host of primeval parricides. It is this which explains why the 
ritual should be applied to localities where anything which revolts 
the feeling of propriety and especially illicit love has taken place ; 
for was not illicit love the very object of ‘‘ man’s first disobedience ”’ ? 
We have come to similar conclusions in connexion with the ritual 
of pelting the priest who sacrificed the calf which represented 
Dionysos with stones, and the myth which explained the origin of 
cairns in Greek antiquity seems to have belonged to the same 
category. 

The word for cairn is épua, and everybody who passes by must 
throw stones at these milestones. Hermes is “ he who dwells in 

the stone heap,” the genius of these milestones.3 
es ¢ the termes was tried by the gods for the murder of Argos ; 

all the gods flung stones at him as a means of freeing 
themselves from the pollution contracted by bloodshed ; the stones 
thus thrown made a great heap and the custom of rearing such 
heaps at the wayside images of Hermes continued ever afterwards.4 
Perhaps we have got a parallel to this myth in the story of Kaineus, 
who sinks into the earth under a heap of stones and pine trees 

t Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 472. 

» R. Hirzel, ‘’ Die Strafe der Steinigung,”’ Abh. d. sachs Ges. s. Wiss, XXVIII. 228 
3 Nilsson, Griechische Feste von veligtoser Bedeutung, 1906, 389. 

4 Frazer, Scapegoat, 24. 

hurled at him by his foes the Kentaurs. For this Kaineus is the 
son of a certain Elatos, ‘‘ he of the pine tree,” and he is buried 
beneath pine trees. Now Hermes is the son of Zeus, who is sent 
by his father to kill the many-eyed Argos and rid his beloved Io 
of her unwelcome custody, and who fulfils the command of his 
divine father by hurling a stone at the watchful monster. It seems 
that the gods are this time at least unjust, for although they are 
throwing stones at a murderer who killed his victim with the same 
missile, are they not punishing at the same time a dutiful son? 
Now, we are not so sure of this. For, like all the goddesses prose- 
cuted by the wrath of Hera, Io seems but to be a younger edition 
of the queen of gods. They both appear as cows and Zeus has 
intercourse with Io in the shape of a bull. If Io is the same person 
as Hera we begin to feel suspicious about the identity of Argos. 
His many eyes were interpreted in antiquity as the many orbs of a 
star-spangled heaven, which makes him look like a cruder form of 
the Heaven god Zeus. Moreover, there are two disconnected items 
of this mythic cycle which gain in importance when joined together. 
Zeus is introduced to the scene of his amours with Io as a bull, 
and Argos is reported to have killed a giant bull which devastated 
the country and to have worn a bull’s hide ever afterwards.? A man 
in a bull’s hide is a bull, the fit guardian of the cow Io, and to all 
appearances identical with the bull whom he has killed, with Zeus. 
Thus we come back to a prehistoric form of the myth in which the 
bull Argos-Zeus was murdered by a stone which his son Hermes 
hurled at him. After this great achievement Hermes took possession 
of Io, who was first a woman, and when the myth was taken up by 
pastoral society,acow. Argos was guilty of the same sin as Hermes ; 
he, too, had killed a bull, the representative of the Father-Imago. 
They suffered the same punishment, to be wounded to death by a 
stone or buried under a heap of stones. Greek myth mitigated the 
punishment of Hermes; he was pelted with stones and not killed, 
for was he not one of the immortals ? But, as we have seen, that 
originally he is the dead man under the cairn, we must regard his 
immortality as a secondary development, perhaps as the ambivalent 
over-compensation of his death. As a dead man he is a leader of 
souls to the other-world and as the hero-god of a pastoral stage of 
society he affords fertility to the herds. 

It is also worth while noticing that the archaic rite of stoning 
survives, especially in connexion with the equally ancient crime 
of parricide. Plato says that if any man had murdered his father or 
mother, brother, sister or child, he should be put to death and his 
body should be cast forth naked at a cross-roads outside the city. 

t Eitrem, l.c., 287. Roscher’s Lexikon on Kaineus. 

* See the articles on Hermes, Io and Argos in Roscher’s Lexikon, and Roscher, 
Hermes der Windgott, 1878. 

There the magistrates as the representatives of the city should 
assemble, each carrying in his hand a stone, which he was to 
anes cast at the head of the corpse by way of purifying the 
Harticide. city from the pollution contracted by the crime.: 

When the gods fling stones at Hermes they are 
said to free themselves from the pollution of bloodshed.2 In 
doing so they seem to be avowing the very crime which they 
openly disclaim ; the contagious character of the crime of parricide 
lies in the fact that it corresponds to the unconscious wishes of 
the whole town, of the whole community of gods. The stones 
hurled at the criminal prove this, for they are a mimetic repe- 
tition of the very crime for which he is condemned. “ Stoning 
was the mode adopted of killing, first the animal and afterwards 
the plant totem, because by means of it the whole community could 
share jointly and equally the responsibility of killing the god.’ 3 
The responsibility for killing the father was originally really shares 
in equal measure by the whole community of brothers, and the stones 
were used as they were the only weapons that were to be had in that 
stage of evolution. But by the time the totem or the god became 
substituted for the father the stones were transformed into mere 
symbols of the original sin of mankind. 

We are now in a position to go a step further backwards in the 
history of the Intichiuma rites. The Alcheringa ancestor represents 
the Jealous Sire (or his rebellious son) who was buried under a 
pile of stones hurled at him, and a huge rock was finally rolled over 
his body. When the Arunta or the Gnamulla strikes the Nanja 
rock with the small stone, he is repeating this primeval scene, for 
the Nanja rock is the body of the ancestor. If this is the case, 
then what can the stone be with which he is struck? Naturally 
the original stone which dealt him his death blow. 

We must risk the danger of wandering too far from our original 
subject and hazard a few remarks on the psychology of repression 
Repression and 2nd the return of repressed elements in mourning 
its consequences customs. All mourning customs are, as has been 
in death rites. ointed out by Freud, characterized by a strong but 
unconscious repressed feeling of guilt in having caused the death of 
the deceased by their own ill wishes. This is what leads to the 
transformation of the dead into a vengeful demon; if he thirsts 
for the blood of his surviving relatives it is because they must feel 
that he has good reason to do so.+ This is why they are continually 
searching for the magician who caused the death by his malevolence ; 
the great efforts which they make to project this concept into space, 
beyond the boundaries of the tribe, prove that they have great 

t Frazer, Scapegoat, 24, 25. Plato, Laws, IX. 12. 2 Frazer, l.c., 24. 
3 F. B, Jevons, An Intyoduction to the History of Religion, 1911, 255. 
« Freud, T. & T., 107, 108. 

difficulty in ridding the depths of their psychic constitution of it. 
We would even go one step further and try to find the phylogenetic 
behind this more functional explanation of the guilty conscience 
of the savage. To primitive man every death is the result of a 
murder, because the first death which left an ineffacable conflict 
impressed on his ‘‘ mneme’’ was actually and really a murder, the 
death of the father who was killed by his own sons. The dead man 
is an object of respect as a representative of the ancestor, but at 
the same time an object of fear for those who unconsciously know 
that they are not exempt.from the common guilt of bloodshed. 
It is a general custom of primitive man to avoid mentioning the 
name of the dead,? and yet at the same time weeks are spent in 
wailing over him at his grave.3 The former taboo is avowedly 
intended to avoid thinking of the dead, the latter equally openly 
aims at rescuing his memory from oblivion. In analytic psychology 
we are accustomed to speak of repression, by which we mean an 
effort of the censor to prevent unpleasant or dangerous complexes 
from rising into consciousness, whilst this function is often cir- 
cumvented by what we call a return of repressed elements. The 
further back we go in the evolution of culture the more we shall 
find that our metaphoric expressions become crude realities; by 
rolling a stone or piling a heap on the corpse primitive man is 
attempting to repress or rather to press the dead man and death 
down in good earnest. His attempt is successful in the realm of 
realities, the corpse cannot rise and shake off the heavy boulder 
which weighs on his chest. But it is otherwise with the soul, which 
is mere fiction and hence more powerful than flesh and bone. It 
rises from the tomb of oblivion to which it is consigned by a guilty 
conscience and takes possession of the very obiect which was put 
there to keep it out of sight. The log or stone which is a means of 
defence against the ghost becomes a memorial column, the ghost 

! G, Roheim, Spiegelzauber, 1919, 197. 

» Frazer, Taboo and the Peril of the Soul, 1911, 349-75. Reference can be 
made for this well-known custom to J. D. Lang, W. W. Dobie Breton, G. Grey, etc. 

3 J. Fraser, The Aborigines of New South Wales, 1892, 79. ‘‘ The loud wailing 
which is raised at a death is repeated every day for a whole moon.” Howitt, 
N. T., 451. ‘‘ For weeks and months they bemoan their deaths, especially at 
even-time.”” Wilhelmi, op. cit., 40. Taplin, The Narrinyeri, 1878, 20. F. Bonney, 
On some Customs of the Aboriginals of the River Darling, XIII. 135. Howitt, 
op. cit., 451, 452, 459, 465, 406. K. L. Parker, The Euahlayi Tribe, 1905, 85, 87, 
134. Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 504, 509; Nor. T., 515-17, 521, 522. Eylmann, 
op. cit., 242. A. J. Peggs, “‘ Notes on the Aborigines of Roebuck Bay,” Folk-Love, 
1903, 336-38. H. Basedow, ‘‘ Anthropological Notes made on the South Australian 
Government North-West Prospecting Expedition,” Trans. R. S. S. A., 1904, XXVIII. 
53. Clement, op. cit., 8. A. Oldfield, “ The Aborigines of Australia,” Trans. Ethn. 
Soc., III. 245. Rudesindo Salvado, Memorie storiche dell’ Australia, 1851, 299, 358, 
361. (Deeds of dead are sung at grave.) W. E. Roth, “ Burial and Disposal of 
the Dead,” Bulletin of North Queensland Ethnography, IX. 371. (The mourners 

alternately sleep and cry over the grave.) Le Souéf, Wild Life in Australia, 238 
(Fitzroy River, Queensland). 

inhabits the rock or stone and exacts the homage of the survivors 
in its new temple and abode. As the process of identification 
proceeds further we see the first efforts to give a human aspect to 
the rock or stone and the return of repressed elements is complete 
when, instead of the frail body the sight of which they intended to 
avoid, we get a carved image of the ancestor.! The Melville Island 
grave posts, which apparently indicate a latter cultural wave from 
Indonesia,* represent crude attempts in imitating the human form.3 
In Nikunau the gods and goddesses were represented by sandstone 
slabs or pillars, an erect pillar representing a god, one laid down 
on the ground standing for a goddess. If the stone which was 
originally placed upon his body came to be identified with the 
ancestor 5 the cult of the stone phalli would develop through a 
return of repressed elements. The stone would not only be shaped 
in a human form, thereby indicating its identity with 
the dead man, but it would also be unconsciously 
identified with the male member, thereby showing 
the sexual origin of the conflict which lead to the death and subse- 
quent apotheosis of the father-god. Prehistoric carved representa- 
tions of animals, possibly of animals as embodiments of ancestors, 
have been found in New Guinea of a markedly phallic character, 
and probably connected with these was a stone slab showing the 
spiral incised ornamentation which is so characteristic of the 
Churinga.§ 

The worship of phallic stones is associated with that of a natural 
grotto in the Ladrone Islands,? an exact counterpart to the Churinga 
in the Ertnatulunga. Other cases show more clearly that the 
phallus is the phallus of the dead father. In the Leti, Moa, Lakor, 
and Babar groups the sun-god and ancestor Upulero is represented 
by an image which consists of a head placed upon a wooden post. 
This seems to indicate the memory of a time when the skull of the 
murdered father was worshipped ; and beneath the image we find 
the wooden representation of a phallus. The grave of Kikilai, the 
hero-god of Keisar, shows an image sitting at the foot of a post and 
on either side of the image is a wooden phallus. In Sumba human 
figures, male and female, with huge genitalia are carved upon the 

Phallic grave- 
stones. 

: Cf. R. Thurnwald, Forschungen auf den Salamo-Inseln, 1912, I. 190. 

s F. Grabner, ‘‘ Kulturgeschichte der Melville Insel,’”’ Ethnologica, 1913, II. 12. 

SB Spencer, N. 7 .uNi TAs, O14, 231. 

4 Turner, Samoa, 296. 

5 Cf. the stone images representing ancestors in the Ingiet secret society ; they 
ate probably connected with totemism, as has been shown by Rivers, H. M. S., 
II. 517. Stones are erected to ancestors and to “ God.’’—Kenneth R, Dundas, 
“‘The Wawanga,”’ J. A. I., 1913, 31. 

6 R, Etheridge, ‘‘ Ancient Stone Implements from the Yodda Valley Goldfield, 
North-East British New Guinea,’ Records of the Australian Museum, VII. 26, 27. 
Cf. Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 633. Id., Nor. T., 698. 

2 W. W. Gill, Myths and Songs from the South Pacific, 1875, 33. 

10. INITIATION CEREMONIES 

aa I, FinGER-JoInts MUTILATED. 
3, 5, 10, III, 155, 156, 157, 159, 163, 192, 206, 207, 223, 229 (Stokes : 
Discoveries, 1846, 92, P- 437), 292, 308, 315, 318, 319, 320, 327, 
333, 336, 359, 300 (p- 443). R. Péch: St. an Ein. v.N.-S. u. an 
aust. Schadeln, 1915, 34. P. Etheridge: ‘‘ Notes made at Copman- 
hurst, Clarence R.,’’ Records of the Aust. Mus., V, 272. 
II. AvuLSION oF TEETH. ; 
(a) Initiation rite. 
[e] 76 (H. 655), 97 (H. 613), 110 (H. 565), 111 (H. 515, 517), 112 (H. 
563), 113, 119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128 (H. 577), 
131 (R. W. Holden: The Marouva Tribe in Taplin: F.L., etc., 
27), 132 (H. 675), 135 (C. II, 198), 137 (H. 589), 139 (J Aides: Vag 
252), 150 (Parker, 74), 153 (H. 595), 154 (H. 590), 156 (H. 578), 
159 (Mathew: Two Tribes, 108), 194 (C. II, 342), 195 (C. II, 332), 
199, 200, 203, 204, 205, 208, 211 (Roth: Decoration, Deformation 
and Clothing Bull., XV, 30-32), 216 (C.) II, 332), 229 (Stokes: 
Discoveries in. Australia, 1846, 92), 268 (C. I, 377), 275 (C. I, 37), 
285, 286, 287 (C. III, 379), 288 (C. II, 396), 290 (C. II, 403), 292 
C. II, 425), 296 (C. II, 465), 297 (C. II, 475), 315, 318, 321 (H. 563), 
322 (C. II, 18), 327 (G. B. Barton: History of N.S.W., 1889, I, 
284, H. 567), 331 (H. 571), 350 (H. 576), 351 (Stokes: l.c., 89, 
92), 364 (C. II, 159). : 
7 | (b) Unconnected with initiation. - 
31, 32, 35 (Sp. II, 596), 41, 43 (Sp. II, 594), 47 (Sp. IL, 592), 48 
(Sp. I, 453), 51, 52 (Sp. I, 259, 450), 53, 54 (Roth: Bull., XV, 
30-32), 196 (Roth: £.S., 111), 197, 210, 213, 279, 284 (Roth : 
Bull., XV, 30-32), 285, 286, 287 (C. II, 378), 379, 380 (Roth: 

Bull., XV, 30-32). 

A III. Circumcision (WITHOUT SUBINCISION). 
7, 9,.10, 11, 21, 28 (Sp. III, 90, 91),.87 (H--671);_ 140, 14 5,14zZ 
(H. 675), 237 (Brown: J.A.I., 1913, 167), 275 (C. II, 38), 258, 269 
(C. I, 306), 284 (C. II, 371), 319 (Sp. III, 90, 91), 351 (F.L., XIV, 
345), 385 (R. H. Mathews: ‘‘ Notes on the Aborigines of the 
Northern Territory,’’ Proc. and Trans. of the Royal Geog. Soc., 
XXII, 16), 387 (Oldfield: 252). 

IV. SUBINCISION. 

22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 29, 31, 32, 34, 35, 36,37, 38 (Sp. II oa; 
91, Sp. II, 364, 369), 42, 43, 46, 47, 49 (Sp. Il, 348), 45 (Sp. II, 
90, 91), 48, 50 (Sp. II, 337, 347), 51, 52, 56 (Sp. I, 251, Strehlow, 
IV), 53 (Roth: Ethnological Studies, 177), 54 (Roth: £.S., 170-77), 
75 (Sp. Il, 335), 76 (H. 662), 77 (Sp. II, 333), 85 (H. 669), 196, 
197 (Roth: £E.S., 177-79), 215, 217, 219, 220, 221, 222 (Roth: 
E.S.; 177-79), 223, 224 (Roth: £.S., 170-77), 268 (C. 1,5 277)8 
272 (H. 664), 273 (H. 667), 276, 277, 281 (Roth: £.S., 177-79): 
280 (Roth: E£.S., 170-77), 281 (C. II, 346), 282 (C. II, 361), 283 
(H. 667, C. II, 366), 322 (C. II, 18), 353, 354 (Sp. III, 90, 91), 357 
(Roth: E.S., 177), 364 (C. II, 159), 365 (Roth: £.S., 168), 382 
(C. II, 35), 386 (R. H. Mathews: l.c., XXII, 7). 

cape V. SCARIFICATION. 

1, 2 (Sp. III, 43), 3 (Sp. III, 154), 76 (H. 658), 75, 77 (Sp. Il, 335), 
85 (H. 670), Io0, 102, 106, 107, II0, 114, 115, 116, 117 (Mathews: 
E.N., 119), 198 (Roth: Initiation, 177), 253.(C. I, 303), 259 (Old- 
field: 252), 261 (C. I, 338), 272 (H. 666), 358 (R. H. Mathews: 
Mitt. d. anthr. Ges. in Wien, 1908, XXXVIII, 109). 

cf VI. LIGATURES. 
94, 95 (H. 615), 96 (H. 614), 100, 102, 106, 107, II0, 114, 115, 

116, 117 (Mathews: £.N., 108), 231 (C. I, 291), 232 (Brown: 
J.R.A.I., 1913, 167), 235 (Brown: ibid., 174). 

ww VII. PERFORATION OF THE SEPTUM. 
18 (Sp. III, 330), 47, 48 (Sp. II, 615), 50, 51, 52 (Sp. I, 459), 100, 
108, I1I, 156, 157 (H. 626, 740, 741; Fison and Howitt: 191), 
200 (Roth: Initiation, 177), 199, 200, 202, 203, 204, 205, 209, 
211 (Roth: “Decoration,” Bull., XV, 29), 256 (C. I, 306), 257 
(C. I, a 73 Sapewee Fis 261 £ I, 3°). 303, 304 (C. III. 
73, 79), 315 (Austr. Anthr. Journ., 1896, 180), 331 (H. 740, 741), 

lal VIII. DEPILATION AND RED-OCHRE PAINT. 2 ) 
I, 2 (Sp. III, 108), 88, 89 (H. 673, 674, Moriarty: in Taplin, F.L., 
53; Angas: Savage Life, I, 58), 90, 91 (Mathews: E.N., 130), 
92, 93, 94, 95 (H. 615), 94, 95, 96 (Mathews: E.N., 130), 97 
(H. 613), 98, 99, 100, IOI, 102, 103, 105, 106, 107, 110, 114, II5, 
116, 117 (Mathews: £.N., 130), 131 (H. 675, Holden in Taplin: 
F.L., 27), 159, 160 (H. 610, Mathew: Two Tribes, 101), 314 (C. III, 
273), 328 (Mathews: £.N., 130). 

menhirs at the head and foot of the dolmen graves.t_ In many cases 
these phallic images are not purely ornamental ; they are thought to 
import fertility to the country, the cattle and especially the women. 
We may say that the worship of phallic gravestones is a reaction- 
formation against the wish to castrate the Jealous Sire who selfishly 
keeps all the women for himself. When the survivors and murderers 
begin to worship his virile member which their phantasy projects 
into the pillar or boulder raised above his grave, they are bowing 
their heads before their worst antagonist, and when they form the 
idea that the women of the horde are made pregnant by the dead 
father they are probably giving way to the Oedipus wishes of the 
women and at the same time rendering the very thing for which they 
raised their rebellion to their dead father. The battle was waged 
for the women, and by supposing that it is the ancestor who gives 
them plenty of children, food-animals and plants they are fully 
acknowledging the claims of the dead man against whom they waged 
war whilst he was alive. The custom of women resorting to the 
graves to get pregnant, the idea that pregnancy is afforded by 
certain rocks or stones as well as the use of stones to fertilize the 
gardens or procure an abundance of animals, are all branches of the 
same stem. 

We may conveniently distinguish between the worship of the 
large boulder which is regarded as the equivalent of the tombstone 

or cairn and that of small stones which is derived 
eoheg small trom the weapons used in the primeval strife. Now 

we remember that the conscious meaning of throwing 
small sticks and stones at the boulders is to make the unborn spirits 
of the totem animal emanate from them. We find the rite of 
throwing objects at graves or deities both with the intention of 
obtaining and with that of preventing the birth of a child. The 
latter is the case amongst the Baganda.? 

People in the earlier times were, like the Arunta, uncertain as 
to the real cause of pregnancy and thought it was possible to conceive 
without any intercourse with the male sex. Hence, when they passed 
a place where either a suicide had been burnt or a child born in the 
wrong way had been buried, they were careful to throw grass or 
sticks on such a spot, for by doing so they could prevent the ghost 
of the dead from entering into them and being reborn.3 On the 

t Perry, Megalithic Culture, 108. On phallic gravestones in Palestine, see, for 
instance, P. Thomsen, Paldstina und seine Kultuy in fiinf Jahrtausenden, 1909. 

® Roscoe, The Baganda, 1911, 46, 47. 

3 Young married couples pay visits to the graves of the ancestors begging them 
to give them children.—L. Frobenius, Und Afrika Sprach, 1913, Ill. 129, 172. 
The Dravidian races of India worship Dulha Deo, the bridegroom godling, at mar- 
riage. He is said to have been an unfortunate bridegroom who was turned to 
stone for breaking a taboo.—W. Crooke, The Popular Religion and Folk-Lore of 
Northern India, 1896, I. 119-122. An Anglo-Saxon custom directed women who 
had miscarried to go to the barrow of a deceased man and step thrice over it.— 

other hand, in Japan women who desire children will go to a sacred 
stone on the Holy Hill of Nikko and throw pebbles at it. If they 
succeed in hitting it their wish is granted. Women were also in the 
habit of flinging stones at the knees (phallic symbol) of a seated 
statue of Buddha for the same purpose. Throwing stones at a god 
is symbolic of procreation because stoning the nearly superhuman 
leader of the horde was the unavoidable preliminary for procreation 
on the part of the young males and hence the magical power of the 
smaller stones which are the weapons of the first rebellion. On the 
other hand, there is a whole class of beliefs that identify a man with 
the weapon which has dealt him the mortal wound,? and in certain 
cases the soul of the murdered man is supposed to incarnate himself 
in the murderer or in the weapon which dealt the death-blow.3 This 
would explain how the ancestral ghost becomes associated with small 
stones and how the fecundating power of the father continues to 
emanate from these symbols. 

It can hardly be ascertained with any degree of certainty how 
man came to the phase of culture usually known as the stone age; 
for it is certain that the use, especially the dominant use, of stone 
The stone age in Culture must have been preceded by another age 
and the age of which we can fitly call the age of wood and bone. 
wood and bone. ‘yon den Steinen describes what relatively small part 
stone implements play in the life of the Bakairi as compared with 
wood and bone.¢ ‘‘ In tropical regions at least, wood, bamboo, bone 
and shell can provide all that is needful for the hunter, and the use 
of stone by the pygmy (of New Guinea) is practically confined to the 
application, for certain purposes, of hammer-stones and of flakes 
and splinters such as may be obtained with a minimum of labour and 
skill. They do not make, and probably they never made, the stone 
axe-heads, knives and arrow-heads which are characteristic of many 
advanced Stone-Age peoples ancient and modern, and they do not 
even get so far as to chip stone into implements comparable with 
those of the men of the European Paleolithic Age. The pygmies 
E.S. Hartland, The Legend of Perseus, 1894, I. 165, quoting O. Cockayne, Leechdoms, 
Wovtcunning and Starcraft of Early England, 1864~66, III. 66. On the symbolic 
meaning of stepping over, see G. Réheim, “ Die Bedeutung des Ueberschreitens,”” 
I. Z. Pa., VI, 1920, 242. J. G. Frazer, Adonis, Attis, Osiris, 1907, 70; ‘‘ Sons 
of God,” 73; ‘‘ Reincarnation of the Dead,” 81; ‘Sacred Stocks and Stones 
among the Semites.” Id., ‘‘ Women fertilized by stones,” F.-L., XXIX. 254. 
At Carnac the young girls who wanted a husband undressed completely and went 
and rubbed their navels against a menhir specially devoted to this usage. In 
Eure et Loir they turned up their skirts, and in the evening rubbed their stomachs 

against a projection of the Pierre de Chantecoq, which was also called Mére aux 

Cailles. P. Sebillot, ‘‘ The worship of stones in France,"’ American Anthropologist, 
IV. 1902, 82. 

* Hartland, The Legend of Perseus, 1895, II. 197. 
2 J. G. Frazer, The Magic Art, 1911, I. 201-4. 

3 R. Salvado, op. cit., 1851, 299. A. Oldfield, “ On the Aborigines of Australia.” 
Trans. Ethn. Soc., 1865, III. 240. gines of Australie, 

4 K. Von den Steinen, Unter den Naturvélkern Zentralbrasiliens, 1897, 196. 

are in an ‘age’ of wood, bone and shell, and if some of them, such 
as the Andamanese, make use of iron, it is only a borrowed material, 
foreign to their own culture.” 1 

Now it is very probable that the increased use of stones, which 
was perhaps first of a more ceremonial nature, was developed 
Ceremonial use ‘dependently by mankind in various centres, and 
of seat, ey from these centres it must have spread over large 
Totes sate 10 connected areas, probably whole continents. For 

pedation af es Oceania this centre from which the stone-using 
ages. riginated : : _ : © 
in voriouscentres uMMigrants started on their migrations must have 

independently been Indonesia and at a remoter period the south- 
and spread from 

iets vhs eastern parts of the Asiatic Continent. From 
prehistoric Indonesia these migrations extended to Melanesia 
migrations. 

and Polynesia on the one hand and to New Guinea 
and Australia on the other. 

We do not think that there was only one wave of migration of 
stone culture, and we should be cautious in ascribing the whole 
influence of stone culture to the people who must be regarded as 
the builders of megalithic monuments. These may represent a 
relatively ancient or a relatively modern stratum of the stone-using 
race; further research will perhaps be in a position to settle that 
question. We rather intend to indulge in a little speculation as to 
the origin of stone culture, meaning by origin not the area in which 
it first developed, but the psychical reasons for its development. It 
is fairly certain that in the Central Australian tribes we have the 
representatives of one of the most primitive of these stone-using 
migrations. 

It would not make much difference in this respect even if we 
could prove the “ disappearance of useful arts’ for the wandering 

The Central ancestors of the present natives ; we should then say 

Australians that their protracted migrations and unfavourable 
hee surroundings had thrown them back to a stage of 

must have been evelopment which they had once held but which 
at the beginning may have been a little surpassed by their ancestors. 
of the Stone Age. peg ; : 

On the other hand, it is far more probable that in their 
isolation they have conserved in a relatively unchanged form 
the state of things which once existed amongst the ancestors of 
the stone-using Indonesian tribes. The latter have cultivation 
of the soil, terraced irrigation and other signs of a relatively 
high culture, their environment has been much more favour- 
able, and more important still, they have been in contact with 

tC. G. Rawling, The Land of the New Guinea Pygmies, 1913, 273, 274. CfE., 
“In other words, the rudimentary stage of culture through which these tribes 
have passed, and in some cases are still passing, may be more accurately described 
as a wood and bone age, than as an age of stone.”’ 

2 W. H. R. Rivers, “The Disappearance of Useful Arts,” Festhvift tillegnad 
Edward Westermarck, 1912, 109. 

India and China at a period when the ancestors of the Central 
Australians were already cut off from the rest of mankind on the 
parched deserts of their present home.t Therefore the use of stone 
amongst them in all probability presents features which explain 
the use of stone in general. We may with a certain amount of 
exaggeration speak of a ceremonial stone culture in Central Australia, 
for the ceremonial importance of stone is extremely prominent. 

We have found reasons to reduce this ceremonial aspect to what 
has usually been called in ethnology the cult of the dead, but what 
in taking account of the results obtained by psycho-analysis in 
penetrating to the lowest depths of the Unconscious should be called 
the cult of the murdered father, or the reaction-formation against 
the Oedipus complex. It seems probable that the semi-human 
ancestors (we are near to the home of the Pithecanthropus erectus 
Dubois) both of the Central Australians and the Indonesians had 
the type of organization which has been called the Cyclopean family. 
The young males would unite in a band against the strongest of 
old males who lorded it over the women at the commencement of 
every rutting season. They would probably make use of stone 
missiles in the fight, thereby gaining all they could from superior 
number and risking as little as possible from inferior force. The 
Old Male who had continually been committing incest would be 
buried under a heap of stones with perhaps an additional larger 
stone on the top. The record of these events would be preserved 
in the tales of the petrification in Indonesia as well as in the Central 
Australian traditions which regularly relate how a heap of stones 
arose to mark the spot where the ancestor sunk into the earth. 
Long before these representatives of the Stone Age (if we may already 
call them such at this period) started on their migrations, a reaction 
formation must have set in, and the purely aggressive attitude 
towards the Sultan of the Horde must have been superseded by 
veneration. The cairn was the dwelling of the ancestor or the 
ancestor himself, at any rate an object of worship. When they were 
compelled to leave their original homes, compelled by more powerful 
invaders or by a natural catastrophe, they probably carried stones 
from these cairns along with them, with the idea and feeling that 
the fate of the individual and of the whole community was closely 
bound to these stones as the connecting links between them and 
their ancestors. The stone which originally was perhaps regarded 
as a magical weapon, for in the hand of the Titans of the Horde it 
had sufficient “mana” to subdue God-Father himself, was now 
identified with the ancestor and regarded as his second self. — 

The real mechanism of procreation was repressed—relegated to 

t W. Schmidt, a Soziologische und religiés-ethische Gruppierung der Australier,” 
Ze E., 1909, 349, is inclined to derive the Intichiuma ceremonies from agriculture, 
which, to me at least, seems to be a direct reversal of the reai lines of evolution. 

a 

the unconscious—because coitus in general was equated with incest 
against which repression as such was originally directed. But the 
theories which were resorted to in explanation of the origin of 
children contained a huge return of just these repressed elements. 
The tribe had taken the women from the exclusive possession of the 
Old Male in reality, his ghost now came to haunt them and vindicate 
his rights ; he possessed them all; he alone was reborn from them 
all in fiction. It was his sperma (the pre-existing spirit-children) 
which filled rock and stone (his dead body), the stone Churinga 
penetrated into women and reappeared there as an embryo. 

Similar motives must have been at the background of the other 
great stone-using migrations. All through Oceania stone circles 
and monuments are associated with burial, human sacrifice and 
cannibalism, which is very natural if they originated in the murder 
and burial of the Paternal Tyrant whose flesh was devoured in the 
first act of communion by his successors.1 When a wave of these 
people left their original home, it would either continue to develop 
the tombstone idea, which had become its principal seat of worship 
in its original home (megalith), or it would regard the natural rocks 
of its new environment as the transformed bodies of superhuman 
ancestors (Central Australia). It might of course do both, and it is 
probable that the primitive forms of cairns and the stone on the 
grave were added to the earth-mound of the people whom they found 
in possession by the same immigrants who brought the cult of stone, 
or rather of petrified ancestors, with them into Australia. Wherever 
the descendants of those hordes went who had started by the aid 
of natural stones on the path of civilization, from the prehuman 

; i: savagery of the Oedipus complex, stone must have 

pian arin of played a prominent part in their psychic life. After 

grinding them or knocking them against large ones 

in ritual (see the Intichiuma ceremonies), they would gradually 

acquire the art of moulding them into new shapes for practical 
purposes. 

‘But we are forgetting an important aspect of these rites. Death 
is generally unconsciously regarded by mankind as a return into the 
The mother’s womb. This is the origin of the other-world 

grave asa Loa a? a . 
symbol of the and the cave or pit in the earth into which the dead 
MIETES. man, or his substitute the Churinga, is placed ; it is 
as we have shown above, a symbol of the matrix. The Churinga 
in the Ertnatulunga is the penis (embryo) in the womb, and by 

t Speiser, Stidsee, Urwald, Kannibalen, 1913, 71, 207. (Head of ancestor buried 
under stone, skulls placed on stone.) C. G. Seligmann, The Melanesians of British 
New Guinea, 1912, 464-66, 556. B. Thomson, The Fijians, 1908, 146. T. Macmillan 
Brown, Maori and Polynesian, 1907, 5, 118, 258. T. B. Stair, Old Samoa, 1897, 228. 
W. W. Gill, Myths and Songs from the South Pacific, 1876, 305. W. Ellis, Polynesian 
Researches, 1830, II. 191. Scoresby Routledge, “ The Bird Cult of Easter Island,” 
Folk-Lore, 1916, 337. W.H.R. Rivers, H. M. S., I. 427. 

extending the range of comparison beyond the limits of Australia 
we have only added some results of historical importance to this 
psychical (unconscious) equation. The womb in which the penis 
lies is originally a grave and the stone penis is the member or rather 
the whole person of a dead man. It is again repression which 
explains the necessity of projecting the womb into environment ; 
the cave is regarded as the entrance of the uterus because the 
incestuous desires regarding the maternal uterus must be repressed. 

The Siara call the ghosts of those who have died by violence 
fiu ; they all wander to Tanga, where they dwell in two huge rocks 
called maleu. The souls of unborn children whose mothers died 
in childbirth transform themselves into spirits who are continually 
craving for sexual intercourse with human beings and especially 
haunt those who have had connexion with members of the same 
totem. They dwell in stones and in caves in therocks.: The sexual 
appetite of these unlucky spirits must be regarded as a yearning 
for the mother they have lost, and if these spirits attempt to cohabit 
with human maidens they are seeking substitutes for their mother. 
Thus we may say that they are symbolic of the incest-libido and 
this is why it is especially those who have broken through the taboo 
of totemic exogamy who succumb to their temptations. 

That the cave and the rock as dwelling-places of unborn infants 
arise out of a repression of incest phantasies and the necessity of a 
substitute for the mother’s womb, is made fairly evident by these 
beliefs. 

Now, in Central Australia children as well as totem-animals 
regularly emanate from the Nanja rock, and we shall show that this 
represents an earlier phase of belief whichis only present in mythical 
survivals amongst the people who live to the north and west of 
Australia, and who, as we are trying to show, were originally in a 
culture contact of some sort with the ancestors of the Central 
Australians. 

The Western Arunta say that the first couple originated out of 
two stones which were thrown down from the sky by the spirit 
Sideit bi Arbmaburinga or Altierry. They think this heavenly 
anthropogonic creator is a great strong old man who lives at a place 
mvt: called Jirilla far away to the north Here again 
we may take association between sky beings, the north, and stone 
culture as a starting-point for further investigation, only that this 
time the stone has a special function in myth as the material from 
which mankind originates. A stone falling from heaven also occurs 
on the Western Islands of Torres Straits. The Mabuiag people 
were camping in Pulu. Boys and girls were fond of continually 
twirling round the beach with extended arms, a game which was 

Parkinson, Dyeissig Jahre in der Stidsee, 1907, 308, 309. 
2 Eylmann, lc., 184; 

prohibited by their parents. A great stone fell from heaven and 
crushed every man, woman and child in the island excepting two 
sweethearts who fled to Mabuaig, and by biting a piece of the 
kowai tree that grew there stopped the stone. The pair of lovers 
became the progenitors of the present population.? 

A second variant presents an additional detail of importance. 
Here it is not the original couple rescued from the stone that 
appear as the progenitors of mankind but the woman has twins 
who marry each other, and the sister again has twins who are again 
husband and wife, and this goes on for generations till there are 
plenty of people.3 These traditions evidently relate to both the 
extermination and the multiplication of mankind. 

The conflict which lies behind this ambivalent attitude has its root 
in the disobedience of the younger generation to a taboo imposed 
upon them by the parents. Instead of originating out of stone 
they are all crushed by a stone, and yet the myth continues to 
relate the origin of mankind from a surviving pair who correspond 
to the stone-born pair of the Arunta. This can only be understood 
with reference to our views on the development of thecairn and the 
Nanja rock. The Nanja rock from which men are born represents 
the body of an ancestor who has been stoned and identified with 
the stones which cover his corpse. Our myth deals with the same 
motive in the shape of retaliation; to be crushed under stones is 
the punishment with which parents threaten their disobedient 
children. In the original setting it was the children who stoned the 
parent who stood in their way, after which they commenced to 
multiply mankind. The incest which follows ought to be found at 
the beginning of the myth as the reason both of the conflict between 
parents and children and of the repression which leads to the 
substitution of a stone for the mother’s womb. 

Another reversal of these myths is recorded from the Torres 
Straits. A Virgin of Sumaiut gave birth to a stone which was 
reverenced as a god. The Moon was regarded as the father of this 
stone. Weshall find that the connexion between incest and stone 
origin is such a frequent feature of myth in Indonesia and Oceania 
that the cases in which it is absent may with full right be attri- 
buted to a repression of the incest-complex. A man of Luang 

t In a Mindanao tradition magic lines are used to put a stop to the petrifaction. 
—Beyer, “‘ Origin Myths among the Mountain Peoples of the Philippines.” Journal 
of Science, 1913, VIII. 97. Perry, 124. na 

2 Haddon, Cambridge Expedition, V. 22. 3 Id., ibid., V. 22. 

4 Cf.id., V. 23. The Tsalisen in Formosa say that their ancestors came from the 
moon. There is a spherical stone in the house of the chief which represents the 
moon.—J. W. Davidson, The Island of Formosa, 1903, 574. Perry, op. cit., 78. 
According to the Proserpine River natives the moon made the first man and woman— 
the former out of the stone used for making tomahawks, the latter out of the box 
tree—W. E. Roth, S. M. M., 1903, 16. Stones representing sun and moon have 
been observed at Mau (near Efate) and Anaiteum.—Rivers, op. cit., II. 426, 

Sermata fished up a stone in his net, and at the end of nine months 
the stone burst and out came a boy. He married the man’s 
daughter, his foster sister, and they were the ancestors of the 
Patumeral (red-stones) clan. 

The Tontemboan of Minahassa say that a rock stuck out of the 
sea in the east. The stone became heated bythe sun and sweated, 
and out of this sweat Lumimut, the ancestress of the Tontemboan 
was born. Lumimut conceives from the west wind, and afterwards 
marries her son Toar. The Tontemboan are descended from -this 
union.? 

In the Toumpakewa version a youth is born of the foam and he 
finds a little girl crying in a heap of stones. The girl was sweated 
out of a stone to which her navel string was still attached. This 
was Lumimut who had been produced by the friction 3 (coitus) of 
two stones. The origin-myth of the Makassars relates how the 
Prince of Daha (in Java) urinated into a hollow stone. The urine 
is drunk up by a sow, who conceives. Incestuous marriages occur 
among the descendants of the sow. In other variants it is the 
seminal fluid of Batara Guru 5 or of Smara Wrediman which drops on 
astone.6 Inthe Marshall Islands we find Lejman having intercourse 
with her son Edao, and from them descends the human race. Lejman 
means Rock Woman.’ 

Other myths record that the ancestral pair, whose marriage gave 
rise for instance to the Taiyal in Formosa, came out of the same rock 
—that is they were brother and sister. The origin myth of the 
Lamgang from a cave or of the Chowte from a hole in the earth, 
which was covered by a stone belong to the same group.9 The 
repression of the father, so evident in the Central Australian beliefs, 
indicates the presence of the Oedipus complex in the Unconscious. 
Quat, the ancestor of the people of Alo Sepere,t? was born from a 
woman who was a stone without a father. Amongst his various 
exploits are his battles with the ogre Quasavara, whom he finally 
conquers. Quasavara’s head knocked against the sky and he fell 
back upon the earth. There he lay upon his face and turned into 
stone. Sacrifices for valour are offered at that stone which is said 

t Bastian, Indonesien, 1884, II. 62. Perry, 67. 

* Schwartz u. Adriani, Tontemboansche Teksten, 1907, I. 406; II. 377, 379, 
389-94, 744. N. Graafland, De Minahassa, 1898, I. 211, quoted by Schmidt, 
“ Grundlinien der Vergleichung der Religionen und Mythologien der austronesischen 
Vélker,"’ Denkschriften d. Kais. Ak. d. Wiss., 1910, LIII, 57-9. Cf. Perry, 77, 78. 
Wilken, De Verspreide Geschvriften, 1912, III. 182. 

3 Perry, lic.,. 773.78: 

4 Van Eerde, ‘‘ De Kalang legende op Lombok,” Tijdschrift, XLV. 1902, 36-40. 

5 Id., ibid., 43-5. 6 Id., ibid., 46-7. 

7 Schmidt, Grundlinien, 111. Erdland, Marschall Insulaner, 1914, 309, 310. 

§ Perry, l.c., 77. Other variants from Formosa (ibid., 78). 

9 J. Shakespeare, The Lushei Kuki Clans, 1912, 150, 151. 

to Codrington, The Melanesians, 1891, 155. 

to be Quasavara.t This Quat is one of the brothers Tagaro; in 
Leper’s Island (Tagaro-mbiti), Tagaro the little is the spirit who 
corresponds to him, and all the stones that are accounted as sacred 
are connected with this Tagaro.2 

Tangaloa leads us on to Polynesia. According to one variant 
of the Polynesian cosmogony all things originated from the inter- 
course of Tangaroa with his daughter Hine.3 A Maori variant 
has Tangaroa as the father, Papa the Earth as the mother and their 
_ son. Tane (man), who wishes to have intercourse with his mother. 
In his search for his mother he marries various women, quite evidently 
her mythical equivalents. One of these is the ‘‘ Mountain-maid,” 
born from the rusty water of the mountains.4 Papa means not only 
earth but also rock in Tahiti, Te Papa-raharaha was the Mother of 
all things, the rock-foundation of all lands.s 

Another link in the chain of evidence is the Samoan version. 
All things are created by the mere word of Taggaloa telling the 
rock to “ open itself in fissure,’ so that as we may well say everything 
comes out of the womb of the rock.6 It is possible that these 
traditions are connected with another group of Indonesian myths. 
These tell us how a hero (like Moses) struck a rock and made water 
flow out of it. It is perhaps not too bold to remind the reader 
= that we interpreted the flood in which the petrified 
P aagl ere heroes of Central Australia perish as reversal of the 

waters at birth, and here we have water instead of a 
child coming out of the rock. Lumawig is the supreme being of the 
Bontoc Igorrot. In the early days the lower lands around Bontoc 
were covered with water. Lumawig saw Fa-tang’-a and his sister 
Fu’kan on Mount Porkis, north of Bontoc. Lumawig goes away 
to fetch fire for them as all fires are extinguished, but when he 
returns Fu’kan was heavy with child. Soon the child was born 
and the water subsided in Bontoc. Here the connexion between 
the birth of a child and the water is made quite evident. The fire 
episode looks suspicious ; it seems that Lumawig is off for the fire 
of sexual desire and that his rival Fa-tang’-a only succeeds in having 
intercourse with Fu’kan in his absence. The myth goes on to tell 
us that Lumawig also married a girl called Fu’kan who is called 
a ‘‘namesake”’ of the mother of the Bontoc pueblo.7 But a few 
lines below we hear that Fa-tang’-a was Lumawig’s brother-in-law, 

x Codrington, The Melanesians, 1891, 156-66. 2 Id., ibid., 170. 

3 Domeny de Rienzi, Ozeanien, 1839, II. 460. Waitz-Gerland, Anthropologie 
dey Naturvolker, II. 1872, 264. He is symbolized by a hollow stone.—Turner, 
Samoa, 53. 

¢ E. Shortland, Maori Religion and Mythology, 1882, 20. 

5 Tregear, Maori Polynesian Comparative Dictionary, 315. 

6 A. Bastian, Die samoanische Schopfungs Sage, 1894, 30 (according to Pratt). 
Cf. J. B. Stair, Old Samoa, 1897, 213. Papa taoto, “ reclining rock,’’ then sitting 

rock,”’ etc. 
7 A, J. Jenks, The Bontoc Igorot, 1905, 201. 

that is the brother of his wife Fu’kan.t_ Evidently we must suppose 
a less modified version in which Lumawig was either the father or the 
brother of Fa-tang’-a and both were rivals in their incestuous desire 
forFu’kan. Fa-tang’-a keeps taunting Lumawig; he tells him that he 
cannot supply them with water. Lumawig thrusts his spear in the 
side of the mountain and as Fa-tang’-a turns to drink he is thrust 
into the mountain, Fa-tang’-a is turned into a rock, and the water 
passes through him to this day. Dori is a Toradja mythical hero 
who struck a rock with his spear to make water flow out of it. He 
married not his sister but his cousin, and both were turned to stone 
and worshipped after their death; To the variants of this theme 
which have been noted by Perry and Frazer 4 from Indonesia we 
may add one from Torres Straits, thus coming a step nearer to 
Central Australia. 

One day when Kwoiam was thirsty he drove his spear into a 
rock and water rushed forth and has never ceased to flow. 

In assuming a historical connexion between the ceremonial 
use of stone in Central Australia and the same phenomenon in 

Indonesia (as well as its offshoots in Melanesia and 

Central : et 
Australia and Polynesia), we have expressed no opinion as to the 
sce oly age nature of that connexion. Dealing with the traditions 
and aatons of floods and petrified ancestors in both areas, we have 
originating from attributed the seemingly primitive character of the 
ae Indonesian material (as compared to Central Australia), 
not to a primary but rather to a“ tertiary’ state of things. The 
secondary phase is found in Australia; we see repression at work, 
for petrification which originally must have represented an inimical 
attitude towards the hero (stoning) appears under the guise of 
apotheosis. In Indonesia we have a return of repressed elements 
which seems regularly to follow cultural advance ; the hero is stoned 
to death for having committed incest (broken the totemic taboo). 
The stone-origin myths contain definite proof that this way of 
regarding the relative position of the two areas is correct. We 
cannot possibly imagine a people proceeding from the belief in the 
origin of ancestors from stone to the idea that this is still the case 
with all children, whilst if we suppose them to have overcome the 
belief that “all children are born from rocks,” this will naturally 
survive in a myth which does not affirm this for the present 
day but declares that this was the state of things (= the belief) in 
the days of their ancestors. 

Stone-origin myths have been recorded from other areas and 
have probably originated from the same motives in various centres. 

1 Jenks, The Bentoc Igorot, 1905, 202. 

+ Id., ibid., An Ifugao variant quoted by Perry (66,67) conclusively shows that 

the man who turns the other into-a rock (Lumawig) is the brother of his victim. 

3 Perry, l.c., 69. 4 Frazer, F. O. T., II. 463. 
s Haddon, Cambridge Expedition, V. 82. 

Naa 

Water flows out of the rock from which Mithras is born—the same 
Mithras who, according to an Armenian version, commits incest with 
soak edge his mother.: There are many variants: the stone 
ye appears as the symbolic substitute for a woman; 

fully formed children (ratapa) are taken out of rocks. 
According to the Kabyls the wild buffalo Itherther and the cow 
Thamuath, who both emerged from a dark place under the earth, 
were the first living beings. They have intercourse; a young bull 
and a cow are born. The young bull desires to cohabit with the 
mother and sister and drives the old buffalo out of the herd. The 
old buffalo rushes away to the rocky country near Hdithar. One 
day he sees a stone with a depression in it. He thinks of the cow 
and fecundates the stone with his semen. It is from this stone that 
all the wild animals are born. The Kabyls still point out the stone 
and sacrifices are made to it for luck in hunting, since it is the 
mother of wild animals. Rock-drawings representing buffaloes 
and men are found among the rocks. In one of the rocks there is a 
cave which is much venerated by the Kabyls. Sacrifices are brought 
to the cave for rain and crops and by women for children.? It is 
needless to make any comments on this myth; it shows the 
connexion between the Oedipus complex, stone-origin myths and 
the beliefs concerning childbirth in an absolutely irrefutable way. 
Women who sacrifice for children at the cave are really having 
intercourse with the murdered Bull-Father, whilst the prayer for 
rain and crops is a parallel to the Intichiuma ritual.3 

* Ci. R. Eisler, Kuba-Kybele Philologus, LXVIII. 135. (Cf£. ibid., 123, petri- 
faction from illicit intercourse.) Id., Weltenmantel u. Himmelszelt, 1910, II. 411. 

1 L. Frobenius, Volksmarchen dey Kabylen, 1921, 1. 64-69. 

3 Proof of the Indonesian Origin of Central Australians.—This book was completely 
finished, typed and the last chapter delivered in the form of a lecture (October 1921) 
to the Hungarian Psycho-analytical Society, when Dr. Radé called my attention to a 
new publication by Dubois which seems destined to play a similar part in scientific 
speculations on the development of mankind as his previous finding—the Pithe- 
canthropus erectus. In the Wadjak District of Java two human skeletons were 
found by van Rietschoten and Dubois which prove the existence in the Pleistocene 
of a human sub-race (called by Dubois Homo-wadjakensis) which must have resem- 
bled the present inhabitants of Australia in all their characteristic features. The 
only important difference seems to be that these Proto-Australians had a larger 
skull-capacity and a greater bulk than their present-day representatives, so 
that Dubois calls the Proto-Australians an ‘“‘optimal’’ form of the race, which 
attained its highest development under the favourable conditions of food-supply 
found in Java and degenerated when compelled to migrate to the arid deserts of 
Central Australia. In the light afforded by Paldo-anthropology our comparison 
between Punishment Tales and Alcheringa traditions, as well as our ‘‘ Indonesian ” 
explanation of the Churinga, receives a striking confirmation. It is now definitely 
certain that Indonesia was inhabited by a Pre-Malayan, Proto-Australian popula- 
tion (E. Dubois, ‘‘ The Proto-Australian Man of Wadjak, Java,’’ Proceedings R.A. 
of Amsterdam, XXIII. No. 7) which was perhaps partly assimilated by the Mon- 
golian immigrants and partly driven off in small hordes eastwards by these people, 
who had better weapons and a higher degree of organization. The megalith-builders 
probably only represented the last of a series of migrations, and we must either 
assume that the Proto-Australians adopted the elements of stone culture from these 

The Long Pokun people who form a branch of the Kayan group 
place stones on separate posts outside the houses. As a rule these 
stones are simply rounded boulders which the natives believe have 
the power of increasing in size with age. Fowls’ or pigs’ blood is 
smeared on the stones on ceremonial occasions. At Beloe in Timor 
there is a stone in the centre of the rice field which represents the 
‘soul of the rice.” Before sowing the rice a pig and a fowl are 
sacrificed on the stone. They strew rice on the stone or sacrifice 
an egg, and the blood smeared on it, as well as the egg and 
rice, is supposed to invigorate the soul-stuff of the rock. In 
Burma the wild Bghai tribes hold certain stones in great reverence 
as possessing superhuman powers. Hogs and fowls are offered ana 
the blood poured on the stone.3 Anointing a stone with oil is 
probably a latter substitute for smearing it with blood. In the Kei 
Islands everybody keeps a black stone at the head of his sleeping- 
place, which he anoints before he goes out to war. The Malagasies 
offer sacrifices especially at the headstones of tombs. These are 
rude undressed slabs of blue granite and basalt which are anointed 
with blood and the fat of the animal sacrifice. Other stones are 
anointed by women who wish to obtain children.s We know that the 
ritual of pouring blood over a stone which represents the body of an 
ancestor is a prominent feature of Intichiuma rites. We have also 
explained how the blood which flows from the veins of the totemites 
to the ancestor serves both as an expiation of the primeval sin 
of parricide, and as a symbolical effusion of the seminal fluid by 
which human and animal life originates from the stone; this as an 
ambisexual symbol represents the vagina in these cases. In Central 
Australia we have the blood of a human being in Indonesia and 
elsewhere we have animal sacrifice. In Fiji the Nanga is a large 
stone alignment which is called the “‘ bed’’ of the ancestors. The 
most impressive scene of the initiation ritual is when the boys have 

immigrants (cf. W. Perry, The Megalithic Culture of Indonesia, 1918, 180), or, more 
probably, that they possessed a primitive and eolithic culture of their own, and in 
especial that they made use of unworked stones as projectile weapons. We should 
be inclined to suppose that certain elements of the ‘‘stone-culture-complex ’”’ do 
not properly belong to the immigrants at all, but must be assigned to this earlier 
population ; whilst others may perhaps embody the impression made on them by the 
advance of another people with a higher (neolithic) form of stone culture. However 
this may be, it seems safe to continue the comparison of certain elements of the 
Intichiuma with Indonesian rites. 

t A. C. Haddon, Head Hunters, 361. The round spherical stones are called 
Batu tuloi. They are perpetual possessions of a family; they grow gradually larger, 
and move spontaneously when danger threatens the house. When a household 
removes, these stones are carried ceremonially to the new site—Hose and McDougall, 

Pagan Tribes of Borneo, 1912, II. 16. 2 Kruijt, l.c., 209. 
3 Forbes, British Burma and its People, 1878, 295. 
4 J.-G, Frazer, FcOl7~., 174.) iedelyi.c;+223; 5 Frazer, l.c., IL. 75. 

6 ““De Acosta describes the practice when at a funeral human beings were 
sacrificed to the dead to be their slaves in the other world; the victims’ blood was 
smeared on the corpse from ear to ear.’”"—Hartland, Legend of Perseus, II. 241. 

to crawl through a row of naked bodies of dead men smeared with 
blood and with protruding entrails. When they have got through 
this ordeal the ‘‘ dead” men jump up and all run away to the sea ; 
the blood and entrails were only those of the sacred pigs who are 
kept and fattened for this occasion.t The sacred character of these 
pigs makes them suspicious; they seem to be merely substitutes 
for the men who may have been killed in real earnest at an earlier 
phase in the evolution of the rite. The youths took the kingdom 
of heaven by violence, they were regarded as initiated, as men, 
when they had killed their venerable elders, feasted on their bodies 
and appropriated all the women.? The respect paid to the huge 
pigs in the precincts would then only be transferred to them from 
the elders ; it is the elders who were first respected and then killed 
outright,3 afterwards the pigs which were to be killed came to be 
regarded as sacrosanct before their time to die had arrived. Hose 
and McDougall tell us that there is reason to suppose that the custom 
of sacrificing pigs and fowls arose through the substitution of them 
for human beings in various rites. The people themselves admitted 
this of many rites in which pigs and fowls are now substituted, 
but they still mention cases in which there was a relapse into the 
original human sacrifice. Killing a human being was regarded as 
equivalent to killing a pig, only much finer. The blood of pigs is 
sprinkled on men as well as on altar posts.5 In Australia the blood of 
men is sprinkled on a rock altar which represents the body of an 
ancestor. The mechanism which differentiates these rites from 
each other and from their one primeval pattern is that of substitution 
in its varying aspects. Originally the blood of man had to flow before 
the male could get access to the female. Then this pouring of blood 
was repeated in a neurotic manner in the spirit of self-punishment ; 
the mourners inflict deep wounds on their head, arms, etc., and the 
blood is due to the corpse. This is also the phase of development 
reached by the Intichiuma rites. An ancestor transformed into a 
rock, that is a corpse buried under a stone, is periodically reanimated 
by the biood of the survivors, but as the body lies in the grave like 
the penis (or embryo) in the mother’s womb, this flowing blood is not 
merely a self-punishment but also a wish-fulfilment. They are 
repeating the very thing for which they intend to punish themselves, 
when their blood flows towards the womb (rock, grave) from which 
their ancestors emerged and to which they return ; this is a repetition 
of the first revolt by having intercourse with the mothers of their 

1 B. Thomson, The Fijians, 1908, 152-55. 

a The Nanga ends in a scene of general license, when all taboos on incestuous 
intercourse are disregarded. 

3 Cf. a Fijian king sacrificed by his son—Williams, Fiji and the Fijians, 1858, 
I, 192. 

¢ Hose and McDougall, The Pagan Tribes of Borneo, 1912, Il. 105 

5 Id., ibid., 107. 

fathers. It is from this intercourse that first the children of the 
tribe and then the animals of the totem are procreated. But here 
the complicated mechanism of projections and substitutions sets in. 

The living men, as we know, do not fecundate the women of their 
own tribe; instead of this they multiply animals. By this fictive 
self-denial they are giving the very thing back to the ghost of the 
dead father for which they killed him when he was alive. It is 
now his turn to stepin, asthe men do not generate their own children 
(coitus has nothing to do with procreation) ; it is the ancestor who 
performs this office by entering the woman and being reborn through 
her. The ghost has thus got back all that the living antagonist 
lost. Like the Sultan of the Cyclopean Horde, the Alcheringa 
ancestor procreates all the young people of his clan quite alone and 
has access to all the women; for the real coitus is a matter of no 
importance—it does not count. Rebellion was victorious in reality 
but the old state of things triumphed in fiction. This covenant 
was only possible above the stone which covered the body of their 
dreaded foe; after having settled accounts in reality the victors 
had to settle accountsin their own conscience, and here the reaction- 
formation triumphed and they showed themselves magnanimous 
to the utmost degree. 

This is the prototype of all blood covenants and has been 
transferred to the initiation ceremonies as well as to the rites of 
blood-brotherhood. By substituting the blood of a slaughtered 
domestic animal the people of Indonesia developed the new rite of 
smearing the blood of pigs on rocks; again the ‘‘ human” element 
might crop up behind the rock and the blood of the animal might 
be sprinkled on a human being; the animal may be a vicarious 
sacrifice for a sick man,! killed at the ritual of blood-brotherhood 
and so on. We are not concerned here with all the possible varia- 
tions, but it is remarkable how our opinion that the incest complex 
lies at the root and is the reason for all these substitutions is con- 
firmed by what we find in Indonesia. 

A legend which explains the origin and introduction of Islam 
to Indonesia, but which is probably much earlier and can be 
referred to another movement of migrating peoples, explains the 
prohibition to eat pork by the fact that those who observed this 
prohibition descended from an incestuous union and that their 
ancestress was a sow.3 The incestuous union of a brother and 
sister (survivors of a flood) from whom the Maram originated is 
permitted on the condition that none of their descendants should eat 
the flesh of the pig. The ancestress of this couple was a sow.4 In 
a Toradja origin myth the sacrifice of a pig and a fowl is the atone- 

1 Hose and McDougall, II. 31. 2 Id., ibid., II. 66. 

3 J. C. van Eerde, “ De Kalang-legende op Lombok,” Tijdschrift voor Indische 
Taal Land en Volkenkunde, 1902, XLV. 42. 

4 Hodson, The Naga Tribes of Manipur, 1911, 13, 14. 

ment demanded by the gods for incest ;* at the Fijian Nanga the 
initiation of the boys (circumcision) ends in a general orgy at which 
not even the nearest relationship (brother and sister) is regarded 
as a bar to the general licence. The extent of licence is indicated 
by the expressive phrase of an old chief, ‘‘ While it lasts we are just 
like pigs.””? If a pig is killed instead of a man we must say that 
the man for whom he dies ought to have died in atonement for the 
general sin of the community in attempting or desiring to kill the 
father, and as this desire forms a component of the incest complex, 
the death of a pig is regarded as an atonement for the Oedipus 
complex just because it is a repetition thereof. The blood of the 
dead pig poured on the stone and fecundating the rice-field is the 
seminal fluid of the dying father whose incestuous intercourse with 
the stone grave as mother is regarded as the universal source of 
fertility. 

Thus in extending the limits of comparison beyond Australia, 
and in attempting to indicate the probable direction of the migra- 
tions of the Paléo-Central Australians, we come to conclusions which 
confirm those arrived at by a purely psycho-analytical treatment 
of Central Australian traditions, whilst at the same time they lay 
additional stress on certain aspects of these questions. Rock, 
stone and cave played an important part in the burial ceremonies 
of these migrating tribes at a period when they had not yet adopted 
or developed their present method of platform, tree and earth burial. 
The Intichiuma ceremonies which to-day are performed at a mythical 
tomb were performed at a real one in the days before these tombs 
had to be left behind. In the course of these migrations the stones 
taken from the ancient cairns came to be identified with the ancestors, 
and they served as a link to perpetuate the memory of a primeval 
mourning ceremony. 

As to mourning ceremonies in general we may state that the 
longer they last the greater must have been the impression created 
by the event (the decease) which first gave rise to them. The 
“ delayed burial’’ with the re-burial of the bones after a certain 
period shows that the psychical conflict provoked by a decease 
takes longer in settling than is the case with those tribes who practise 
simple earth burial. The death wail of a noted warrior or a tribal 
leader lasts immeasurably longer than those of a stillborn infant 
Intichiuma as © % decrepit old man whose social importance was 
mourning rites next to nothing. But the Intichiuma ceremonies last 
for the murdered toy ever : they will only be ended with the tribes who 
father. Death eee p 
the road to practise them. Itseems just toargue that the events 
immortality. which gave rise to them and which must have 
happened in the prehistoric age of these tribes must have been of 
such tremendous importance that the impression they created will 

t Perry, op. cit., 98. 2 Thomson, The Fijians, 157. 

never be washed away. Such an event would be the recurring battles 
between the males of the horde, with their triumphs and periods of 
awe-struck horror which mark the upward path from a semi-bestial 
to a primitive human state of society. One powerful Leader of the 
Horde after another must have been weighed down beneath the 
boulders hurled upon him and consequently mourned for by his 
rebellious sons before that which was a grim reality in the beginning 
was softened down to a rite. For every father killed there was 
more of grief and less of triumph than for his predecessor ; repression 
grew in force till first the killing, then the orgy which followed were 
projected into the animal world, and the Great Rebellion only 
survived in an ever-repeated mourning ceremony. 

Now that they were dead the omnigamous Sultans got all they 
wanted, all the women of the tribe. Now that they were dead they 
became immortal indeed, for who could kill a ghost? This is the 
way to Olympian honours ; only a dead man can grow into a god. 
There is a tendency for popular heroes to emulate this primeval 
career to divinity in all ages, but the mould is already given by the 
semi-bestial hero, the physically powerful father of the first tragedy. 
His death and apotheosis lie at the root both of ghost-worship and 
the cult of the gods. In the former case the old complex is revived 
by each death. For if primitive man thinks that murder, meaning 
magical murder, is the only possible reason for death, we should 
like to go even a step further than Freud, who taught us to regard 
mourning rites as an endopsychical recognition of the ill-wishes 
which lie repressed in the Unconscious of primitive man. These 
ill-wishes are not only like deeds; they are derived from deeds of 
a similar order; for savage man is not so far removed as we are 
from the age in which murder was really the cause of every death. 
Or if not of every death we must assume that the deaths of the less 
significant members of the horde did not create such deep and lasting 
impressions in the mind of the survivors as the tragic death of the 
Sire. The death-concept of primitive mankind was moulded on 
this prototype, hence to them death was always a murder. The 
death ceremonies of an ordinary mortal are reduced copies of this 
original, whilst the gods represent the murdered father more in 
the abstract, more functionally as the Oedipus complex immanent 
in every man, as the foundation of all that is repressed in us, and 
thus finds an outlet in religious sublimation. 

The fact that the Intichiuma ceremonies can be traced back to 
the behaviour of the horde after the tragic death of the Leader and 
Father is one which involves various consequences of considerable 
importance. These reflex actions called forth by the after i impression 
of what had happened became conventionalized into a mourning 
ritual and this ritual is being repeated ever since. But it is repeated 
over an empty grave—a Cenotaph, the original lying many hundreds 

of miles away at the place whence the ancestors started on their 
voyage. The chance finding of fossil bones of huge extinct animals ' 
permitted the original meaning of the ceremonies to be revived with 
peculiar distinctness in certain cases. The object of the Minkani 

ceremonies of the Dieri, Yaurorka, Yantruwunta, Marula, Yelyuendi, 

Karanguru and Ngameni tribes is to obtain a plentiful crop of Woma 
and Kapiri. The Mura-Mura himself is hidden (that is buried) in 
his cave, deep in the sandhill. To judge from the description given, 
his remains seem to be those of the fossil animals or reptiles which 
are found in the deltas of the rivers emptying themselves into Lake 
Eyre and which the Dieri call Kadimarkara. The men dig down 
very carefully till, as the Dieri say, the ‘‘ elbow” of the Mura-Mura 
is uncovered.? Moreover as animals are, in the present time, 
re-created every year through the Intichiuma ceremonies; it is 
natural to suppose that this was the way they first came into 
existence. However, a remarkable feature of these ceremonies is 
that they are closely connected with, and take place immediately 
after the death of, a great man of the totem. 

_ The Unmatjera believe that a man named Amulia sprang into 
existence at a place close to where Unkurta died coming out of one 
of his Churinga. He made the first ceremony of Intichiuma 
connected with the Unkurta totem, and this resulted in the forma- 
tion of Unkurta lizards which did not previously exist. In the 
same waya Wallaby man made the first wallabies. A Qualpa man 
made Intichiuma after the death of the first great Qualpa man and 
thus created the long-tailed rats. An Iwuta man arose after the 
death of the first great Iwuta man and, making Intichiuma, created 
thereby the first nail-tailed wallabies.3 Another universal feature 
of these ceremonies is what has been called their commemorative 
or historic aspect. They are perfect dramas; the deeds and the 
death of the hero are recorded—we have the protagonist, the chorus 
and the audience.s Just as our Central Australians act the part 
of the Alcheringa ancestors, the Torres Islanders perform at funeral 
ceremonies, appearing as the ghosts of recently deceased men.é 
Ridgeway has collected the cases in which the life and death of the 
dead man is acted at the grave and traced the origin of the drama 
to these mourning ceremonies.7 The Intichiuma ceremonies conform 
to this type in its most archaic form ; for instead of recording the 

t Cf. Gregory, The Dead Heart of Australia, 1906, 231. 

2 A. W. Howitt, N. T., 798. Howitt and Siebert, ‘‘ Legends of the Dieri,” 
Journal, 1904, 124, 125. For an explanation of the details of the ceremony see 
above. 3 Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 442. 

4 Cf. Durkheim, Les Formes Elémentairves de la Vie Religieuse, 1912. 

5 See especially the descriptions given by Strehlow. 

6 Haddon, op. cit., V. 253. 

7 Ridgeway, The Drama and Dramatic Dances of Non-European Races, 1915, 
340-344. Id., The Origin of Tvagedy, 1910 (on intichiuma ceremonies). 

deeds of the recently dead they go back to the mythic age, which is 
evidently identical with the period when mankind was becoming what 
it actually is, when it was toiling upwards on the steep path which 
leads from a simian to a savage state of society through a long series 
of tragic battles fought out between the old and the young males 
of the Horde. . 
The views opened up here compel us to reconsider a theory of 
totemism which we owe to the famous Dutch ethnologist Wilken, 
The Intichiuma 204 which has received the approval of the “ F ather 
ceremoniesas of Anthropology ’’ himself.t If the principal totemic 
Wed the ovicin of ceremony of our Central tribes is demonstrated to be 
totemismin the offshoot of a mourning rite, the theory whicn 
metempsychosis. derives totemism from a belief in metempsychosis 
gains very much in probability. We get still nearer to our point 
if we compare the views put forward by W. H. R. Rivers in his 
great work on Melanesian Society. In several parts of Melanesia— 
he tells us—there is a belief that after death a man becomes an 
animal, or part of one, or is embodied in one. This belief is very 
general in the Solomon Islands. Sharks are believed to be the 
abode of ghosts in Florida, Ysabel, and Savo; ghosts also abide in 
eels, crocodiles, lizards, and the frigate bird. Again in Ulawa we 
hear of a case in which a man announced that after his death he 
would be in the banana: ‘‘ The animals or plants into which the 
dead are believed to have entered are regarded as sacred and are 
not killed or eaten, but we do not know whether there is the associa- 
tion of sacred animals with social groups which is required to connect 
them with totemism. In the Shortland Islands, however, we find 
beliefs and practices which furnish intermediate links between 
typical totemism and the embodiment of ghosts in animals. In 
these islands the bones of the dead obtained from the ashes after 
cremation are thrown into rivers or the sea, and each clan has its 
appointed place where it was once believed ... that the bones 
are devoured by the fish, lizards, shark or other kind of animal which 
is the totem of the clan. Apparently, the practice is based on the 
idea that the dead are by this rite incorporated into the bodies of 
these totem animals.’’? Dr. Rivers also shows that a connexion is 
demonstrable between the varieties of animals which form the 
totems and burial practices. This is most evident in the case of 
marine animals and the custom of throwing the body into the sea, 
but it seems that cremation which dissolves the body into air is 
also connected with bird totems,3 and we add as a conjecture that 
the form of totemism corresponding to the sitting-interment rite 
: E. B. Tylor, ““ Remarks on Totemism, with special reference to some modern 

theories respecting it,” J. A. J., XXVIII. 146. G. A. Wilken, De Verspreide Gesch- 

viften, 1912, III. 86, 87; Het Animisme bij den Volken van den Indischen Archipel, 
1884-85, IV. r10, 186. 

a Rivers, H. M. S., Il. 361, 362. 3 Id., ibid., II. 342, 343. 

is the one in which large land-animals predominate. People who 
believe in their incarnation in animals or plants after death cannot 
possibly transmit this belief in an unaltered form in a new environ- 
ment. If the belief in incarnation is to persist in a new home, it 
is inevitable that the vehicle of incarnation should be an animal 
or plant of this new home. ‘‘ We have evidence even now that a 
Melanesian chief will tell his people not to eat a plant into which he 
intends to enter after death.” If the germs out of which totemism 
was developed are to be attributed to an immigration of the Kava 
people into Melanesia, we should have to search for the custom or 
belief in Polynesia which can explain this peculiar habit of Melanesian 
chiefs.2_ But again the Polynesians must have come to their present 
home from Indonesia, and as we are attempting to reconstruct a 
state of things and the origin of beliefs which must have long ante- 
dated these assumed migrations ; and as, moreover, we have also found 
reasons to connect the ancestors of the Central Australian tribes 
with which we are dealing with Indonesia, it will perhaps be legiti- 
mate to argue from Indonesian beliefs as to the process that led 
from mortuary to totemic ceremonies and to assume that this 
process must also lie at the root of the belief in metempsychosis. 
The Bahau believe that the ton luwa, the ghost, can in the space 

of time that it spends at the grave before passing on to the other 
Box jotwial world transform itself into a deer or a grey monkey ; 
haunts the grave therefore, the Bahau will only eat these animals when 
in the phantasy compelled to do so by hunger. As the Malays refrain 
ee fron pork, the Bahau imagine that their souls are 
transformed into swine after death.3 ‘‘ The people of Miri who 
are Mohammedan Malanaus, claim to be related to the large deer, 
Cervus equinus, and some of them to the Muntjac deer also. Now 
these people live in a country in which deer of all kinds abound, and 
they always make a clearing in the jungle around the tomb. On 
such a clearing grass grows up rapidly, so the spot attracts the deer 
as a grazing ground; it seems not improbable that it is through 
frequently seeing deer about the tombs that the people have come 
to entertain the belief that their dead relatives become deer, or 
that they are in some other way closely related to the deer.” The 
Bakongs, another group of Malanaus, hold a similar belief with 
regard to the bear-cat (Artictis) and the various species of Para- 
doxurus ; in this case the origin of the belief is admitted by them 
to be the fact that, on going to their graveyards, they often see one 
of these beasts coming out of a tomb. ‘‘ These tombs are roughly 

t Rivers, H. M. S., II. 363. 

1 Dr. Rivers presupposed the same state of things which exists at present 
(telling children not to eat an animal), at the time of the migration. But this leaves 

us completely in the dark as to how such a state of things arose. Why are the 
children told ? 

3 A. W. Nieuwenhuis, Quer duch Borneo, 1904, I. 105. 

constructed wooden coffins raised only a few feet from the ground, 
and it is probable that these carnivores make their way into them, 
in the first place to devour the corpse, and that they make use of 
them as lairs.’’! Certain tutelary animals are connected with 
“‘kramat’”’ (holy) places at Malacca Pindah. It was reported that 
the tigers were in the habit of “ wailing” at the private burial 
place of acertain family. We have various stories of ‘‘ ghost tigers ”” 
(also a white-ghost elephant) associated with the shrines (tombs) 
of local heroes as the guardians of the shrine.3 

If we picture to ourselves the psychical situation of the victorious 
brother-clan assembled round the cairn, which they had piled up in 
triumph and yet trembling from what might follow after their 
victory, we may very well understand the exact moment in which 
the projection of the Father-Imago into an animal took place. 

The conscience-stricken murderer sees the image of the man he 
has killed in every tree of the forest, he hears his voice in the rustling 
boughs and, at least so popular belief will have it, he is compelled 
by irresistible force within him always to return to the scene of his 
crime. These parricides at the dawn of human evolution must have 
been subject to these emotions in an enhanced measure, for was not 
their victim their beloved father, the very source of their being ? 
Their attitude towards him was ambivalent, a compound of hatred 
and love; after hate had obtained free play in the bloody deed 
it was but natural that love should get the upper hand in the 
mourning period. They now felt a lively desire to resuscitate their 
powerful leader as a helpin the struggle for life against other species, 
although his desire was not unmingled with a very natural dread 
of what he would do to his murderers if he came back again. At 
any rate, they were expecting his return, and so it was very 
natural that they should identify the wild beasts of the jungle 
or desert who come to haunt his grave with his now thrice sacred 
person. 

The totem-animal at the grave is still watched for in Central 
Australia. The Warramunga remove the camp to a considerable 
Watching for distance from the scene, since everybody was afraid 
the murderer's Of meeting either with the spirit of the dead man or 
totem-animal with that of the man who had brought about the death 
in Australia. : ; ; oe 

by evil magic. This spirit would probably come to 
visit the grave in the form of an animal.4 The burial mound and 
the smooth ground around it are carefully examined to see if there be 
any tracks visible which might give the clue to the identity of the 
murderer of the dead man. Ifa snake track were visible this would 
be regarded as a sure sign that a man of the Snake totem was the 

* Hose and McDougall, Pagan Tribes, 1902, II. 81. 
+ W. Skeat, Malay Magic, 1900, 674. 3 Skeat, l.c., 163. 
4 Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 519. 

culprit, and then the task would only be to find out which particular 
Snake man was guilty. 

Now, in the Primeval Horde or Cyclopean family there could 
be no such thing as a mortuary inquest. There was no question 
of guilt, for everybody was guilty, and it must have taken many 
generations to repress this will of parricide as well as the conscious- 
ness of guilt, and relegate both to the Unconscious. When this 
had come to pass it would become necessary to project this un- 
conscious complex of guilt into one fictive man: this was the 
imaginary person who had really done the deed which they all 
desired to do. He appeared in the guise of his totem-animal, 
thereby indicating that the sin he had committed was a sin against 
the totem (= the father), and also that after he had done the deed 
it was time for him to identify himself with his totem, to appear in 
the guise of the father-animal. Now the animal which haunted 
the grave was not the father but rather his mortal enemy the 
parricidal son, the man who had killed the father. But, we must 
ask, what was the reason which made them see anything particular 
in the animal which visited the grave? The very fact that they 
had killed the father and were expecting his return with anxious 
suspense, amid dread and desire. The animal thus symbolizes both 
the returning father and the reason why he returns to haunt the 
grave of the murderous son. This latter aspect of the animal at 
the grave only became specially developed in the mortuary inquest, 
but it must have been immanent in the earlier forms. We often 
notice that the rite or object which symbolizes the punishment for 
anything condemned by the Censor but desired by the Unconscious, 
at the same time from the standpoint of the latter, contains a wish- 
fulfilment, a repetition of the very deed which it punishes. An 
acute remark of Hose and McDougall helps us in this connexion ; 
the animals which gather round the grave were probably originally 
carrion-eaters who were attracted by the smell of the putrefying 
corpse. In other words they were doing the same thing as the 

« Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 526. 

* Hose and McDougall, l.c., II. 81. Cf. In New Ireland the two prominent 
secret societies are the ‘‘ sikim ’’ and the “‘ kipkipto.”” A ‘‘sikim”’ is “a blackish 
cricket, exactly like the German meadow-cricket (Gryllus campestris), except that 
it is rather larger. It is also called a ‘“‘ koh na pare.’’ The purpose of the two 
societies is to protect the corpses from these insects, but as their principal ceremony 
consists rather in an imitation of, than in a magical effort at, counteracting the 
doings of the insects, we must conclude that this is a reversal, and that the secret 
society goes back ultimately to the members of the brother-horde, who, after killing 
the father, devoured his flesh and adopted the cricket, a corpse-eater, for their 
patron-animal. The ceremony begins outdoors. The “‘sikim ’’ people crack their 
whips to imitate the shrill noise made by the cricket. Then they unite indoors 
for their meal, the principal ingredient being the bones of the dead with a shred 
of flesh still clinging to them here and there. 

The “ kipkipto” are a brother society; the only difference seems to be that 

instead of gnawing the bones they drink the juice of the putrefying corpse. After 
the trance the ‘“‘sikim”’ is restored to his senses by eating warm food, which is 

mourners—the murderous brothers—devouring the dead father ; 
this originally represents the wish of complete annihilation of the 
object which is devoured ; it is also in a secondary (but still very 
primitive) phase the sign of identification with the object that has 
been consumed.t The beast that feeds on the corpse is thus 
naturally identified with the father. Eating the corpse was originally 
an inimical action towards the dead man; the totem animal, by 
devouring the corpse, must have been thought to be retaliating on 
the dead man for having, in his day, killed and eaten the totem 
animal, that is the symbol of the father. 

In this connexion another fact becomes important, especially 
from a purely ethnological point of view. The totem animals of the 
two primary moieties which were probably already formed when 
the ancestors of a large group of south-eastern tribes invaded 
Australia were Eagle-hawk and Crow, that is carrion-eating birds 
of prey. There are, as we have pointed out, survivals of the part 
played by these birds, especially the Eagle-hawk, amongst tribes 
which have not got this two-class system, and the nature of these 
survivals indicates two possibilities. We must either assume that 
they are traces of a primitive Eagle-hawk-Crow population which 
has been assimilated by the immigrants, or that these immigrants 
themselves had the Eagle-hawk-Crow organization or at least the 
cult of the Eagle-hawk in the dim past, and thus were related to the 
‘group of people who came before them. 

The original phratric totems would have been conserved by the 
first but modified through other influences in the second wave of 
immigrant tribes, and only survived in their myths and religious 
beliefs. The Eagle-hawk appears in two aspects in these myths. 
He is either the father as the divine creator and lawgiver or a 
cannibal monster. Amongst the Arunta the taboo of the Eagle- 
hawk is directly explained by the carrion-eating habits of the bird. 
On general grounds it is much more likely that the bird which 
symbolized their own ancestors should have become tabooed by 
these tribes than one which represented an alien race. Moreover, 
if we follow the cult of the hawk outside Australia we are again led 
back to Indonesia, which we have assumed was the original home 
of these tribes. Just as a Central Australian magician will imitate 

strictly taboo to him in his cricket stage of existence-—P. G. Peekel, Religion und 
Zauberet auf dem mittleren Neu-Mecklenburg, 1910, 78-80). 

The reason for the last taboo may perhaps be that the germs of the rite go back 
to a time which antedates the use of fire and warm food; we seem to have found 
the ritual in transit from anthropophagy and totem-eating. A further develop- 
ment might well be imagined, in which the “ sikim ’’ would drop eating corpses 
and sacramentally consume their patron-animal. Rivers thinks that the secret 
societies are developed out of the totemic groups of the immigrants.—Rivers, 
HM. S., tor, 1), 222: 

* Cf. K. Abraham, ‘‘ Untersuchungen wtber die friiheste pragenitale Entwick- 
ungsstufe der Libido, I. Z. Pa., IV. 71. 

the Eagle-hawk,t the maidelaig of Mabuiag will compare himself 
and his pupil to the fish-eagle and its egg, and point out that the 
pupil was then in the egg stage, but would some day become as 
fierce an eagle as himself.2 At Menapi (Goodenough Bay, New 
Guinea) the fish-hawk is looked upon as the chief of birds,3 and 
called ‘‘ our master,’’ which looks like a translation of the title of 
the Eagle-hawk-Bunjil, who is called “ our father’? by the Kulin.4 
This bird, which feeds on carrion, is the bird totem of the Aurana 
clan, the strongest clan in Goodenough Bay. As they hold the 
highest position among the clans of this part of the coast, it is with 
a certain pride that a man will say, ‘“‘ I am of the Aurana.”’ 5 

The hawk is the patron bird of one of the Banks Island societies 
which is organized on a gerontocratic basis, as it excludes young 
men.® “ Bunjil’’ (Eagle-hawk) is also an honorific title applied to 
important old men by the Kurnai,7 or if the word does not originally 
mean the eagle-hawk, we should say that the latter is called ‘‘ the 
old man.” The Vihunuvagi clan has as ‘‘ major totem”’ the eagle 
called “‘ vihunuvagi,’ from whom they trace their origin. The 
sacred animal of the whole Navatusila people in Fiji is the 
“nganivatu,” the fish-hawk, which may be eaten by none of the 
members of the tribe.) More important still, we habitually find 
birds of prey, eagle and hawk, as the totems of the dual divisions 
in Melanesia,!° which corresponds exactly to Eagle-hawk and Crow 
in Australia. 

The cult of hawks, however, is specially prominent in Borneo—Bali 
Flaki, the white-headed carrion-hawk (Haliaster intermedius), occupies 
an important place in the Kenyah pantheon. It is the principal omen 
bird observed during the preparation for and the conduct of war." 
Without favourable omens from the hawks the Kenyahs will not 
set out on any expedition, and even when they have secured them 

they are anxiously on the look-out for further guidance. If one 

of a party dies on the journey they will stop for a whole day for 
fear of offending Bali Flaki. If a hawk should scream just when 
they are about to attack their foes it indicates the death of one of 
the elder men.*2 When a new house is built a wooden image of 
Bali Flaki with wings extended is put up before it. Offerings of 
food are put on the shelf before the image; it gets bits of flesh 
and is smeared with pig’s blood. The women, although they are 
not allowed to participate in the public cult of the omen hawk, 
have small wooden images of the hawk with a few feathers of the 
bird stuck in it to protect them against evil spirits. The Kenyahs 

t See Map 1. 2 Haddon, V. 322. 

3 Cf. Ker, Papuan Fairy Tales, 1910, 57, 63. 4 Howitt, l.c., 492. 

s Seligmann, op. cit., 419. Sy 6 Rivers, H M.S., 1. 119. 
7 Howitt, N. T., 738. 8 Rivers, l.c., I. 245. 

9 Id., ibid., 280. 10 Jd., ibid., II. 501 

*: Hose and McDougall, Pagan<Tribes, II. 15, 51.  "*g1d., Il. 55. 

naturally will not kill a hawk.t The Klemantans say that Bali 
Flaki is the messenger of their Supreme Being, “ Bali Utong.” If 
a hawk circles over their heads some of the party will fall sick and 
die on the journey. The Singalang Burong of the Iban is more 
anthropomorphic than Bali Flaki, for he is believed to inhabit a 
house like the Ibans themselves. He is the king of all the omen 
birds, and a feast was given in his honour once a year. He used 
to be present at these feasts himself in person, looking just like an 
Iban. At the end of the feast he would go out, take off his coat, 
and fly away in the form of a white-headed hawk.3 Singalang 
Burong probably means “‘ bird-chief.’”” He manifests himself in 
the white and brown hawks which are known by his name. He is 
also the god of war and head-taking, and a feast is celebrated in his 
honour when a head is taken. He is represented by a carved bird 
erected on the top of a pole with its beak pointing towards the 
enemy’s country so that he may “ peck at the eyes of the enemy.” 4 

The Kayan have the large brown-headed hawk as their patron 
and omen-bird. Like the Bali Flaki of the Kenyah, Laki Neho is 
regarded as a deputy and messenger of Laki Tenangan. This 
supreme being is an old man with long white hair who speaks Kayan. 
Somewhat nearer, on a tree-top beside the river, is the house of 
Laki Neho. They are both seen in dreams. Although Laki Neho 
is really the brown hawk, all large hawks (including the white- 
headed hawk of the Kenyahs) are identified with him, as it is not 
possible to distinguish them when flying at a distance.s We must 
either assume that the respect paid to hawks originated in the dim 
past and was inherited by these Malay immigrants from the people 
who inhabited Indonesia before them, and who were also the ancestors 
of the Australians, or we must suppose that it was brought by them 
from their ancient home to Indonesia and transmitted to that part of 
the dark-skinned population of these islands which helped to people 
Australia. In discussing the varieties of totemism in Melanesia, 
Rivers comes to the conclusion that one of the branches of the 
immigrant Kava people brought a type of totemism with them in 
which birds occupied a specially prominent position.7 

He connects the development of bird totemism with cremation,?® 

* Hose and McDougall, Pagan Tribes, II. 56, 57. The hawk is also appealed 
to for purposes of black magic both by the Kenyahs (ibid., II. 56) and the Sebops 
(ibid., 118), a practice which again has parallels in New Guinea. Zahn, Die Jabim. 
Neuhauss, Deutsch Neu Guinea, 1911, II. 336. Cf. also Nieuwenhuis, Die Wurzeln 
des Animismus, 1917, 40. 

* Hose and McDougall, II. 79. 3 Hose and McDougall, IT. 86. 
4 E. H. Gomes, Seventeen Years among the Sea Dyaks of Borneo, 1911, 196; 
cf. 227, 284. 5 Hose and McDougall, IT. 74, 75 

6 The tribe which inhabited the district of Antananarivo in Madagascar had the 
hawk for its symbol.—Gennep, Tabou et Totémisme & Madagascar, 1904, 261. 

7 Rivers, H. M. S., Il. 339. 

§ Cremation is found in Borneo (in connexion with delayed interment), and 
attributed to Hindu influence.—Hose and McDougall, IT. 50, 230. 

but perhaps these birds of prey became connected with the dead 
at a phase of development when other disposal customs were 
practised. In platform-burial there would be ample opportunity 
for the hawks to act as scavengers. Going back one step further to 
the primitive root out of which platform burial was developed by 
some races, we come to the custom of simply leaving the dead where 
he was and shifting the camp.t We must imagine that flight pure 
and simple was also the first reaction of the ancestors of the 
tribes we are dealing with at the sight of a corpse. After a time 
they would recover from their first shock so far as to return to 
the scene of their ghastly deed. Then they would come back to 
stone the corpse a second time as they had stoned the man when 
he was alive, and from a rationalistic point of view they might then 
invent the explanation that the log or cairn on the corpse was meant 
to protect him from the carrion-eating animals. But the hawk will 
by this time have had its share of the prey and become imbued with 
the essence of the old man, the murdered father. The state of 
things which followed upon the death was certainly one of anxious 
suspense, and at such a time man is particularly liable to regard 
everything that happens as an omen of things he is expecting. 
Thus the hawks would come to be messengers of the murdered 
father and birds of omen. Being a plurality, the birds which 
haunted the grave would naturally represent first the warlike element 
of the tribe, the band of brothers, but, for the reasons already put 
forward, they would in time come to be identified with the Father, 
the Supreme Being. These birds, or other carrion-eating animals, 
shared another custom of the brothers which we see reasons for 
projecting back into the abyss of the dim past. After they had 
killed the Sire they proceeded to annihilate him completely, at the 
The cannibal S2™e time identifying themselves with him; they 
Cinmon. devoured the flesh and either left the bones or used 
peur the them for other purposes. We have shown that the 
Paterna’ tyrant. yotichiuma is an anthropic ceremony which has been 
transferred to the animal world, soit will not surprise us if we come 
to the conclusion that the custom of eating the murdered father 
survives in the rite of killing and eating the totem as an essential 
part of the Intichiuma. As to this detail of the original rite, or 
rather of the wild scenes which were softened down and conven- 
tionalized into ritual in the course of ages, we shall attempt to get 
some information from the present customs of this kind. Anthro- 
pophagy is a universal practice of these tribes. In the Mara tribe 
the dead are regularly eaten. Both men and women participate 

tC. G. Seligmann, The Veddas, 1911, 122. FE. Palmer, The Cloncurry Rivey. 

Curr, II. 332. A. R. Brown, “ Description of the Natives of King George’s Sound,” 

J. RG. S., ¥. 46. 
1 In Australia the omen-giving animal is usually the totem; in Borneo, as in 

Rome, the omen cult is called “ beburong,”’ ie. ‘‘ birding.” 

in the feast, although the latter are not allowed to witness the 
preparations made.t In the Binbinga tribe: the women are not 
allowed to touch the flesh which is eaten by the men alone.? 

We may connect this with another specific cannibal taboo found 
in the Dieri tribe. All relatives eat of the flesh of the dead man 
excepting the father, who does not eat his children and the children 
who do not eat their Sire.3 We know that all taboos are repressions 
—a thing forbidden is almost always something that was practised 
in bygone times—but which has been repressed on account of a 
conscious or unconscious meaning attaching to the act. If the sons 
are not allowed to eat the father, it is probable that they regularly 
eat him “‘in the Alcheringa’’; if women may not eat human flesk 
they probably always used to eat it once upon a time and there is a 
specific reason why they are forbidden to do so. 

The feeling of the uncanny is, as has been shown by Freud, the 
result of an effort made by the Conscious against the recognition 
of the once familiar; 4 if women practised corpse-eating in the 
infancy of the race and dropped this custom later on, we should 
expect to find occasional relapses on their part qualified as magical, 
that is, as uncanny practices by the community. This association 
is just what we find in various parts of the world, for instance 
amongst the southern Massim in New Guinea—a witch, a “‘ parauma’”’ 
is a woman who eats corpses.5 Now we have assumed that when 
the young males had killed their Sire to be able to satisfy their 
craving for the women, one of the phases of the repression of the 
Oedipus complex which followed made them ignore their own part 
in procreating and attribute the birth of children to the fact that 
the dead father had entered the woman and had been reborn 
through her, thus vindicating after death the privileges which were 
his in his lifetime. “If, as seems probable, the animals or plants 
which influence expectant mothers were once believed to represent 
or embody dead ancestors, there is suggested the possibility that 
the Kava people may have brought with them the belief, not merely 
incarnation in animal form but also in reincarnation after a time in 
humanform. According to this hypothesis the incarnation in animal 
form would be only a stage towards the process of reincarnation.”’ 6 

If our whole idea as to the anthropic origin of the Intichiuma 
and the conceptional totemism with which it is connected is not a 
mistake we shall be able to guess how this reincarnation took place. 
In Central Australia a child is conceived when a woman eats of the 
totem animal or plant, or rather the food which was eaten by the 
woman when she first noticed being pregnant becomes the child’s 

* Spencer, N. T. N. T. A., 1914, 253, 254. 

» Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 548. 3 Howitt, N. T , 751. 
4 J. Freud, “ Das Unheimliche,” Imago, V. 5-6. 

$ Seligmann, op. cit., 551, § Rivers, l.c., II. 369. 

totem. Eating the totem is also a custom of the Alcheringa, but 
in the case of the Wild-Dog totem we have Alcheringa ancestors 
who did not only eat wild dogs but actually devoured Wild-Dog 
men.t In the Banks Islands, where the belief in animals influencing 
the birth of children is also found, we are told that the child who 
in after life eats of this animal which had procreated it would 
in a certain sense be eating itself. It seemed that the act would 
be regarded as a kind of cannibalism. If an act is regarded as a 
kind of cannibalism it is probable enough that it is derived from 
cannibalism. 

We thus come to the conclusion that there was a time in the 
prehistoric evolution of the Central Australian tribes when the 
women were supposed to conceive, not from eating the totem, but 
from eating human flesh. They probably partook of the festive 
meal and ate of the flesh of the murdered father. From the point 
of view of the Unconscious this was equivalent to having intercourse 
with him, as eating is a transposition upwards of the sexual act. 

We have explained the idea of metempsychosis in connexion 
with the animals that haunt the vicinity of the grave. However, we 
always need two factors to form a specific belief, an outward stimulus 
and something which lies ready in the Unconscious to meet it half- 
way. But we have also explained totemism as a consequence of 
Haeckel’s biogenetic law—ontogenesis a recapitulation of phylo- 
genesis. The embryoin the wombis really an animal in an evolution- 
ary sense, and hence the belief in the identity of human beings with 
various natural species. When man dies he is put into the grave, 
into the womb of Mother-Earth, and hence he is re-transformed into 
anembryo, ananimal. But it is only his bones which are given up to 
the Earth; his flesh is really and materially put back into the inside 
of a woman or rather of many women.3 In this connexion we shall 
recall a custom of the western Solomon Islands which has already 
been quoted. 

Each clan has a special place where the bones of the dead members 
of the clan are disposed of. In many cases the bones were given to 
the big fish known as Samoi, which was one of the “‘tete’”’ totems, 
but the place where the bones were put was usually in the sea or in 
rivers,¢ that is the bones were usually devoured by marine animals. 
Now, as Rivers has pointed out, the ‘‘tua’”’ totems are nearly all 
birds and the “‘tete’”’ totems aquatic animals, so that this is as much 
as to say that the bones are swallowed by the “‘tete”’ totems. 
“Tua’’ means grandfather, “ tete’’ grandmother, and thus the 

1 Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 435. 

« W. H. R. Rivers, ‘‘ Totemism in Polynesia and Melanesia,” J. A. J., 1909, 174. 

3 ‘‘ The corpse of a very young child was roasted whole and eaten by very old 
women only.”—W. E. Roth. Ethn. Bul. TX. 1907, 402. 

4G. C. Wheeler, “‘ Sketch of the Totemism and Religion of the People of the 
Islands in the Bougainville Straits,’ A. R. W., XV. 26. 

dead man gets back into the inside of his ancestress. The women 
were women before they were symbolized by fish, the murdered 
father was devoured by the women of the horde. It is also quite 
in keeping with these views if the fish which swallows the bones is 
supposed to convey them to a submarine or island other-world,' 
for we know very well that the concept of another world is only the 
post-mortem projection of a pre-natal existence in the womb. The 
only answer as to the destiny of the dead which Hagen could 
elicit from the ‘‘ wild’’ Kubu of Muara Bahar was, “‘ If somebody 
dies he returns thither whence he came.’’? Thus the return of 
the dead into the body of a woman was a reality before it became 
a symbol. The taboo against women eating human flesh is really’ 
a repression of the Oedipus complex ; they are not to eat the flesh 
of their fathers, i.e. not to have intercourse with him. When this 
taboo came into force the positive aspect of the rite would still 
survive in the eating of the totem and in the belief that totem-eating 
resulted in conception. The taboo on “red meat’ to be observed 
after death by the near relatives of the deceased is half-way between 
the taboo on eating human flesh and tabooing an animal species, 
as the animals with “red meat’ are those whose flesh resembles 
human flesh.3 Survivals of eating the corpse as a means of inducing 
pregnancy are still found in fairy tales, saga, and popular custom. 
In a Slavonic tale a daughter who is courted by her father becomes 
pregnant through swallowing the gratings of bones dug up from 
the churchyard. The phase of totem-eating is the stage of develop- 
ment in which we actually find some Central tribes, but we have 
also seen instances of the next step in repression, the taboo against 
eating the totem animal. An Intichiuma is a 
magical ceremony for the multiplication of an 
animal species. We have traced the development 
of the ceremony to a time which was before the age of animal 
projection, when the intention of the ceremony was the multipli- 
cation of the human species; and the means by which the end 
was attained were not “‘ magical’’ at all, but those foreseen for 
this purpose by nature. However, this seems a contradiction to 
the death-rite theory which we have just been expounding. The 
solution of this apparent contradiction must be sought in a feature 
of mourning rites which has so far only been touched upon. 

In Fiji there is a mourning custom which offers the strongest 
possible contrast to the bitter lamentation for the dead that 

Mourning and 
Intichiuma. 

* Cf. Rivers, H. M. S., II. 343. » Hagen, Die Orang Kubu, 1908, 144. 
ise 3 W. E. Roth, “ Burial Ceremonies and Disposal of the Dead,” N. Q. E. Bul., 

. 370. 

¢ Krauss, Sagen und Méychen dev Siidslaven, 1883-4, I. 195. Quoted by E. S. 
Hartland, The Legend of Perseus, 1894, I. 86, 87. Cf. ibid., 97, 123-4, 144, 162-3. 
Eating the corpse of a child causes conception in the Tibetan national epic —J. J. 
Schmidt, Die Thaten Bogda Gessey Chans, 1839, 80, 81. 

characterizes these rites. Companies gather together to entertain 
the friends of the dead with comic games, in which decency is not 

Orgiastic always regarded, for the purpose of helping them to 
elements in forget their grief! At Yap, the women perform 
mourning rites. 

obscene dances before the corpse. In New Ireland the 
erotic dances were chiefly performed at festivals held in honour 
of the dead.3 In the mourning ceremonies of the Kobeua in South 
America masked dancers representing various animal-demons appear 
on the scene. But all the “ animals’’ united in a phallic dance, 
the intention of which was to multiply men, animals, plants, the 
whole living nature. If we can rely on Eylmann’s informant, 
there seems to be a case recorded on the Daly River of promiscuous 
intercourse as an element of mourning ceremonies.5 

The ritual of the Aru Islands contains a characteristic survival 
of these orgies in connexion with death rites. When the mourning 
period of the widow comes to an end she is permitted to marry again. 
The entire village is assembled on the coast—the men hold a wooden 
penis in their hands and the women the “‘ kodu,” an object made 
of sago leaves and stalks, which represents the vagina. All symbols 
of mourning are discarded and they jump round the fire like lunatics. 
The ‘“‘ kodu”’ are given to the men by the women, whereupon the 
former insert the wooden penis into them and imitate the act of 
cohabitation so as to induce the widow to coitus in her second 
marriage.6 We may give various functional explanations for the 
phenomenon that mankind is inclined to unite mourning with 
sexuality,7 but behind these functional explanations we shall look 
for a genetic or historical explanation, an organization of society in 
which such a state of things was inevitable, in which it must have 
originated. Arguing from Atkinson’s theory of ‘‘ Primeval Law”’ 
we can quite see how the young males could only have access to the 
women of the herd after the violent death of their venerable Sire, 
who would not let them touch his harem as long as he was alive. 
The Season of Rut was also the Season of Battle and Death, year 
by year as they felt the sexual impulse manifesting itself in them, 
again and again the young males would band together to attempt 
the deed they had failed to accomplish a season hence. Every 
failure would demand losses on the side of the attacking party. 
At last they would succeed, and a period of awe-struck panic at 
what they had done would ensue. They were paralysed by their 
victory ; this was the prototype of all mourning rites and of “ tabooed 

1 Th. Williams, Fiji and the Fijians, 1858, I. 198. 

a W. Miller, Ergebnisse dev Stidsee Expedition, 1908-1910. Jap, 1917, I. 269. 
3 R. Parkinson, Dreissig Jahre in dev Stidsee, 1907, 276, 277. 

¢ Th. Koch-Griinberg, Zwez Jahve unter den Indianevn, 1910, 132-138. 

5 K. Eylmann, Die Eingeborenen dey Kolonie Stidaustralien, 1908, 263. 

6 Riedel, De sluik en kroeshaarige vassen tusschen Selebes en Papua, 268. 

7 Cf. Roheim, Spiegelzaueber, 1919, 105. 

periods,” “‘ rest days,” in general. But at the same time the dreaded 
foe who jealously guarded all the females of the horde was no more; 
what more natural than that they should make a rush for the women. 
It was now their rutting season with a vengeance and they were 
multiplying their own species in incestuous intercourse with their 
mothers and sisters. Comparatively few traces of these primeval 
orgies have survived till our days, and the fact that the connexion 
between the death of the totem ancestor (repeated in eating the 
totem animal) and the idea of multiplication has survived so 
manifestly in our Intichiuma rites, is only due to the long isolation 
of the tribes who practised them from the rest of mankind and to 
the projection of the whole complex from the human clan to the 
animal species. 

Amongst the Bungyarlee and Barkungi on the Darling we find 
traces of a still earlier phase in which the multiplications of animals 
was connected, not with totem-eating, but with its prototype, the 
cannibal meal. The piece of flesh cut from the dead body is taken 
to the camp, cut into small pieces and distributed among relatives 
and friends of the deceased. Some use it for purposes of evil magic ; 
others suck it to get strength and courage, or throw it into the river 
to bring a flood and fish when both are wanted.? Originally the 
Intichiuma was a mourning ceremony, when the Leader of the Horde 
had been killed and eaten and the young males had access to the 
women. Then the second phase becomes repressed and symbolic ; 
after the cannibal meal there is no coitus, but fish are multiplied, 
and in the third phase totem-eating replaces anthropophagy. But 
the Intichiuma are also closely connected with Initiation ceremonies. 
Doienad Hies Certain similarities between mourning rites and 
and Initiation Initiation ceremonies have frequently been observed 
si cia by ethnologists, but we have no satisfactory theory 
to explain this similarity. The Kamilaroi hold their Bora on 
Baiamais ground always near a place where blackfellows are buried.3 
The Nanga where the youths of Fiji are circumcised and initiated 
is regarded as the “‘ bed”’ of the dead ancestors.4 ‘‘ The central 
mystery ”’ of Initiation ceremonies is nearly always an object which 
is traditionally connected with ancestral spirits. The ‘‘ Ngosa” 
or bullroarer is called ‘‘ grandfather’’ by the Kai,5 and the same 
name is applied to the same object by the Kurnai.6 Balum means 
a ghost, an ancestor as well as the bullroarer.7 

« Cf. H. Webster, Rest Days, 1916, Chapter II. 

* F. Bonney, ‘‘On some Customs of the Aboriginals of the River Darling,” 
J. Ants SG as 5 

3 W. Ridley, ‘‘ Report on Australian Languages and Traditions,” de Wie! Boel B ie 
1872, 269. 4 Thomson, Thé Fijians, 1908, 147. 

5 Ch. Keysser, Aus dem Leben dey Kaileute. Neuhauss, Deutsch Neu Guinea, 
TLE <36. 

¢ Howitt, N. T., 638. 7 Neuhauss, op. cit., III. 410-14. 

al 

‘The principal bullroarers or balums represent eminent ancestors 
of the village. The peculiar characteristics of the dead man, such 
as a highly pitched voice, malformations, etc., are reproduced on the 
bullroarers, which are passed on from one generation to the next. 
There is reason to believe that the bullroarer as such represents 
a dead man, so that we should have to postulate a similar origin 
for the “‘ Schwirrholz’”’ of the mysteries as for the stone Churinga ; 
both are substitutes for the corpse carved out of wood or stone, but 
at any rate more durable and less obvious materials than human 
flesh and bone. The Minangkabau of Sumatra carve their bull- 
roarers out of bones of brave men. We have drawn attention to 
the giant thigh-bone of the father of all kangaroos carried about 
by the Kangaroo totem of the Wailwun tribe.3 Itis no more than a 
guess, but one which falls into line with many facts, if we say that 
human and animal corpses or bones were exhibited originally to 
the novices, and that a wooden ‘‘ rhombos”’ was substituted when 
repression made it necessary to throw a veil over the original meaning 
of these mysteries. The fact that the bullroarer itself represents 
a dead man is evident enough if we compare the Australian myths 
which explains the origin of this thrice holy symbol. The bull- 
roarer spirit Gayandi was transformed into a large piggiebillah- 
like animal (that is; killed), but he still haunts the Borah grounds.‘ 
The Wiradthuri say that Baiamai destroyed the disobedient deputy 
Dhurramoolan and put his voice into the trees of the forest.s The 
Kaitish relate that the Tumana, the spirits of the bullroarer, were 
killed by wild dogs. Murtu-murtu, the bullroarer spirit of the 
Warramunga, was a man who was torn to pieces by the wild dogs. 
The trees out of which the present bullroarers are made grow where 
his flesh touched the earth. The view which commends itself to us 
is that the Initiation ceremony is a mourning rite for the murdered 
father. When the Brother Horde had obtained its decisive victory, 
the shock they felt in consequence of their deed must have led to 
the first social crisis, the phylogenetic fixation of a taboo-period, 
which is since then repeated in every mourning ceremony. Like 
mourners ® the initiates are painted white,7 thereby identifying 
themselves with the murdered father, the dead man. Both are 

1 Neuhauss, Deutsch Neu Guinea, III. 410, 411. 

» Th. Reik, Probleme dev Religionspsychologie, 1919, 242; {who, however, does 
not give his authority. 

3 Honery, ‘“ Wailwun,” J. A. I., VII. 249. 

4K. L. Parker, The Euahlayi, 1905, 67. 

s R. H. Mathews, ‘‘ The Burbiing of the Wiradthuri Tribes,” J. REA TG XGENS 
295. ‘ 
6 Frazer, J. A. I., XV. E. S. Hartland, Ritual and Belief, 1914, 235. The 
Philosophy of Mourning Clothes. L. Weniger, “ Feralis Exercitus,’’ Archiv f. 
Religionswissenschaft, X. 69, 229. R. Brown, op. cit., I. 40, 46. 

7H. Schurtz, Altersklassen u. Madannerbtinde, 1902, 101. Weniger, op. cit., 
IX. 242. G. Tessmann, Die Pangwe, 1913, II. 50 J. Macdonald, “ Superstition, 
Manners, Customs, and Religions of South African Tribes,” J. A. I., 1889, XIX. 268. 

subject to privations,t which must be interpreted as the punishment 
for what they have done or intended to do. * The taboo of speech 
applies to both,? as a fixation of an involuntary inhibition which 
must have been one of the outward signs of the psychic shock 
wrought on them by the dire event. The relation between the two 
most important ceremonies of primitive man becomes still more 
evident when we recall the fact that even the most specific symptoms 
- of initiation ceremonies, mutilations like tooth-expulsion, cutting 
a finger joint, scarification and circumcision, find their exact equi- 
valents in mourning ceremonies.3 Technical details are of great 
importance, for it is only in these two rites that we find marked 
trees, moundss and platforms. The obvious explanation of this 
‘ parallelism seems to be that the nucleus of Initiation 
ge ceremonies is a mourning rite for the murdered 
initiation father. The victorious brothers experienced a shock 
jrourning vitefor 2t What they had done; they felt an unconscious 
the murdered Sire dread of the time when their sons would deal with 
ie clopean them as they had dealt with the Sire. Their straight- 
forward ageressivity would be repulsed by this first 

inhibition ; in the moment they had done the deed they them- 
selves were transformed into fathers; their feelings on the subject of 
their revolution were undergoing a rapid change. This was the 
first victorious Opposition Party ‘‘ changing colours’’ for those of 
the Government Party, the first oppressed who were growing into 
oppressors. ‘“‘ Changing colours”? must be interpreted in a literal 
sense—the white paint of their bodies is an effort toimitate the pallor 
of the corpse. Then they played a part which was that of judge 
and criminal at the same time. The mutilations they inflicted on 
themselves were the visible signs that the aggressive impulse had 
been blocked and was turning against its own author. The mound 

t Westermarch, The Ovigin and Development of the Moral Ideas, 1908, II. 302. 
Frazer, J. A. I., XV. 94. 

» As to initiation, see Spencer, N. T. N. T. A., 168. Roth, Ethnological Studies, 
£77. 
3 Waitz-Gerland, Anthropologie dev Naturvolkey, III. 196, VI. 403. Spencer 
and Gillen, N. T., 510. Fraser, Aborigines of N.S. W., 1892, 44. 

« R. Etheridge, ‘‘ The Dendroglyphs, or Carved Trees of N.S. Wales,’’ Mem. 
Geol. Survey, N.S.W. Ethonol. Series, No. 3. 

5 The characteristic feature of the Bunan Bora and Dora types of south-eastern 
initiation ceremonies is the circular mound.—Howitt, N. T., 519, 541, 564, 582, 
584. These earth mounds often represent human or animal beings, especially the 
supreme beings, Baiamai, Daramulun, in a reclining position (P. W. Schmidt, op. 
cit., 360, 361). As we have found various reasons for identifying these supreme 
beings with the leaders of the Cyclopean family murdered by their sons and wor- 
shipped after their death, we may say that we have here a representation of 
Baiamais burial mound, for we are already acquainted with the return of 
repressed elements which transforms the mound which ought to blot out the corpse 
from human view into a likeness of the very object it was intended to obliterate. 
The mythical serpent-ancestor of the Wollunqua totem is represented by an earth 
mound, and a fierce attack upon the mound is made with the idea of coercing the 
ancestor.—Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 238. 

raised over the dead body, the platform on which it is placed, the 
fire to keep it warm (originally to annihilate it),t the tree which 
represents a man—all these elements of Initiation rites represent the 
survival of an ancient mourning ritual which has been transformed 
into an initiation into manhood. 

Just as telling the deeds of the dead man is an important element 
of mourning rites, initiation rites would not be complete without 
the mythical lore of the tribe. The knowledge imparted to youths 
on this occasion refers to the mythic events as things that were 
done in bygone days by the gods or ancestors of the tribe who 
inhabited the earth at that time, and were, to all appearances, 
simply human beings. Only when their days on earth are spent 
are we told that they were translated into the skies or trans- 
formed into animals, an euphemism for the straightforward 
statement that they died, or rather that they were murdered 
by their rebellious offspring. Baiamai, the god of the initiation 
rites, ascends to the sky or leaves for an island far beyond the sea, 
and ever since then all the dead follow his footsteps. In other words, 
he is the first man who died who showed the path to the other-world 
where he still continues to exist in a semi-petrified state. The 
Initiation ceremonies are really his obsequies, the mourning rite 
in honour of the murdered father, and it is now that the boys hear 
about ‘‘ Mungan-ngaua,” “‘ Our Father,” and the things he did and 
said when he was living amongst men. The Dakka always killed 
their king at the harvest season (the equivalent of the rutting season 
projected to the Earth-Mother in an agricultural community), and as 
soon ashe is dead preparations are made for the circumcision festival. 
It is only when the festival is terminated that the new king commences 
to rule. The Dakka say that the blood spilt at circumcision flows 
towards the dead king; and if the new king were already in office, 
he would die on account of this blood.2, The circumcision of the 
youth appears to be a sacrifice offered to the ghost of a murdered 
king. It is true that the ordinary mourning ceremony lacks the 
dramatic details which are characteristic of Australian initiation 
rites, but then we must not forget that the latter commemorate 
a death of far greater importance or rather a series of deaths which 
opened the way for civilization. In the mourning ceremony at 
the grave of the murdered father the rebellious Titans repeated the 
deed they had done as well as the battle which preceded it. When 
they mutilated themselves they were playing the part both of father 
and son, and it is only when they repeated this ceremony on the next 
generation that it became again an action in which subject and 

: On the sacred fire of initiation ceremonies see J. G. Frazer. On some cere- 
monies of the Central Australian tribes —A ustralasian Association for the Advancement 
of Science, 1901, 318, 319. Howitt, op. cit., 525, 537, 573, 615. 

« Frobenius, l.c., III. 141, 255. 

11. CLASS ORGANIZATIONS ACCORDING TO N. W. THOMAS 

I. 

II. 
III. 
TV. 

V. 
Vi. 

VII. 
VIII. 
IX 

X. 

XI. 
XII. 
XIII. 

XIV. 
XV. 
XVI. 

XVII. 

Muri, Kusi, Kumso, Ipat. 

Kurso, Maro, WomsBo, WIRO. 

PaRANG, BuNDA, Womso, BALGOIN, THEIRWAIN. 
KARILBURA, MUNAL, KuRPAL, KUIALLA. 
Wonco, KuBARU, BUNBURI, KOORGILLA. 
KARAVANGI, CHIKUN, KURONGON, KURKILLA. 
Wanp!l, WALAR, JORRO, KUTCHAL. 

Ranya, Rara, Loora, AWUNGA. 
JimMILINGo, BaDINGO, MaRINGO, YOUINGO. 
Muruneun, MuMBALI, PuRDAL, KUuIAL. 
AWUKARIA, ROUMBURIA, URTALIA, WIALIA. 
(INCLUDES ALL EIGHT-CLASS SYSTEMS.) 

PANUNGA, BULTHARA, PuRULA, KUMARA. 
(a) Deringara, Gubilla, Koomara, Belthara. 
(b) Burong, Ballieri, Banaka, Kymerra. 

TONDARUP, DIDARUK, BALLARUK, NAGANOK,. 
LANGENAM, NAMEGOR, PACKWICKY, PAMARUNG. 
Kari, Waul, WiLtvu, WITHUTHU. 

ADJUMBITJI, APPULARAN, APPUNGERTI, AUINMITJI. 

See N. W. Thomas: Kinship Organizations and Group Marriage 
in Australia, 1906, Chapter IV. Map II is reproduced here with 
a slight modification in the north following Spencer, Northern 
Territory, 1914, 55. For further details on this important question 
see F. Grabner: ‘‘ Wanderung und _ Entwickelung  sozialer 
ers in Australien,” Globus, XC, 181-91, with a map on 
Ds. £33: 

*(br161 ‘Ksopsssay usaygson fo saqrat OnigD AT 
s,reoueds ‘gq Aq pozuawmeddns) semoyy “mM “N 0} Surpros0v suoyeziuesig ssey) 

ve K<D 
ir 
¢ 

‘II ‘ON adv 

noe 

object, initiators and initiates were separated. To say that the 
stone-knife was introduced by sky beings is equivalent to saying 
that it was introduced by the dead, a ceremony performed in honour 
of the dead. Or, we can refer to the Urabunna legend of the Yuri- 
ulu, ‘“‘ the Two living ones,’’ who rise out of the earth invisibly and 
cut the foreskin with their stone knives.1 Somebody who rises out 
of the earth, looks very much as if he was coming out of his grave, 
and the adjective ‘‘ living’ seems in this connexion to be an am- 
bivalent euphemism to cover the contrary meaning. These first 
ceremonies which were held at the grave of the father and imme- 
diately after the first parricide were puberty rites and ceremonies of 
initiation into manhood in optima forma. As long as the young 
males had not killed their father, felt the loss and the self-caused 
shock after the deed, and at the end of this “‘ period de marge” 
had access to their mothers and sisters, they were not men in any 
sense of the word. For we must not forget that these battles took 
place at the rutting season, and that they ended in a general orgy 
which still survives in their late descendants. From a genetic 
point of view we must regard the murder and the rut as the original 
elements ; the inhibition represented by mourning was only inter- 
posed between them when the impressions made on living matter, 
the engrams of many futile revolutions, were beginning to make 
themselves felt, and instead of continuing the fight against each 
other and being punished by their brothers for what they had done 
to their father, they began to punish themselves. At this stage of 
evolution an intermediary period would be evolved in which they 
acted as if the father who did not let them have access to the women 
was still alive, and therefore they did not rush upon their sisters 
as they were wont todo. This period was spent in neurotic actions 
at the grave of the man whom they had kiiled, and this was the 
prototype of both mourning and initiation rites. The central 
mystery of these rites was the corpse itself; it was only when the 
sons of these victorious brothers grew up and when, as Reik has 
pointed out they were afraid of the next generation, that the mourning 
rite was repeated but the murder left out, and that the necessity of a 
substitute for the corpse began to make itself felt. This must have 
happened at about the same epoch when the ancestors of the Central 
Australians were for some unknown reason compelled to start 
upon their migrations from their ancient home. The further they 
wandered from the scene of their first rebellion the less chance there 
was of showing the real grave, the real corpse, or at least the bones to 
the next generation. Society was hitherto a scene of permanent 
revolutions or of violent measures to obviate this danger, but for the 
wandering tribes need was pressing and the old males began to make 
a compromise; they could permit the young ones, who became 
« Howitt and Siebert, “‘ Legends of the Dieri,”’ J. A.TI., 1904, tog. 

indispensable helpmates in the many needs of the journey, to have 
access to some of the women on condition that they underwent a 
ceremony of contrition (mourning) for the unconscious parricidal 
impulse that was within them. But as we have said, there was no 
corpse to appear before the awe-struck eyes ; wood and stone, bull- 
roarer and Churinga had to do duty instead. 

At the Kurnai Jeraeil the cryptic phrase used for the central 
mystery, that is the exhibition of the bullroarer to the novices, is 
“showing the grandfather.” Perhaps the burial ceremony of 
the Binbinga, Anula and Mara, who put the body in a coffin 
ornamented with the totemic design, perform ceremonies after 
death which relate to the ancestors of the dead man’s totem group 
and introduce any newly initiated boy who happens to be present to 
sit round the parcel of bones with the men,? may represent a fair 
copy of the original undifferentiated rite, which was a mourning 
Intichiuma and initiation at thesametime. The ‘Central mystery ”’ 
revealed to the neophyte was the parcel of bones, which were 
replaced in the course of time by ‘‘ grandfathers ’’ of wood and stone. 

It is perhaps not without significance that the spiral and con- 
centric ornaments which are so characteristic of Central Australian 
bullroarers and Churingas (the zigzag lines of West Australia seem 
to be a local modification of the spiral type) can be traced to New 
Guinea, and that, as pointed out by Haddon, the development of spiral 
ornaments from the representation of the human face is still 
traceable in this island.3 The bullroarer which represented a dead 
man had a human face or figure on its surface, and the growth of 
conventionalization in this case may be traced to the obliterating 
work of repression. The reversal which characterizes this second 
phase in the development of Initiation ceremonies was carried 
through along the whole line. It was not the father who was killed 
in good earnest and revived afterwards as a ghost in the imagination 
of his sons, his murderers; it was the youths who were killed (in 
imagination) and revived (in sober reality) by the old men. When 
the brothers had killed the Jealous Sire, the women undoubtedly 
felt sorrow at his death and mourned for him. Now they continued 
their mourning, but the object had suffered a displacement ; they 
mourn for Youth killed by the Aged Men. Assuming that we have 
not been going totally wrong, we shall regard the following conclusions 
as established :— 

(2) The Ancestors of the Central Australian tribes came from 
the north and the north-west ; they must be regarded as 
immigrants into Australia. 

: Howitt, N. T., 628. s Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 173, 552, 553- 

3 Haddon, The Decorative Art of British New Guinea, 1894. Spencer and Gillen, 
N. T., 634, 635. The Tikowina (bullroarer) of the Herbert River tribes is about 
a foot long, brought gradually to a point at the bottom, whilst the top is cut in the 
rude representation of a man’s face with mouth and eyes. All over the front it 
is painted red and black with human blood and clay.—Howitt, N. T., 499. 

Summary. 

(b) They brought a religion with them in which the worship of 
stones played an important part. There must have been two 
principal migrations—the first with Churinga and local conceptional 
totemism, represented by the Arunta and Kakadu; the second with 
patrilineal conceptional totemism represented by the Warramunga 
and allied tribes. 

(c) There is reason to assume a prehistoric contact between 
these immigrants and the people who have been called the “ stone- 
using immigrants ” of Indonesia by W. J. Perry. 

(d) In both areas the introduction of the Stone Age is attributed 
to sky beings. In both areas ancestors are petrified and these myths 
‘are developed out of the incest complex. Australian traditions 
clearly point to an age (the Alcheringa) in which the ancestors raised 
cairns over their dead. The legends of petrifaction are connected 
with floods in both areas. In Australia, every child is born from a 
rock, in Indonesia (and Oceania) birth from a rock is a cosmological 
or anthropogonical motive. This proves that the ancestors of the 
Central Australians had a common stone culture with the ancestors 
of the ‘‘ stone-using immigrants’’; but it also proves that they 
have conserved a much more primitive variant or phase of this 
culture, for the myth which says that the first men were born out 
of rocks is a trace of a period when it was generally believed that 
men are born from rocks. In both areas the rock from which children 
are born is the stone under which the ancestor is buried, and the 
belief which explains the birth of children not from real coitus between 
the mother and the father but from a symbolic coitus between the 
woman and an ancestor represents a return of the Oedipus complex. 

(e) The rock or the cairn is piled up over the corpse of the ancestor 
to keep him from getting up again; but by a return of repressed 
elements it becomes identified with the very ancestor against whom 
it was erected. Small stones from the grave are used in Indonesia 
as symbols of the body on voyages; hence migrating tribes must 
have developed the belief in the Churinga as a substitute for the 
corpse. 

(f) The consequences, from the standpoint of social psychology, 
of the ethnological connexion established in this way. are as follows: 
The Intichiuma are developed out of the death rites of the murdered 
father. The animal which haunted the grave and ate the corpse 
was regarded as identical with the dead father; the ‘“ immortal ”’ 
Alcheringa-being as hero or god is a dead man. Behind totem- 
eating we find the devouring of the Jealous Sire; there must have 
been a period when conception was regarded as the result of the 
women eating, not the totem but the flesh of the dead man. The 
mourning period for the dead father is the common root of initiation, 
intichiuma and mourning ceremonies. 

(g) The ethnological connexion between Australia and Indonesia 

involves a striking confirmation of Freud’s views as to the origin 
of totemism. We have analysed the totemic institutions and beliefs 
of the Central Australian tribes and found that they are reaction- 
formations against the Oedipus complex. Perry has been led by 
purely ethnological considerations to ascribe the introduction of 
totemism to Indonesia (and hence probably to Oceania in general), to 
a people who practised incestuous unions although the traditions 
contain evidence of the disapproval of these unions. This apparent 
contradiction cannot be solved by ethnology alone; it is only 
through psycho-analytical research that we can understand the 
disapproval as well as the totemic taboos as the result of the conflict 
between libido and repression. We may add that both the “ stone- 
using immigrants’’ of Indonesia and the Central Australians are 
characteristic examples of the ‘‘Stone Age”’ in religious evolution, 
and we shall feel that the probability of a prehistoric contact between 
these two areas is not to be underrated. 

From an ethnological point of view we must treat these 
immigrants as an unknown quantity. We shall now proceed to 
examine how far this ascription of the magico-religious 

Th = ; ; ‘ ; 
este of complex which consisted in the threefold unity of 
ee Alcheringa myths, Intichiuma rites, and Conceptional 

and the com- | totemism to a separate culture cycle or wave coincides 
iss of (Au with the results obtained by authors who have dealt 

’ with other sides of Australian culture.t In sociology the 
characteristic feature of the area in question is paternal descent and 
the existence of four- and eight-class systems, whilst the area of nega- 
tive totemism is occupied by tribes with maternal descent and two- or 
four-class systems? (cf. Maps 2, 4,5,6,7,8,9, 10,11). Thecharacteris- 
tic burial customs of this area are those which conform to the type of 
delayed burial and involve the use of platforms or trees as temporary 
resting-places of the corpse as well as a sort of mummification,3 

t The cultural and historical connexion between stone churingas, conceptional 
totemism, and Intichiuma ceremonies has been emphasized by P. W. Schmidt in 
various articles (see especially, ‘‘ Die Stellung der Aranda,” Z. E., 1908), but 
without accounting for the psychological nature of this connexion. 

a Grabner, ‘‘ Kulturkreise in Oceanien,’”’ Z. f. E., 1905, 30. Id., “‘ Wanderung 
und Entwickelung socialer Systeme in Australien.” Globus, 90, 183. N. W. Thomas, 
Kinship Organizations and Group Marviage in Australia, 1906. 

3 On the distribution of platform-burial in Australia, see Grabner, ‘' Kultur 
kreise,” Z. E., 1905, 30. Id., ‘‘ Wanderung,” Globus, 90, 223,224. G. Elliot Smith, 
The Migrations of Early Culture, 1915. N.W. Thomas, ‘‘ The Disposal of the Dead 
in Australia,” F.-L., 1908, 406. 

The question of burial customs is not so simple, and shows the complicated 
mechanism of the clash of culture as well as the variability of a custom from purely 
evolutionary causes. As we have seen from the study of the Alcheringa legends, 
the Central tribes must have practised burials in caves or under cairns in the pre- 
historic age of the Alcheringa, so that they may very well have developed the custom 
of carrying the corpse about in the course of their migrations. (Rivers, H. M.S., 
II. 278: ‘‘ According to this view, the practice of preservation would be a feature 
of culture of the same order as the use of the canoe in the funeral rites. It would 

12, CULTURE AREAS ACCORDING TO F. GRABNER (WITH MODIFI 
CATIONS AND ADDITIONS FOLLOWING N. W. THOMAS, B 
SPENCER, W. E. ROTH, ETC.) 

Tribes with paternal descent (‘‘ Western Papuan”). 
Tribes with maternal descent (‘‘ Eastern Papuan ”). (White on map) 

(=) Class paternal, totem maternal. 
ti Local organization. 
—K—X— X— .. Absence of spear-thrower. 
= -— — Absence of shield. 

I. PLATFORM-BURIAL. 
II. StoNE-HEADED SPEAR. 
III, DacGEeRs AND KNIVES. 
IV. Barxk-GIRDLeE. 
V. Traces oF Two-Crass SysTEM IN “ WESTERN PAPUAN” AREA. 
VI. Cruss. 
VII. SPEAR-THROWER. 
? Descent unknown or uncertain. 
Cf. F. Grabner: ‘‘ Kulturkreise in Ozeanien,” Zeitschrift fiis 
Ethn., 1905, pp. 30, 31. N. W. Thomas: ‘“ Kulturkreise in 
Australien,’ ibid., p. 762. B. Spencer: Northern Territory, 1914. 
W. E. Roth: “Social and Individual Nomenclature,” North 

Queensland Ethnography Buill., XVIII, 102, 103. Idem: Ethno- 
logical Studies, 57. 

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7, Lt 
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whilst simple earth burial immediately after death seems to be the 
original mode of disposal of the dead in the south-eastern area 
(see Map 9). Another question which seems to divide the Australian 
aboriginals into two principal sections is that of initiation cere- 
monies. The remarks of H. Webster on this subject are so very 
much in accordance with our own views that we cannot do better 
than quote them in full: ‘“‘ Over the wide expanse of the Australian 
Continent two great types of Initiation rites prevail. There are the 
Bora ceremonies of the tribes occupying the eastern coast and the 
interior westward throughout the greater portion of Victoria, New 
South Wales and Queensland, and what we may for convenience 
call the Apulla ceremonies of the Central and Western tribes which 
range over half the Continent.” “A line drawn from Cape Jervis 
at St. Vincent’s Gulf, South Australia, and continued in a north- 
easterly direction through New South Wales, and then northerly 
through Queensland to the Gulf of Carpentaria, separates the tribes 
that practise circumcision and subincision from those that do not. 
East of this line Bora ceremonies in which the principal rite is either 
evulsion of teeth or depilation prevail. Between this and a second 
line which begins at Port Augusta at the head of Spencer Gulf, 
South Australia, and then continues in a northerly direction until 
it joins the first line at Longreach, Queensland, is the area occupied 
by the tribes which practise circumcision alone. The ceremonies 
of these tribes may be described as a mixture of Bora and Apulla 
rites. Extending in a westward direction from this second line is 
the large area occupied by tribes which possess the Apulla rites and 
practise both circumcision and subincision. Beyond a line drawn 
from Cape Arid on the Great Australian Bight to North-West Cape 
on Plymouth Gulf, neither of these rites has been observed.” ? “ On 
the theory that the Tasmanians, now extinct, were the remnants of a 
Nigritic race which once peopled Australia, it is possible, as Mr. H. L. 
Roth suggests, that an invading race may have adopted some of the 
customs of the earlier inhabitants.” 2 ‘‘ Initiation ceremonies among 
other customs may have been so borrowed or at least modified by 
contact with aboriginal inhabitants. On this hypothesis the South- 
Eastern Australian tribes representing the first invaders ought to 
possess the most archaic customs,3 and these ought, of all the 

be a consequence of the fact of migration, and not a necessary indication of the 
original nature of an immigrant culture.”) But on the other hand, the custom 
of platform-disposal may have existed in the original home of the Central tribes. 
The paths by which this custom was transmitted to the south involve other 
questions, which have not been solved by Grabner (l.c.), as platforms outside the 
central area are by no means confined to the “ bara” tribes. The Arunta and the 
tribes of the extreme north have platforms, a fact which may be interpreted in 
various ways. t H. Webster, Primitive Secret Societies, 1908, 191. 

2 Cf. H. Ling Roth, The Aborigines of Tasmania, 1899, 227, 228. Ibid. 456; 
on teeth-evulsion. 

3 We shall be compelled to investigate the legitimacy of this view and similar 
conclusions below. 

a" 
if 
a 
a 

Australian Initiation ceremonies, show most likeness to those of the 
Tasmanians.? ‘‘ Circumcision, practised by the people of the south and 
east coast of New Guinea, may have been introduced by an invading 
race which came from that direction. Subincision is undoubtedly a 
native Australian development, for its like is not to be found outside the 
Continent (cf. Map ro and p. 445).2_ In material culture the absence 
of the spear-thrower in the matrilinear area, as well as other features 
enumerated by Grabner (but requiring more detailed investigation), 
might be mentioned.3 The most important link in the chain of 
evidence has been furnished by the linguistic researches of Father 
Schmidt. He shows that the great dichotomy of the Australian 
race is quite evident in the classification of languages. The South 
Australian languages coincide with the matrilinear two-class area, 
whilst the immigrants who introduced the specific forms of totemism 
which we have been dealing with into Australia spoke languages 
which belong to another linguistic family and must be described 
as Neo-Australian. A glance at the maps‘ will show that the 
cultural area of Central Australian influence extends, especially to 
the West, far beyond the tribes speaking these Neo-Australian 
languages. Indeed, it is quite evident that the Western tribes 
must have originated out of the interaction of the immigrants and 
the tribes they found in possession ; immigrant influence has been 
strong enough to modify the culture but not the language. Father 
Schmidt also points out that science will probably be able, in the 
future, to demonstrate the further links which connect these northern 
languages with the Papua of New Guinea, as well as with the Dravida 
of India or rather the ‘‘ Pre-Dravidian’’ population of Indonesia.5 

It is at this point that the results derived from many branches of 
research seem to join hands. For all that we have said of the two 
principal sections of the present population of Australia from the 
point of view of (a) Religious belief, (b) Sociology, (c) Linguistics 
Usieropolortsts  ®8TE°S remarkably with the views of anthropologists 
on the origin of ON the origin of the Australian race. Flower and 
the Australian Yydekker think that the physical characteristics of 
oe the Australians can be best accounted for by regarding 
them as a cross between a low form of Caucasian Melanochroi 
and a frizzly haired population represented by the Tasmanians.® 

t Webster, Primitive Secvét Societies, 1908, 193. 2 Webster, l.c., 194. 

3 Grabner, “ Kulturkreise in Ozeanien,”’ Z. E., 1905, 30. Id., ‘ Kulturkreise 
in Australien,” ibid., 765. Luschan, ‘“‘ Das Wurfholz in Neu Holland und Ozeanien,”’ 
Bastian Festschrift, 1896. P. W. Schmidt, Anthropos, 1912, 230, 251. 

4 The boundary-line of Neo-Australian languages is indicated on all our maps 
according to P. W. Schmidt in the Anthropos. (VI. 1911). 

5 P. W. Schmidt, ‘“‘ Die Gliederung der australischen Sprachen,’”’ Anthropos, 
1912, 250; ibid., 1917-18, 437. (Cf. recent views of the same author in Buschan, 
Iilustrierte Vélkerkunde, 1923, II. 11.) 

6 W. H. Flower and H. Lydekker, Am Introduction to the Study of Mammals, 
Living and Extinct, 1891, 748, quoted by Howitt, N. T., 31. 

As to the connexion with the Dravidas, an idea which keeps 
re-occurring in anthropological literature, notwithstanding the 
seemingly far-fetched, and at any rate far from proven aspect of 
such a hypothesis, certain arguments which have been brought 
forward in this connexion seem to deserve consideration. If the 
linguistic affinity is more than a dream, the coincidence of two 
weapons which cannot be said to form the general property of 
primitive man, namely the spear-thrower and the boomerang, 
deserves consideration. Of course, this could only be a connexion 
as between two widely divergent branches of a common and very 
ancient parent stock.2 This parent stock could be no other than 
the wavy-haired, brown-skinned, aboriginal population of Indonesia, 
represented at present by such broken-down and probably mucn 
modified tribes as the Wedda of Ceylon, the Toala of Celebes and the 
Kubu of Sumatra. These must have spread over the island world 
at a period when the sea offered no obstacles, or at least much less. 
formidable obstacles to their migrations than at present, for all 
authorities agree in claiming that Australia must have been populated 
from the north-west.3 Dr. Volz thinks that this race was the first 
to take possession of these regions and he divides this hypothetical 
race into a northern (North Australia, Melanesia), southern (South 
Australia) and Tasmanian branch.4 This immigrant race or rather 
the northern branch of the race, according to the view of Dr. Volz 
must have had a low form of stone culture, paleolithic weapons, burial 
in caves or under cairns, and a consequent association between the 
dead fathers and rocks or stones. The Wedda believe that the spirits 
of the dead live in hills, caves, and rocks.s At Omuni, the ‘‘ Nae 
Yaku ”’ (spirits of the dead) are believed to be associated with rocks.§ 
There must have been a contact of some sort between these people 
and theso-called “ stone-using immigrants’’ of Indonesia, the nature 
of which contact we can, however, hardly even attempt to guess. 
Perhaps the very rude stone culture of this Australian population 
was influenced by the immigrants and, as often happens in such 
cases, it was the receptive and not the inventive race which preserved 

* The Australasian Anthropological Journal, 1897, 121, quoted by Hagen, Unter 
den Papuas, 1899, 146, 147. Cf. also W. Volz, Siid und Ostasien, in Buschan, 
Iilustrierte Voelkerkunde, 1909, 226: (On the racial strata in Indonesia: first the 
Negritos, then the Indonesians, who are probably related to the Dravidas, and 
through them to the European race) ; 249 (on the age of wood) ; 260 (on boomerangs 
in Celebes: a connecting-link between the boomerangs of Southern India and 
Australia). (Cf. in the new edition, the contribution of Heine-Geldern, Vol. II.) 

* With regard to the relationship with Dravidians, or pre-Dravidians, Howitt 
justly remarks that such a connexion must be considered only as the “ relationship 
of two tribes co-descendant from a common and distant ancestral stock.’”—A. C 
Howitt, op. cit., 30. 

s B. Hagen, op. cit., 1899, 144. 

4 Volz, “ Beitrage zur Anthropologie der Siidsee,” Archiv f. Anthropologie, 
XXIII. 97. 

5 C. G. Seligmann, The Veddas, 1911, 151. 6 Id., ibid., 167. 

the cultural and religious elements in their more archaic form. Or 
perhaps the extremely primitive elements which we have found at 
the bottom of stone-beliefs in Australia and Indonesia were developed 
independently in both groups, in which case only a few specific 
resemblances would be due to culture-contact. At any rate, we 
must regard the Central tribes as later immigrants than those which 
have the two-class system and maternal descent, and try if we can 
ascertain anything with regard to the nature of relations between 
these two groups. 

We shall best be able to demonstrate the psychological and 
ethnological relations of the two-culture areas by taking a few tribes 
ee that are on the verge of the two systems. The 
verge of the two Euahlayi have the Kumbo-Murri-Hippi-Kubee four- 
The Buch class system,! like the Kamilaroi, Wirradhuri and other 

‘eastern tribes.2 They have tooth-evulsion, and they 
call the Initiation rite Bora ;3 so do the Kamilaroi amongst whom 
the Northern Kamilaroi have evidently dropped the knocking out of 
the teeth, which, however, still survives in another section of the 
tribe.¢ Again, they share the belief in Baiamai with the Kamilaroi 
and Wiradjuri.s That they have the same or similar beliefs as the 
Arunta about the origin of children has been pointed out by A. Lang ® 
and detailed above. But Ido not know that anybody has pointed out 
the existence of Intichiuma ceremonies amongst them, which accord- 
ing to our theory should go hand in hand with the childbirth beliefs. 
K. L. Parker says: ‘‘ Every totem hasits own special corroboree and 
a time for having it, as the Beewees or iguanas, when the pine pollen 
is falling and the red dust-storms come. And if you abused the 
dust to a Beewee black you would insult him ; it is not dust, it is 
the pollen off the pines and so a multiplex totem of his, and therains 
are claimed by the totem whose wind was that blew it up.” “If 
a storm comes without wind it belongs to Bohrah, the kangaroo.” 
“* Away to the north-west a tribe of Blacks have almost a monopoly 
in wind-making, holding great corroborees to sing these hurricanes 
up.”’7 Totemic corroborees that are performed at fixed seasons, 
and evidently exercise a magical influence on the totem or multiplex 
totem, are exactly what we call Intichiumas. 

Similarly the Tully River tribes, who have a four-class system 
(not the Panunga-Bulthara type),8 and whose incarnation beliefs 
we have already commented on, have magical ceremonies that 

t Parker, Euahlayi, 12. 

aN. W. Thomas, Kinship, 42. R. W. Schmidt, ‘‘ Gliederung,” Anthropos, 1912, 
ae Parker, l.c., 75. 4 Howitt, l.c., 594, 595. 

s Howitt, l.c., 494. Parker, lc. 4. Ridley, J. A. J., 1871, II. 257. 
6 Introduction to K. L. Parker. 
7 Parker, l.c., 81, 82. Cf. the Intichiuma of the Murawari: A. R. Brown, 

J2R-A.T., 1923, 440. — 
* Cf, Map 11, ‘Class Organizations.” 

i 

@ IV. 

De V. 

” bp VI. 

- lea 

7 ix 

ite 
BRS 

fi) ur 

VII. 

VIII. 

13. SUCCESSION OF ETHNIC STRATA IN AUSTRALIA. 

PROTO-AUSTRALIAN. 
Duat PEopLe (LEFT WHITE). 

PosiTivE ToOTEMISM. 

SURVIVALS OF DuAL CULTURE (TRACES OF MATRILINEAR DESCENT, TOOTH 
AVULSION) IN PosiITIVE TOTEMISTIC AREA. 
PosiITIVE ToTEMISTIC INFLUENCE IN-DUAL CULTURE AREA. 
RECENT INFLUENCE FROM NEW GUINEA OR MELANESIA. 
(Bamboo tube, conch, masks, leaf-garments like Duk-Duk in use 
at initiation.) 
I, 2,4, 8,17, 18; 19 (Sp. IIT, 92), 32,(Sp. Il, 705), 52 (Str ii ae 
76 (Globus, 97, 53), 198, 199, 200, 202, 203, 204, 205, 213, 332 
(Roth: Bull., IV, 23, 24), 351 (F.L., XIV, 345), 373 (Roth: 
Bull., IV, 23, 24). 
LocaL ORGANIZATION. 
(a) With paternal descent. 
87 (H. 130), 89 (H. 131), 108-111 (H. 133), 272 (H. 129). 
(b) With uterine descent. ; 
I, 2, 12 (Sp. 369). 
(ce) With purely totemic descent. 
4, (0;°43, vt 7, 19,019; 20 (Sp. Jit, 276, 277). 
FInGER-JoInts MUTILATED. ; 
3, 5, 10, III, 155, 156, 157, 159,163, 192, 206; 207, 223, 229,-292, 
308, 315, 318, 319, 320, 327, 333, 336, 359, 360 (p. 443). 
ABSENCE OF BOOMERANG ACCORDING TO SARG.! 
* Francis C. A. Sarg: “‘ Die Australischen Bumerangs im stad- 
tischen Volker Museum,” Verdffentl. Frankfurt, 1911, III. 

Frazer? has with full right compared to the Central Australian 
Intichiuma. At the Tully River whenever somebody goes to sleep 
Sia of or gets up he mentions in more or less of an undertone 
Intichiuma rites the name of the animal, etc., after which he is called 
ene pee or belonging to his group division, prefixing it with 
also possess the Wintcha? wintcha? (where? where?). If there is 
childbirth beliefs any particular noise, call, or cry connected with such 
of the Central name he may mimic it. The object aimed at in 
carrying out this practice is that they may be lucky 
and skilful in hunting, and be given full warning as to any 
danger that might otherwise befall them from the animal after 
which they are named.? If a man named after a fish thus regularly 
calls upon it, he will be successful in catching plenty on some future 
occasion should he be hungry. If an individual called after the 
thunder, rain, etc., neglects to call them, he will lose the power of 
making them. Snakes, alligators, etc., will never interfere with 
their namesakes, provided they are always thus called upon, without 
giving a warning—a ‘‘ something ”’ which the aboriginal feels in his 
belly, tingling in his ear, thighs or legs, etc. If an individual neglects 
to do so, it is his own fault that he is bitten or caught.3 On the 
Proserpine River the natives call on one of the animals connected 
with their particular subclass. People who are named after the 
rain can make it come, the proceeding usually adopted is to hang 
a whirler into certain pools. If lightning and thunder are to 
accompany rain he will in addition throw chips of the Sarcocephalus 
cordatus into the pool.s On the Georgina River at Roxburgh Downs > 
a piece of quartz crystal (rain-stone) is crushed and hammered to 
powder. Some very straight-stemmed tree is chosen and saplings 
are ranged all round it in the form of a bell-tent, forming a sort 
of shed. A small space of ground is cleared, a portion scooped out 
and some water placed in it. The men come out of the shed, and 
dancing and singing all around the artificial water-hole, break out 
with the sounds and imitate the antics of various aquatic birds 
and animals, ducks, frogs, etc. Then they form into Indian file 
and gradually encircle the women, over whom they throw the crushed 
and pulverized stone. The women at the same time hold wooden 
troughs, shields and pieces of bark over their heads and pretend 
that they are protecting themselves from a heavy downpour of 

1 Frazer, T. & E., I. 533. 

* The danger dreaded from the totem animal is (like the dread of ghosts) a 
projection of their own repressed animosity towards the animal as a father-symbol. 

3 Cf. above, 169-171, the way the Arumburinga warns his double of approach- 
ing danger. That the warning should be in causal connexion with the constant 
calling on the namesake is, if considered psychologically, strictly true. Anybody 
whose mind is constantly occupied with the crocodile will not forget to call on it, 
and in consequence of the constant innervation of this attitude he is also most likely 
to apprehend the presence of his dangerous namesake, 

¢ Roth, S. M. M., 20, 21. 5 Id., ibid., 9. 

rain. While this ceremony reminds us of the imitative and perhaps 
also (throwing stones at the women!) of the procreative element 
in Intichiuma, other elements are found amongst the Kalkadoon ; 
in their rain-making ceremony the feather down of the emu is stuck 
with blood over the body of the performer. At Devoncourt a sort 
of “ soap-stone ” rubbed with fat is brought into requisition.* 

The intermingling of the cultural elements of the two waves of 
immigration may be studied with especial profit in the case of the 
Dieri. They have a two-class system of the Kararu- 
Matteri type and their language belongs to the South 
Australian languages. However, they have undergone considerable 
modification from tribes such as the Arunta, and their neighbours 
the Urabunna who belong to the second wave of migration. To 
begin with they have, as we have seen, Intichiuma ceremonies, and 
their Mura-Muras, who change into trees, are very similar to the 
Alcheringa beings and Nanja trees of their northern neighbours.3 
In one legend the female Mura-Mura Wari-in-luna is said to have 
come forth from the earth and given birth to her many children, 
the various Murdus (totems), who ran away to different districts 
and settled themselves there. Howitt remarks that this is an 
equivalent to the Alcheringa ancestors giving birth to spirit-children.4 
The Dieri have no Churinga, but tribes who stand very near to them 
such as the Urabunna, the Ngameni and Karanguru have got 
Wolkadara, which are the equivalent of the Arunta Churinga.5 
They share with the Arunta the inapertwa myth,® which is psycho- 
logically not far removed from the Churinga belief. At the circum- 
cision ceremony every individual gets a name taken from the boys 
Mura-Mura, which, as Howitt remarks, is similar to the relation 
supposed to exist between an individual and his Alcheringa ancestor.7 
The Dara-ulu, that is the two Dara, are the usual dual heroes of 
Australian myth. They are strangled by the unanimous decision of 
the people. Their bodies were rolled up and it was decided that the 
first child born should be the guardian of the Dara.’ This is exactly 
like a true Central Australian myth—the ancestors lie down on the 
ground and turn into Churinga. The first child born after their 
death is naturally a reincarnation of their person, and the proper 
guardian of their body. The Dieri show two heart-shaped stones, 
which are carefully wrapped up in feathers and fat as the Dara-ulu, 
to scratch which would, as they say, cause the whole people to 
suffer perpetual hunger. The Dara-ulu are believed to be the senders 
of rain, and in the rain-making ceremonies these stones which 

t Roth, S. M. M., ro. 

* Howitt, N. T., 175. Schmidt, Anthropos, 1912, 293. 

3 Howitt, l.c., 482. ¢ Id., l.c., 806. 

5 Siebert, ‘‘ Sagen und Sitten,” Globus, 97, 49. A. W. Howitt and O. Siebert, 
Legends of the Dieri and Kindred Tribes of Central Australia,” J. A. I., 1904, 108. 
6 Howitt, l.c., 476. 7 Id., l.c., 657, 658. 8 Id., le., 799. 

The Dieri. 

represent them are rubbed with fat.1 Thus the Dara-ulu legend 
presents decided evidence of the influence of tribes with a Churinga 
culture on the Dieri, their southern neighbours. Here we have an 
Alcheringa ancestor who is turned into a stone Churinga, which is 
smeared with fat at the Intichiuma ceremonies. The child born 
shortly after the death of the two Dara-ulu seems to be a reincarna- 
tion of theirs, notwithstanding the fact that our principal authorities 
on the Dieri (Siebert, Gason, Howitt) know nothing about a rein- 
carnation doctrine of this tribe. However, Spencer seems to have 
positive information on this subject which must outweigh the 
negative evidence of the other authors. He enumerates the Dieri 
as one of the tribes which believe in spirit-children inhabiting 
definite localities and entering the women, and he says that the 
Dieri hold the belief that sex changes at each successive re- 
incarnation.? 

We must devote a few lines to the problems suggested by 
the Mura-Mura of the Dieri. The word Mura means holy ones, 
The Mura- the Ancestors.3 They are evidently offshoots of the 
Muras and Central area with patrilinear descent for the Dieri and 
ancestral trees. __in character with their intermediate position—have 
a twofold system of totemism. The totems which are inherited 
from the mother are called madu, and are divided between the 
two classes Kararu-Matteri. The Dieri is also connected with 
his mother’s Mura-Mura, and this relation is called maduka, but 

his allegiance to his father’s Mura-Mura seems to be the more 
important one. Everybody inherits from his father a Mura-Mura 
that is a legend, an Intichiuma ceremony, and a country which is 
regarded as the place where his father’s Mura-Mura lived. A 
father will tell his child, ‘‘ This is your country. My Mura-Mura 
created it. My Mura-Mura lived here.”’4 Occasionally the Mura- 
Mura seem to be turned into rocks, yet the general rule is that they 
were turned into trees, which they inhabit at the present time and 
which therefore are held sacred.5 

The Mulligan River tribe will tell us that the first Black was 
Bitabetta, and after him came a woman called Cullabonna; a 
water-hole and the district bear her name. Both were created by 
a log of wood called ‘‘ Moora,” which is still found in the water- 

Howitt, N, T., 799, 800. 

2 Spencer, N. T. N. T. A., 23, 24. It is possible, however, that Spencer does 
not mean the Dieri tribe, but the Urabunna, who are included in the Dieri nation 
and undoubtedly hold these beliefs. 

3 Leonhardi, ‘“‘ Der Mura und die Mura-Mura der Dieri,’’ Anthropos, 1909, 1067. 

4 Siebert, ‘‘ Sagen und Sitten der Dieri,” Globus, 97, 98. 

s Howitt, l.c., 482. ‘‘ There are places covered by trees, held very sacred, the 
larger ones being supposed to be the remains of their fathers metamorphosed. The 
natives never hew them; and should the settlers require to cut them down, they 
earnestly protest against it, asserting that they would have no luck, and might 
themselves be punished for not protecting their ancestors.”——-Gason-Curr, IJ. 69. 

hole in a state of good preservation and reverenced.! Another 
analogy with the existence of totemic ancestors in trees is found 
in the ‘ Coombangree”’ tribe. Each totem or family has some 
property peculiarly its own in the way of a water-hole or mountain 
in their district, and each formerly had its Camborra or ghost in 
the shape of an animal; others have birds, reptiles or fishes. 
These Camborra, or animal-shaped ghosts, live in certain trees,? 
which reminds us both of the Dieri Mura-Muras and the Arunta 
Nanja tree, whilst the mountain or water-hole belonging to a totem 
- would be the equivalent of the oknanikilla. 

Although we have got plenty of Nanja trees and wooden 
churingas besides the Nanja rocks and the stone churingas in the 
Arunta tribes, yet the predominance of wood (trees) as the materiali- 
zation of the Mura-Muras seems to be of some importance. The 
same name is found scattered over the area occupied by the Central 
tribes, and it is perhaps possible to see traces of another wave of 
migration in which stone culture did not predominate, and which 
was still in the age of wood or on the verge between the two ages 
in these mythical beliefs. The Warramunga, who have not got the 
stone churinga of the Arunta, call their bullroarer murtu-murtu.3 
The spirit of the man Murtu-murtu was in certain trees, and now 
the Warramunga make the churinga called Murtu-murtu out of 
the wood of these trees. The Binbinga call the sacred sticks 
wata-murra,s and each Anula boy is presented at initiation with 
a sacred stick called mura-mura.6 Father Schmidt has pointed 
these facts out as well as the inference to be drawn from them; 
he regards them ‘‘ as remnants of an old substratum.’’7 Perhaps 
the legends which mention the use of a fire-stick for initiation | 
previous to the introduction of the stone knife refer to the same 
cultural stratum of people. This may have been a population 
which lived in the age of wood, and their initiation ceremonies 
seem to have been of a much fiercer kind than those of their 
successors. However, we must affirm that we are far from regard- 
ing the interpretation as certain for the fire-stick, and the practice 
of killing youths at puberty may very well be a historical tradition 
which refers to the ancestors of the stone-using tribes in a more 
primitive phase of evolution. 

The possibility of interpreting data either according to ‘‘ evolu- 
tionary ’’ or “‘ historical’’ principles seems to present itself if we 
investigate the question of matrilinear survivals in the patrilinear 

: I Be Fraser, ‘‘ Tradition of the Blacks on the Mulligan River,” Science of Man, 
1899, II. go. 

* McDougall, ‘‘ Manners, Customs and Legends of the Coombangree Tribe,” 
Science of Man, roo1, IV, 46, 63. 

3 Spencer and Gillen, Nor, T., 275. ¢ Id., ibid., 279. 

5 Id., ibid., 280. 6.Id., ibid: 343, 

7 P, W. Schmidt, ‘‘ Die Stellung der Aranda,” Z, E., 1908, 892, gor. 

Bt om. 

x 

area of the Centre. We find an allegiance to the mother’s totem 
side by side with the conceptional totem amongst the Luritja 
Matrilinear sur- 200 Arunta.t The case of a group of tribes in the 
vivals inthe north-western part of the territory drained by the 
patrilinear area. Victoria River (Waduman, Mudbura, Ngainman and 
Bulinara) in which the totem groups are divided between the 
two moities, and in which the class name is counted in the paternal 
and the totem name in the maternal line,2 seems, however, to 
indicate that maternal descent in Central Australia is symptomatic 
of the presence of a separate ethnic element. The Waduman tell 
us that in the far past there were two old men called Idakulgwan 
and Imumdadul. They were brothers and came from the north- 
east. As they travelled along they met an old woman named 
Ibangalma or Tjoral, who had no husband, and who came from 
the salt-water country. She had no husband, and her totem was 
sugar-bag. As they came along the two men made country, creeks, 
yams, kangaroos, snakes, sugar-bags, and many other things that 
the natives now feed on. They also carried “‘ Ngaidjan,’’ that is 
spirit-children, with them, and gavesome of them to the old woman, 
telling her to take them away to other parts of the country and 
leave them there. This she did, and when leaving the spirit- 
children behind she gave them their totems. They grew up and 
became the first blackfellows, and when they died their spirits 
became Ngaidjan and were born again. Each spirit knows which 
is the right lubra to enter, and each of them has a special place 
called Poaridju, the equivalent of the Arunta Nanja, which is its 
normal stopping-place. Before going into a lubra each spirit 
enters and stays for a time in its mother’s totemic animal or plant. 
Ibangalma finally went to a place called Hayward Creek, where 
the two brothers came after her. She married Idakulgwan, and 
they lived there together and had children, who are still reincar- 
nated. The two brothers remained at Hayward Creek, where they 
are now represented by two stones, whilst another at the head of 
the Flora Creek represents the old woman.3 

If we remember that this legend is told by a tribe which counts 
descent of the class in the male, but descent of the totem in the 
female line, we cannot fail to see the piece of history which it 
contains. It tells us how an immigrant people which counted 
descent in the male line and was probably (as Rivers has shown 
with regard to similar migrations in Melanesia) composed princi- 
pally of males, met another stock which came from the salt-water 
country and had female descent. The tribe, or rather horde, which 

 Strehlow, II. 58. Cf. on the relationship between a man and his mother’s 
totem among other Central and Northern tribes.—Spencer and Gillen, Nov. T., 
FOO, 171, 29. Rs 

1 Spencer, N. T. N. T. A., 165 3 Id., ibid., 268, 269. 

came from the North-east formed marriage alliances with the 
women of the tribe which inhabited these territories before them, 
and it was only after this had taken place that the present race of 
blackfellows came into existence. The northern immigrants cer- 
tainly had the class system or descent would not be counted in 
the male line. They must have been organized on the principles 
of the brother horde, or we should not find them represented by 
the typical dual heroes of Australian legend. But they also brought 
spirit-children with them, that is the belief in conceptional totem- 
ism, which is either an open (Warramunga, etc.) or a veiled, re- 
pressed (localized) patrilinear totemism (Arunta, etc.). The race 
which formed the other element of the mixture was also totemic, 
but counted the descent of the totem in the female line, like 
the Dieri and other tribes of South Australia. The northern im- 
migrants with conceptional totemism were, of course, the same 
wave of population represented by the peculiar type of totemism 
which we have studied in Central Australia; witness the final 
petrifaction of these Alcheringa heroes and the existence of local 
totem-centres. The latter, taken by themselves, seem to indicate 
immigrant origin, for in this system each individual has two birth 
places, one real and one mythical, that is the ancestors whom he 
represents in the present generation were born somewhere else in 
the mythical age. The matrilinear population must have been 
dispersed over the continent in varying numbers, leaving large 
uninhabited areas between each of these small groups. In some 
places these groups were more numerous, in others they were 
totally absent, hence the varying degree of impression which they 
left on the tribes coming after them. 

It is in the extreme north of the continent, on Melville Island 
and amongst the Iwaidja, that we again find tribes who reckon 
descent of the totem in the female linet There are other reasons 
for connecting these with a previous population akin to the present 
inhabitants of South Australia. Spear-throwers are found amongst 

all the Northern tribes, except on Melville and Bathhurst Islands, 
where they are unknown? ; they are equally conspicuous by their 
absence amongst the Dieri and other tribes with the dual organiza- 
tion and uterine descent.3 Moreover, this Northern group, extend- 
ing in this case beyond the Melville and Bathhurst Islanders to 
the tribes which form the Kakadu “‘ nation,” is remarkable by the 
absence of another custom which is very characteristic of the 
immigrant tribes with positive totemism; they have neither cir- 
cumcision nor subincision.4 They can be distinguished by having 
cicatrices as tribal marks, and the nearest approach to this custom 

t Spencer, N. T. N. T. A.; 200, 201, 

+ Id., ibid., 378. W. Gregory, The Dead Heart of Australia, 1906, 190. 
3 Cf. Grabner, Z. E., 1905. See Map 12. + Spencer, N. T. N. T. A., 89. 

is found in the Dieri tribe.1 Perhaps we may even connect the 
grave-posts of the Melville Islanders with the marked trees of burial 
in New South Wales. Now the Kakadu tribe, whose totemism 
is next kin to that of the Arunta and who therefore have been 
taken by us as representing the first migration wave of the 
Central tribes, shows traces of this intermixture in its legends. 
Besides a male ancestor, Wuraka, remarkable for his large penis 
and for the fact that he is turned into a rock, the Kakadu 
have an ancestress Imberombera, who seems to be the more 
important of the two,? and who probably represents a matrilinear 
population. 

If thus we have sufficient reason for reckoning with the inter- 
action of two waves of culture in Central Australia, it is a 
Fic iin. problem of some difficulty to gain insight into the 
relation between relative position of these two principal currents. 
ea Are we to regard these as totally unrelated to one 
negative another, the tribes with positive totemism, paternal 
a pa descent and circumcision representing an immigrant 
people, those with negative totemism, uterine descent and other 
initiation ceremonies being the aboriginals, the children of the 
soil? If we refer to myth as our authority, we shall be informed 
that Wuraka came to the Coburg Peninsula from the West, walk- 
ing through the sea. Now Imberombera, who evidently stands 
for the matrilinear population, also walked through the sea and 
landed at Wungaran (Malay Bay).3 If we stick to the words of 
the legend we shall be compelled to assume that both the patrilinear 
and the matrilinear populations are immigrants, but the former 
evidently represent the second wave of migration. This conclusion 
seems to be confirmed by what we know of the distribution of 
tooth-evulsion. 

Howitt distinguishes the two principal types of initiation cere- 
monies mentioned above, the eastern type with evulsion of the 

_ tooth, and the western type with circumcision.+ 
oe aga The Dieri are again on the border-line between the 
principal types two types; they practise circumcision, but before 
Aaa circumcision the two lower middle front teeth are 

knocked out.5 If we remember that the same tribes 
who have the negative type of totemism also have the expulsion of 
teeth as an initiation ceremony, whilst those that practise circum- 
cision (and subincision) have what we called positive totemism, 

t Spencer, N. T. N. T. A., 43. 2 Id., ibid., 276. Sc ldy; ibid. ,.276;-277; 

4 Some ‘“‘ Bora’’ ceremonies seem to be a still further repressed form of the 
Kuringal type, where even the knocking out of the tooth has disappeared, and 
only depilation has survived. Schmidt regards depilation as the initiation ceremony 
of the tribes with local, patrilinear organizations.—P. W. Schmidt, ‘‘ Gliederung 
der australischen Sprachen,” Anthropos, XII-XIII. 774. 

5 Howitt, N.T., 655, 656. They also have subincision, but it is not compulsory. 

we cannot fail to see that both our ethnological and psycho- 
logical conclusions are corroborated in a striking way. That we 
have to do with two separate waves of migration is very pro- 
bable, since in an analogous case the importance of initiation rites 
as keys of differentiation has not disappeared from the conscious- 
ness of the Blacks. The natives who are circumcised only are 
called Banapa, those who are both circumcised and subincised are 
the Bida. The Bidas look upon themselves as being superior in 
race to the Banapas, which probably shows that they represent 
a later conquering stock of tribes.t The tribes who practise cir- 
cumcision only are evidently an intermediate stage between those 
with subincision and those with tooth-evulsion ; as the tribes with 
subincision are the latest arrivals of the three, it is the difference 
between these and their neighbours that has been retained by 
tradition. It is equally remarkable that the three groups of tribes 
form a series with regard to the degree of repression. We have 
ample proofs to show that initiation is a symbolic castration of 
the younger men. Now the further removed the mutilation prac- 
tised at present is from the original, the more symbolic it is, the 
greater must be the influence of repression with the tribes that 
practise the rite. Knocking the teeth out is more symbolic than 
circumcision, and subincision, a still greater modification of the 
male member than the former, is still nearer to castration.2 The 
same tribes that have the positive aspect of totemism have also 
much less symbolic, less neurotic forms of the initiation ceremony, 
and what is still more remarkable and contrary to what we should 
expect to find, it is the tribes that are the more recent arrivals in 
Australia that have conserved the more pristine forms of totemism 
and initiation. The question only is whether in these tribes 
repression has not come into play yet, or whether we have to do 
with a return of repressed elements? The rite of teeth-evulsion 
proves an excellent test to decide this question. The tribes which 
mutilate the penis have also survivals of the tooth operation, while 
the tribes that have the latter form of initiation do not practise 
any operations concerned with the penis. For instance, in the 
Boulia district and amongst the Yaroinga we have circumcision as 
an initiation rite.3 The evulsion of the incisors is a practice they 

* Howitt, N. T., 643, 644. The Muliarra undergo both circumcision and 
subincision, and a hostile feeling exists between them and the coastal tribes who 
do not practise these rites. Lord Gifford, Curr, I. 377. ‘‘ They call the tribes 
which circumcise Buerdoppa, and those which do not Jalara.” Curr, II. 176. 
“ Of the Kalkatongo, or circumcised, who are more numerous than themselves, the 
Oonamurra are much afraid, as the former make raids into their country, killing 
their men and carrying off their women.” MacGillivray, Curr, II. 342. 

2 Indeed there has been considerable discussion in literature whether the 
hypospadia artificialis, which is the result of the cut into the urethra, does not 
incapacitate the men for procreation, and although this is not the case, the discussion 
shows that the Europeans who held this view unconsciously understood the original 
meaning of the rite. 8 Roth, Studies, 170, 172; 

undergo voluntarily which is not in any way connected with 
initiation. ‘‘ That it has been in vogue for ages past is probable 
from the fact that in none of the languages of these districts are 
there a, th, v, s sounds which require these teeth for their proper 
enunciation.” In the case of the Arunta tribe knocking out of 
teeth is a rite to which individuals of both sexes must sooner or 
later submit if they happen to belong to one or other of the local 
groups which inhabit what is called the Kartwia Quatcha, or 
rain country occupied by the Arunta tribes. It is usually but 
not always done before marriage, although it has nothing to do 
with initiation. The operation always takes place after the Water 
Intichiuma ceremony has been performed, and in case of a fully 
grown man it is performed on the Intichiuma ground. The 
mother of the man who is operated upon must provide food for the 
operator, who in his turn gives food to the man he operated on. 
Spencer acutely suggests that this may be a survival of the food- 
giving rites at the Jeraeil (tooth-evulsion initiation) ceremony of 
the Kurnai. We are also told that the girl, when her tooth is 
knocked out, fills a small pitchi with sand and agitates it as if she 
were winnowing seed,3 and we may go on to suggest that in the 
long-past times when knocking out of teeth was an initiation rite, 
this had a definite meaning now lost ; it represented the girl prac- 
tising her future duties of womanhood. Spencer goes on to show 
that amongst the tribes who practise tooth-evulsion as an initia- 
tion rite in the South-East the tooth is given to the lad’s mother ; 
in the Arunta tribe “‘ we find that the tooth is thrown in the direc- 
tion of the camp of the Alcheringa mother, which may perhaps 
be explained as indicating that in the Alcheringa, or rather the 
early times to which this name is given, the mother was entitled 
to the tooth.”’4 This is undoubtedly the right explanation; we 
may carry it a step further by saying that “in the Alcheringa ” 
tooth-evulsion was an initiation rite. In the Kaitish tribe the 
tooth is also thrown in the direction of the mother’s Alcheringa 
camp.5 Amongst the Warramunga the woman who has knocked 
the girl’s tooth out pounds it up and places the remains in a small 
piece of flesh, which has to be eaten by the girl’s mother. In the 
case of the men, the ceremony is always performed after the fall 
of heavy rain, when they have had enough and do not want any 
more rain to fall. The man’s tooth is pounded up and put into 
meat, which is given in this case to his mother-in-law to eat.® 
The Tjingilli throw the tooth into a water-hole towards the close 
of the rainy season in the belief that it will drive the rain away. 
The Gnanji always perform the operation in the rainy season ; 

1 Roth, Séiudies, 111. 2 Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 450, 451. 
3 Id., ibid., 452, 453- 4 Id., ibid., 455, 456. 
5 Id., Nor. T., 589. 6 Id., ibid., 593. 

the tooth is given to the mother, who in return presents the 
operator with food and red ochre. She has to bury it by the side 
of some water-hole, the object of this being both to stop the rain 
and to bring about an increase of the number of water-lilies grow- 
ing in the pool.t If we suppose that the rite is the survival of an 
antiquated form of initiation ceremony, it is not difficult to explain 
its connexion with the rainy season and the Water totem. The 
symbol of initiation, the bullroarer, is a thunder-charm : initiation 
ceremonies are more or less intimately connected with the rain- 
fall, growth and vegetation. In the Dieri tribe it is the father 
who keeps the lad’s foreskin as a rain-charm3; in other cases 
either the foreskin or the tooth serves to establish a magical relation 
between a man and a tree,4 which points to the equivalence of 
these symbols. Probably certain elements of the initiation cere- 
mony were split off as a Rain Intichiuma and took the rite of tooth- 
evulsion along with them. Besides, as I have shown elsewhere, 
knocking out the tooth is a symbolic castration,s and hence it 
must originally have been an initiation ceremony wherever it is 
found. In the Binbinga tribe a man’s tooth is given to his brother- 
in-law ; it is from him that he is taking a woman (his wife) away 
and the tooth is a sort of symbolic penis offered in atonement for 
the one the brother-in-law would really like to cut off. In the 
case of the women, the rite is equally connected with the castration 
complex. Here it is again the man who is afraid of castration as 
the punishment for forbidden intercourse; hence the myth of 
the vagina dentata. This vagina dentata is transposed upwards ; 
that is a tooth must be knocked out before a woman is fit to be 
married.“ With the Binbinga the woman’s tooth is given to her 
mother, she gives it to the woman’s brother, and he hands it to 
her husband 7 as a token that he can make use of his right without 
the infantile dread of the vagina. If we could succeed in showing 
that the rite of tooth-expulsion is the pristine form of initiation 
common to both “ waves’”’ of immigrants supplanted in the second 
“wave”’ first by circumcision and then by subincision, we should 
be inclined to draw two further inferences. One of these might 
be that the greater degree of “‘ openness ”’ in the totemic and initia- 
tion rites of the second wave is not the result of an absolutely 
archaic state of things but is to be attributed to a return of repressed 
elements. But we are here confronted by another problem. The 
customs we have been investigating are certainly survivals of a 
type of initiation ceremony earlier than circumcision or subincision, 
but it still remains an open question whether they represent the 

1 Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 593-95. 2 Cf. above, p. 271. 

3 Siebert, “ Dieri,’’ Globus, 97, 55. 

4 Roheim, Spiegelzauber, 1919, 11. Id., Imago, VII. 500. 

$s Roheim, l.c. 6 Mathews, op. cit., 108, 
7 Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 596. 

original initiation ceremonies of the immigrants or whether they 
were adopted by them from tribes they found in possession of the 
soil. There seems to be a close connexion between the survivals 
of tooth-evulsion (in ‘circumcision territory ’’) and the female 
sex, a connexion which is explicable if we assume that the tribes 
who practise the rite are descendants of a mixed population. If 
a tribe were formed by immigrant hordes killing the men and 
taking possession of the women of the aboriginals, it stands to 
reason that the latters’ initiation ceremonies would survive in 
connexion with the female sex. The fact that the immigrants had 
patrilinear descent and the aboriginals matrilinear, and moreover 
that the latters’ initiation ceremony was applicable to both sexes 
whilst the former performed an operation on the male member, 
would tend to operate in the same direction. Here we must recall 
our view that the Arunta and Kakadu represent the first wave 
of these immigrants, which was split into two principal groups 
by the wedge of the Warramunga and allied tribes. If this assump- 
tion is correct, we must suppose that the representatives of the 
first wave must have come into closer contact with the aboriginals 
and hence have been more profoundly modified by them than 
those of the second. This modifying influence is very evident in 
the case of the Kakadu and other tribes of the Northern coast, 
and is perhaps represented by the mother totem altjirra and the 
emu-footed sky being Altjirra in the Arunta nation. 

There is reason to believe that the Waduman and Mudburra 
represent a spreading movement of this wave to the South-west 
(reckoned from the Kakadu), for they alone share with the Arunta 
that type of Intichiuma ceremony which involves eating the totem. 
We have shown above that it is just these tribes which have pre- 
served the clearest evidence of a double origin and of a matrilinear 
population in these areas. As the tribes of the East have, together 
with radically different languages, matrilinear descent and evulsion 
of the teeth, and as these customs are found like erratic blocks in 
the Centre, especially amongst those tribes who must be regarded 
as the first immigrants, there seems reason to regard them as 
evidence of the former existence of a population of the ‘‘ Eastern ” 
type in the Centre. The tribes born of this wedlock can hardly 
have developed all aspects of their culture in an harmonious 
manner, ‘‘ progress’? on one side being probably followed by 
“regression” on the other. From a strictly scientific point of 
view (apart from technical culture, where we have a reliable 
standard of what can be called ‘‘ progress’ and what the reverse) 
it is necessary to relinquish the evaluation involved in these expres- 
sions. It is safer to speak only of the modifications of social 
phenomena. These modifications are either in the direction of 
increased repression or in that of a return of repressed elements. 

Both movements occurred amongst our Central tribes; the social 
structures grew more complex (eight-class system), whilst ritual 
and ideas showed clearly the operation of the return of the repressed 
elements (subincision, conceptional totemism). 

Although an investigation of the whole complex of Australian 
culture is quite beyond the scope of this book, certain phenomena 

hee, must be pointed out which seem to confirm the con- 
PN adlel soa clusions we have arrived at. We accept the position 
psychological of the modern ethnological schools represented by 
oa of institu- Grabner in Germany, Rivers in England, and Schmidt 
in Austria, in so far as we see reason for assuming 
the complex character of Australian culture. Our next task is 
to attempt to lay bare the strata which are superposed on each 
other and the interaction of which forms our present subject 
of investigation. But we think it would be a great mistake 
to start from a supposed original culture, and then to construe 
the history of the latter migrations. We -must take the latest 
important movement as our starting-point, and then see what is 
beneath it and so on as far as we can get. The further we go back 
from the present day (the last migration) the more we shall be 
groping in the dark, for it is evident that the customs of the 
invaders have obscured the social and religious structure of those 
who were there before them, and that we shall have an abundance 
of detail when dealing with the ceremonial, etc., life of the last 
wave, and only meagre general ideas on the customs of the tribes 
which have been assimilated by them. But, and this is usually 
overlooked by the advocates of the ‘‘modern”’ school, it is a 
different thing to trace the historical sequence of races in the 
Pacific and to explain the psychological origin of institutions. 
Head-hunting may be late in a given island and yet early in the 
history of mankind ; there is no proof whatever for the view that 
the invaders may not have been in general, or in certain particulars, 
more ‘‘ primitive,” that is nearer to the animal stage than the 
invaded. Thus we shall as often as not find more primitive 
elements in the customs of the tribes that came later to a given 
area; one reason for this is that we can see back into the past 
much better when we have an abundance of details to argue from. 
This is just what we have found in our case, it is Central Australian 
totemism which has enabled us to go back to the pre-human roots 
of the institution, 

It is certainly a very important ethnological problem to investi- 
gate the geographical distribution of customs and to point out 
the difference between two contiguous areas which must be ac- 
counted for by historical events. But if we have made a difference 
of custom a test for different origins, it is just as well to go 
one step further and to say that an equal distribution of im- 

portant customs or ethnographical phenomena (provided that the 
agreement goes beyond the limits of the universally human *) 
Uniform distri. OVI a certain area proves a unity behind the diversity. 
— of certain In other words, if the central tribes differ from the 
given area can SOUthern ones in certain aspects of life, proving a 
be accounted for different past for the two groups, it proves that they 
im various 2298+ have been separated for a certain period, each of them 
leading its own life, then the agreement in certain other customs 
proves a period of contact. But it will always be difficult to decide 
if this period of contact is recent, that is shows how two cultures 
acted and reacted on each other, how customs spread to the neigh- 
bour, were lent and borrowed; or whether the period is archaic, 
showing that the two cultures in question have been in contact at 
a prehistoric time, then separated and later re-united, or perhaps 
pointing to the two divergent types of custom as two branches of 
the same stem, carried into the arena of history by two migrating 
sections of the same race. For instance, although we have got 
initiation ceremonies with various mutilations (depilation, finger- 
joints cut off, tooth knocked out, circumcision, subincision, scars), 
there are certain elements which are found in all variants of the 
ceremony—the animal pantomimes and the removal of food taboos 
which the boys were compelled to observe up to that age (see Map Io). 
It is true that parallel lines of evolution will probably lead to 
animal pantomimes and food taboos (or removal of taboos) with- 
out any common origin or contact of tribes, but there is an agree- 
ment in details which makes it safest to assume a common root, 
an initiation ceremony observed before the ancestors of the whole 
race swarmed off into separate tribes. 

For instance, the Yuin call the final act of the initiation rites 
(immersion in water) “‘ catching fish.” The same cryptic expres- 
sion, ‘‘ let us go and fish,’ 3 is found in connection with initiation 
ceremonies in the Larrakia tribe at the northern end of the con- 
tinent.t Then there is a peculiar method of removing a taboo 
which seems to belong to the primitive inheritance of the Aus- 
tralian race. Anybody to whom a certain food, for instance emu 
or kangaroo, is forbidden, can be “‘ made free” of its flesh if an 
old man takes him unawares and stealthily rubs a bit of fat or 
flesh on his mouth,5 or if it is thrown at him.® 

Certain mourning rites, the custom of organizing an expedition 

t J, for instance, would never ascribe “‘ magic”’ or even ‘‘sympathetic magic ” 
to a given area, for we know very well that it is not absent in any race, tribe 
or nation. 

a Howitt, N. T., 554, 556. 3 Spencer, N. T. N. T. A., 161, 

4 In the Rockhampton district one of the older men will drop a piece of wood 
and tell the novice: ‘‘ See the fine fish I caught.’’—W. E. Roth, “‘ On Certain Initia- 
tion Ceremonies,” N. Q. E. Bull. 12, 1909, 185. 

5 Howitt, N. T., 561. 6 Spencer, N. T. N. T. A., 132. 

against foreign tribes to obtain blood revenge after every death, 
the belief in the magical importance of human fat,! and in mur- 
derers who take the kidney fat out through an invisible wound,? 
are all Australian peculiarities that are well-nigh universal on this 
continent. The myths which are connected with the Eagle-hawk 
(what we have designated as the proto-totemic-complex) are 
especially prominent amongst the tribes with the class organization 
Eagle-hawk and Crow, and with the parallel two-class system of 
Kararu and Matteri; survivals are also found in the Central group 
of tribes, and if we find that these myths point to the North and 
North-west, the regions whence these Central tribes started on 
their migrations, we shall have to assume the same origin for the 
Southern tribes. Indications of the peculiarly south-eastern sex- 
totems are found in the North and even at Torres Straits, so that 
even these must have been imported from other latitudes to their 
present home by the B-wave of migration and lost afterwards by 
the latter immigrants.3 

Both Grabner and Rivers regard the two-class system as the 
peculiar characteristic of a certain cultural wave or stratum. It 
Pan thes has, of course, not escaped the notice of Grabner 
systems with that we have definite evidence of the former preva- 
male descent. ence of a two-class system in the Central area, and 
indeed he explains the origin of the eight-class system as the 
result of an interaction between tribes with the four-class and 
local tribes with the dual organization. But there is a grave 
difficulty which has been completely overlooked in this solu- 
tion. The occasions at which the dual organization of the tribes 
become specially prominent are ceremonies like the Engwura 
and especially the Intichiuma, which cannot in any case be 
regarded as inherited by the Central tribes from an aboriginal 
population. These ceremonies are intimately bound up with con- 
ceptional totemism, and hence we must assume an original two-class 
organization for our A-wave of migration. In fact, this two-class 
organization is still in existence amongst the Binbinga and Anula. 
It is true that these tribes have four classes, but the generations 
do not alternate between the classes; they have direct instead of 
indirect male descent. A(m) marries B(f): children A. C(m) 
marries D(f): children C. This looks like a couple of two-class 
systems with male descent superficially united in one tribe, and 

t Roheim, “‘ Das Selbst,” Imago, VII. 22. 2 Id., ibid., 20. 

3 See Map No. 2. Schmidt, ‘“ Sociologische und religids-ethische Gruppierung der 
Australier,’’ Z. E., 1910, 376, regards sex-totems as characteristic of ‘‘ nigritian “s 
culture, and as extremely primitive. The distribution of this institution shown in 
the map makes its alleged “ nigritian ’’ character improbable, whilst the degree of 
its primitivity is discussed above from a mythological point of view. 

4 Grabner, “ Wanderung u. Entwicklung sozialer Systeme in Australien,’ 
Globus, 90, 221, 

this is probably the real origin of the system.: Thus we should 
have to assume that our Central tribes, which represent a very 
primitive offshoot of that great migration which introduced clan 
totemism into Oceania and Australia, were also organized on the 
basis of a two-class system. Then another conclusion would 
follow; the “kava people’ were also “‘dual’’ only at a very 
primitive phase of their social evolution which had been left behind 
by the other “waves” of this migration and only retained by 
this primitive offshoot.2 Then we should perhaps remember the 
connexion of cross cousin marriage and the two-class organization 
and accept Frazer’s view that the dual organization was a 
phase through which mankind in general passed. However, the 
dual organization is normally connected with uterine descent, that 
dope Atm)y. sas. B(f) : children B(m, f). This system does not pre- 
vent a father from marrying his daughter, but it prevents a man 
from espousing his mother. For B(m) the only possible wife is 
A(f), who must be his father’s mother, that is his own grandmother. 
Thus the system contains in itself the germs both of the four-class 
system with its alternating generations and of the gerontocratic 
organization—the old men get the young women and the young 
men have to content themselves with old hags.3 If, on the other 
hand, A(m) marries B(f) and the children are A(m, f) this would 
not permit a father to marry his daughter (father and daughter 
both A), but would allow a son to marry his mother (A(m) marries 
B(f)). The surprising conclusion is that the two-class system was 
in all branches of mankind the result of a compromise between 
the generations, but while a two-class system with male descent 
looks very much like a victory of the Son, with uterine descent 
the conditions of peace are those which would be made by a group 
of victorious Fathers. 

In both cases the two-class system prohibits brother and sister 
union, and this prohibition is evidently a survival of the primitive 
patriarchal type of family. But besides this, the dual organization 
with female descent makes the mother taboo for the son but not 
the daughter for the father. A“ class ’’ isa group of people amongst 
whom no intercourse may take place, so that if the son belongs 
to the mother’s class, this is really but another expression for the 
cardinal prohibition of sex-life. It must have been a group of 
victorious brothers who formed this type of society, but not till 
a considerable time after their victory, when they were more 
afraid of their coming sons than desirous of wedding their mothers. 
A dual organization with male descent is a society in which the 

t Spencer and Gillen, Noy. T. Spencer, N. T. INGE cA 

2 But this dual organization may have been the form of society of the Pre- 
Dravidians, who, again, may have been influenced by the race which was responsible 

for totemism and stone culture. 
3 J.G. Frazer, F. O. T., 1919, II. 94-362. 

fundamental law is: fathers may not marry their daughters, but 
sons have free access to their mothers. This also must be a 
creation of the brothers, but at the moment which followed their 
victory, this legislation being all in favour of the son and against 
the father. Thus the patrilinear bisection was destined to dis- 
appear in the course of evolution, leaving in its place patrilinear 
descent associated with other forms of social organization, But 
the fact that their first legislation was conceived in a revolutionary 
spirit has left its trace in the psychic disposition of this half of 
mankind, in a more plastic mould of their psyche, in a better 
adaptation to progress. The races with patrilinear descent have 
climbed to the top of the mountain called “ civilization,” whilst 
those who reckon descent through the mother have remained at 
the bottom. Movement was the leading principle in the one case, 
re-suppression of the next generation in the other. 

Now we shall understand why we have been able to penetrate 
more deeply into the wish-fulfilment attitude which is behind 
totemic repression amongst the tribes who have descent in the 
male line, for the psychological difference between the two groups 
is the result of a different dénouement of the primeval Oedipus 
drama. If the Father, the Government Party, is victorious, 
repression will be the dominant feature of society, whilst the Party 
of the Revolutionary Son is all for wish-fulfilment, for a return 
of repressed elements. But repression is a very necessary element 
of social life and an organization which does not contain this 
element in a satisfactory degree will not be permanent, it is 
weakened constitutionally and apt to perish.t This is what we 
actually find; the dual organization with uterine descent was a 
successful variant in the “ struggle for life’’ between social insti- 
tutions—it has maintained itself and the people who were organized 
on this basis over large areas and many generations. The two- 
class system with male descent did not function so well; it had 
a short lease of life, and we can only find it as a survival overlaid 
by other social structures amongst the tribes who once possessed 
it. This is what we find amongst much more advanced races 
even in our own days; organizations which are conceived in a 
revolutionary spirit are usually short-lived, for this attitude of 

t Naturally in all cases the conflict must, sooner or later, have led to the victory 
of the Young Males. But in the case of the patrilinear two-class system the law was 
made according to their own infantile wishes: they might marry their mothers, 
but the father was not allowed to touch his daughter. On the other hand, the 
two-class system, with matrilinear descent, is actuated by the fear of the coming 
generation, The former sees life and society from the point of view of the son, the 
latter from that of the father: a father may marry his daughter, but a son is not 
permitted to have access to his mother. In the first case, the sons must have made 
the law shortly after their victory, when wish-fulfilment was the chief thing; in 
the second case a longer period must have elapsed between their triumph and legisla- 

tion, and in this period they had identified themselves with the father whom they 
had killed, 

_mankind thrives better in ideology (in dream-life: the Oedipus 

wish-fulfilment in conceptional totemism!) than in sober, hard 
reality. 

As to the connexion between the bisection of the tribe and 
the Oedipus complex, we have already brought some evidence in 
The origin of | the Eagle-hawk and Crow myths of Australia. If we 
the two-class § only remember the close connexion of this bisection 
Sad with initiation myths and with totemism, we shall 
be inclined to regard this as symptomatic of a derivation from 
the Oedipus attitude. 

In the very districts of Melanesia whence, according to Grabner, 
the Australian tribes with the two-class system and maternal 
descent are to be derived, we find the two phratries represented by 
totem animals. For marriage purposes the people of New Britain 
are separated into two divisions—one of them is called Maramara 
and the other Pikalaba. On New Britain proper the two classes 
are named To Kabinana and To Kovuvuru. The totems of these 
classes are two insects. That of Maramara is the Kogila le “ leaf 
of the horse-chestnut tree,’’ so named because being about the 
length and size, and resembling very much in other respects the 
leaf of that tree. The Pikalaba totem is the Kam, which is 
probably the mantis religiosus. The Maramara class will on no 
account injure or allow to be injured with impunity their totem, 
the Kogila le, but they have not the slightest compunction in 
abusing the Kam. The Pikalaba class reverence the Kam, but 
they do not hesitate to destroy the Kogila le if they can do so 
secretly. Both classes believe that their ancestors descended from 
their own particular totem, which they call ‘‘ Takun miat,” ie. 
our relative. Any evil or abuse inflicted on one class by the other’s 
totem is considered as a casus belli to avenge. The two matri- 
linear and exogamous classes are represented by the Hintubuhet, 
a word which means “‘‘ our ancestress.’’ The idea of the invisible 
Hintubuhet is materialized each time in a couple of beings who 
stand for the two divisions and correspond to each other. These 
are the two hawks Pandion leucocephalus and Haliaetus leuco- 
gaster, Sun and Moon, and the two large butterflies Talgomalgo 
and Heba. . ‘‘ Von je zwei zusammengehorenden Bildern sagen sie 
a hintubuhet dir, die Ahnen, unsere die beiden.’”’ The Taragau 
(Pandion leucocephalus), the Sun, and the Talgomalgo (the two last 
are masculine) represent the Tarago class, the Malaba (Haliaetus 
leucogaster), the Moon, and the Heba symbolize the class Pikalaba. 
The ending laba evidently means “‘ big,’ and as ‘‘ma“ is still 
used in the sense of bird, it seems that the class name Malaba must 

t B. Danks, ‘‘ Marriage Customs of the New Britain Group,” J. A. J., XVIII, 
1889, 281-83. Frazer, T. & E., I. 119-122. Brown, Melanesians and Polynesians, 
1910, 27, 28. 

be translated ‘‘ big bird’; in point of fact the Haliaetus leuco- 
gaster is the largest bird of the South Sea, so that the names of 
the two marriage classes, tarago and malaba, are really the bird 
names taragau and malaba. The same is the case in the Gazelle 
Peninsula ; here we have the taragau and maniqulai or miniqulai 
classes. In New Ireland Pakilaba is often used both for the 
Haliaetus leucogaster and the marriage class Malaba, or one of its 
members; this word originally means “ big land.” ! The coin- 
cidence that two hawks represent the two marriage classes is really 
remarkable when we come to think of Kilparra, Mukwarra, Eagle- 
hawk and Crow, of the part played by the Hawk in Australian 
and Indonesian mythology, and it decidedly points to a common 
origin. But it also tells against the attempt to separate the origin 
of totemism from that of the two-class system; the hawk and 
similar birds are carrion-eaters, they are totems because they have 
devoured the murdered father. 

We can go even further; a myth from Vuatom shows us the 
connexion of the Dual Heroes with the two-class system and 
the Oedipus complex; it also shows, exactly like the Australian 
material, the Hawk as the Paternal Tyrant. According to the 
legend on the South-eastern Coast of Vuatom, people wandered 
from there to the North Coast of the Gazelle Peninsula, and Peekel 
has heard about a former immigration from Vuatom in Namatanai,? 
so that we have good reason to connect the legend that follows 
with the two-marriage classes as reported by Peekel. In bygone 
days the fish-hawk killed all the people (like Mullyan, Welu, etc., 
in Australia) except a woman who was enceinte and lived in a 
stone-cave (uterine symbol). The fish-hawk is the Pandion leuco- 
cephalus, the totem of one of the marriage classes, but in the course 
of the tale he is confounded with the sea-hawk (Haliaetus leuco- 
gaster),3 the totem of the other class. The woman gives birth to 
twins, who climb up to the eagles’ eyrie and kill the bird, exactly 
the same way that the two heroes kill the Eagle-hawk. The 
woman is proud of her two sons, and when the people out of 
gratitude wish to buy wives for them, she does not let them, and 
says ‘‘ No, the two sons belong to me alone”’ 4; so that her jealousy 
proves the correctness of our solution when we point out that the 
Oedipus complex lies at the root of the conflict with the giant 
bird. 

_ The variants of this myth are of considerable interest : they 
have been treated by Grabner in comparison with Australian 

* G. Peekel, ‘‘ Religion und Zauberei auf dem mittleren, Neu Mecklenburg,” 

= 3, Anthropos. Bibl., 1910, 7, 8, 77; a sort of mutual food taboo of the two 
classes. 

* Cf. O, Meyer, “‘ Mythen und Erzahlungen von der Insel Vuatom,” Anthropos, 
1910, 729. 

3 Id., ibid., 729. 4 Id., ibid., 727-29. 

material, and it is only his unpsychological attitude and his unfor- 
tunate addiction to “astral mythology” that hinders him in 
seeing their real import. In a variant from Aurora, the women 
live underground and the man-devouring monster is a snake.t In 
another variant, the two heroes who kill the wild boar are born of 
the blood of an old woman, and their names are To Kabinana and 
To Karvuvu,? the names of the two exogamous classes. Every- 
thing is as it ought to be according to our hypothesis that has 
been derived exclusively from Australian material: the Monster- 
animal is the Paternal Tyrant, the motive of the conflict is that 
of Atkinson’s “ primal law,” and the Dual Heroes represent the 
victorious band of brothers. We have explained the two-class 
system as a result of a compromise between this Generation of 
Brothers and the next Generation, so that we shall be prepared 
for an intimate connexion between the Dual Heroes and the Dual 
Division of the Tribe: indeed, it is not too much to say that the 
Dual Heroes represent the two-class system. So that Grabner, 
in a certain sense, is even more in the right in connecting these 
myths with his “ Zweiklassenkultur’’ than he thinks, only this 
connexion is not a matter of historic “‘ chance’ but of evolutionary 
and psychological necessity. These Melanesian Dioscurs, one of 
whom is represented as wise and well-meaning, whose plans, how- 
ever, are usually frustrated by his stupid brother, are regularly 
brought into connexion with the origin of the two-class system. 
The heroes are called Takaro and Mueragbuto in the New Hebrides, 
and it is Takaro who divides humanity into the two marriage 
classes, Takaro and Mueragbuto.3 In the Gazelle Peninsula the 
two classes are connected with To Kabinana and To Karvuvu. 
Whilst in some instances (as we have already noted) their names 
are identical with those of the mythical heroes, in other cases they 
are simply called class ‘‘ we’’ and “ they” (cf. the “ Mulyanuka ” 
of the Arunta). At Kininigunan, and from here on the coast right 
to Birar, the class symbols are the Haliaetus leucogaster (a mini- 
qulai) and the Pandion leucocephalus (a taragau).4 In one myth 
To Kabinana takes the shape of the Monarcha chalybeocephala 
and his brother that of the Poecilodryas aethiops.s If we can 
judge by the name of the latter a black bird is meant, and black 
and white, dark and light are in Australia often found in the names 
of the two divisions. The Rev. J. Mathew, Rivers and others 
have taken this as an indication of the mixture of two races, and 
have referred to cases in which the members of one class were said 

t Codrington, The Melanesians, 1891, 403. 

2 J. Meier, Mythen und Evzahlungen der Kiistenbewohner dey Gazellehalbinsel, 
a aes Mythes et Légendes des Indigénes des Nouvelles Hebrides,” Anthropos., 
Bee l.c., 21. 5 Meier, l.c., 29. 

to be different in hair, skin, colour, character, etc., from members 
of the other; but according to the law of exogamy both races 
must be represented in equal proportions in both sides of the tribe. 
There really seems to be good reason for interpreting the colour 
contrast in this sense, though it also typifies the contrast between 
the two generations of males which is projected into a contrast 
of character of the two heroes, while the Dual Heroes in their union 
represent the Generation of Brothers which set an end to endless 
strife about the women by the compromise expressed in the insti- 
tution of the two-class system.2 At Matupit, Valaur, Tavui and 
Rakunai, the two classes are represented by the light-coloured 
and the dark coco-nuts. To Kabinana told To Karvuvu to bring 
two light nuts, but he brought a light and a dark one. The light 
one changed into a woman, whom To Karvuvu wanted to marry, 
but To Kabinana did not allow it, telling him she was their mother. 
This evidently shows the incest wish behind the exogamous taboo, 
all the more so as To Kabinana deplores having been compelled 
(by his brother bringing a black nut) to create a black woman 
and so divide mankind into two classes. He says that this is why 
people will be mortal:3 which is as much as to say that the 
absence of exogamy, incestuous wish-fulfilment, would have meant 
perpetual life; indeed, there is an intimate connexion between 
the neurotic inhibition of the primary impulse and the dread of 
death. I think it very probable that the legends of the Dual 
Heroes, the Two Women, etc., taken together with the survivals 
of the Primary Division in the ceremonies, indicate the former 
extension of the two-class system, which I am inclined to regard 
as the most primitive form of exogamy, and the animal symbols 
(probably hawks) as the most primitive instance of exogamic 
totemism.5 Those people who have actually conserved this archaic 
type of society must once have been separated together from a 
common stock, leaving behind other tribes who were organized on the 
basis of a patrilinear dual system and continued to develop four- and 
eight-class systems or others. But this does not in any way prove 
that the tribes with the two-class systems must be in all things 
more primitive than those with more complicated social structure. 

t Mathews: Eagle-hawk and Crow, 1899. Id., Two Representative Tribes, 1510. 
Rivers, H. M.S., 1914, Il. 5-60. Although, of course, the institution of exogamy 
makes it impossible that such a colour contrast should actually exist at the present 
day, it may still contain a traditional element of a period when a race of a lighter 

hue intermarried with the aboriginals. Thus Manubada, the hawk, marries a human 
girl—A. Ker: Papuan Fairy Tales, 1910, 57. 

* To Kabinana was the first to invite To Karvuvu to sleep in his hut: this is 
the origin of the “‘ Mannerhaus” institution (Meier: lc. 43) 

3 J. Meier, l.c., 21-23, 

¢ As to the contrast of white and black as the origin of death, cf. Meier, ‘‘ Mythen 
und Sagen der Admiralitats Insulaner,”’ Anthropos., 1908, 194. ; 

5 Which is, however, far later than endogamic totemism. Cf. above, p. 96, on 
the Alcheringa myths. 

. 

Arrested development of one function may very well be compen- 
sated by the additional development of another; or, to put the 
same thing in another fashion, the hypertrophy of one side of life 
(class system) may easily lead to regression (‘‘ degradation ”) in 
other particulars. 

In the case of the natives of the south-east these probably 
entered Australia from the Cape York Peninsula, with birds as 
representative of the two classes (Eagle-hawk and Crow ; Cockatoo), 
which they developed into various four-class systems. They were 
probably more primitive in certain respects than the tribes with 
positive totemism, and it may have been these tribes pressing 
behind them that compelled them to continue their wandering to 
the southern limits of the Continent. But when the tribes with 
negative totemism reached these well-watered districts, their 
material culture began to develop, and here they left their former 
conquerors far behind them. ‘‘ For example, whereas the tribes of 
Central Australia appear not to have conceived the idea of making 
any kind of clothing as a protection against cold, but huddle naked 
round their fires on frosty nights, though they might easily clothe 
themselves in the skins of kangaroos and wallabies, the tribes who 
inhabit the coast of South Australia make excellent warm rugs out 
of opossum, kangaroo, wallaby and other furs.” ‘‘ The Narrinyeri 
make durable mats; whilst in Central Australia we find only 
shelters of shrubs placed so as to screen their occupants from the 
wind, in South-Western Victoria the aborigines build permanent 
houses of wood or stone large enough to accommodate a dozen 
persons.’ The improved conditions of food-supply must naturally 
have led to the disappearance of such primitive characteristics as 
the last survivals of the rutting season, and the ubiquitous nature 
of the Libido, on the other hand, leads to a corresponding 
strengthening of Repression. But Repression is a merely functional 
expression; we can also point out the psychical content from 
which repression takes its starting point. The greater the respect 
paid to the Father-Imago the greater is repression, since it was 
the jealousy of the Sire that, in the Primeval Horde, was the only 
check on the sexual activity of the young males. Spencer and 
Gillen have pointed out that the Warramunga, who live in a better- 
watered country than the Arunta, have as Intichiuma ceremonies 
only the dramatic performances in which the wanderings of the 
Alcheringa ancestors are reacted, whilst the ‘‘ magical ’’ or “ pro- 
creative’ elements, like hammering the cairn, blood-letting, etc., 
which symbolize not only identification with, but also rebellion 
against the Father, are absent. The rite that represents the typical 
rebellion against the Father, totemic incest, the custom of eating 
the totem, disappears equally as we proceed from South to North, 

1 Frazer, T. & E., I. 320, 321. 

from the Arunta to the Warramunga.t We can point out the 
reason of these differences in another difference between the 
Alcheringa-legends of these two tribes. In the Arunta each totem 
has a plurality of Alcheringa ancestors who wander about together, 
in the Warramunga there is one great Alcheringa father for each 
totem-kin.2 The Arunta have conserved the phase of Rebellion, 
that of the Brother-Clan, in their myths and ceremonies, the 
Warramunga represent the Patriarchal Epoch and the function of 
Repression. The relative position of central and southern tribes 
is very similar to this state of things. Successful repression in the 
south has obliterated the survivals of the Oedipus complex and 
the rutting season: the beliefs in a mythical origin of children 
and the Intichiuma ceremonies. However, they have not dis- 
appeared without leaving some traces of their former presence, 
which at the same time may also be regarded as indicative of the 
original unity of the two waves of immigration. The child-birth 
myths we have demonstrated to exist in a modified form among 
some Southern and Victorian tribes; at the same time we must 
call attention to a system of naming which is probably a rudiment 
of these beliefs. 

If an Arunta woman feels pregnant near an Emu totem-centre, 
then it is an Emu ratapa that is being re-born through her, and 
the child belongs to the totem. Its personal name 
is derived from that of its totem: it may, for instance, 
be called ilia-kurka (small emu) or iliapa (emu feather).3 In 
south-west Australia the personal totem (oobaree) is not inherited 
and does not regulate marriage. Like amongst the Arunta, it 
depends on some circumstance attendant on the birth of the child. 
Beyoo means swollen; Beyooran (a woman) was called so because 
her father found a kangaroo he had killed all swollen from the 
heat: her personal totem was the kangaroo.4 Baaburgurt’s name 
was given from his father observing a sea-mullet leaping out of 
the water and making a noise like “‘ brrrbaabur.’’ Accordingly, 
the sea-mullet was his totem. One girl’s totem was the wallaby, 
which her father was about to kill when it disappeared.s Again, 
in the Encounter Bay tribe, the child’s name is often that of the 
totem or a part of it: for instance, “‘ pouch of a pelican,’’ or the 
child, gets a name derived from some circumstance which occurred 
at its birth. The animal which appeared at birth was probably 

Naming system. 

* Survivals of it, however, are still in existence, so that it cannot be a recent 
relaxation of the taboo. : 

2 Spencer and Gillen, Nor. T., 161, 297, 317. 3 Strehlow, A. & L., II. 53, 60. 

« Cf. p. 146, the pre-natal duel of Child and Parent in north-west Australia. 

5 Frazer, 7.6 £.,1.564. Bates, Victorian Geographical Journal, XXITI-XXIV. 
49. 
6 H. E. A. Meyer, Manners and Customs of the Aborigines of the Encounter Bay 
Tribe. Woods, 1879, 186. 

regarded as the child’s mythical father, as a sort of Alcheringa- 
ancestor, and hence the derivation of the name; the identity of 
the name amongst savages always meaning an identity of person- 
ality. In the Western districts of Victoria we find that the father, 
if requested, names children after one of his friends. This creates 
a bond between the man and the child—the man is kind to it, 
calling it his ‘‘namesake”’ (“laing,” cf. the wororu, p. 146). 
When children are not thus called after a friend their names 
are taken from something in a neighbouring swamp, rivulet, 
water-hole, hill or animal. 

On the Pennefather River children may be called ‘‘ Tree-Rock ” 
or Freshwater infants, according to the place where their choi 
were held captive before birth.z In New South Wales we have 
names derived from some bird, beast or fish.3 Children were 
named after their birthplace, after animals that turned up, or 
other events at their birth. On the Darling, the children are 
named after animals.s In New South Wales, if the scream of an 
eagle was heard at the moment of birth, or the hoot of an owl, or 
if a bandicoot or kangaroo was seen to pass by, the name of that 
animal with some derivative termination added is applied to the 
child; one child was named from fire because the hut caught 
fire when he was born.§ 

The Lower Murray natives derive their names either from the 
spot where they were born or from a natural object seen by 
the mother soon after the birth of the child.7 This naming system 
seems to be universal all over Australia, thus pointing to a time 
when the belief upon which it rests was equally prevalent. As to 
the other principal feature of positive totemism, the Intichiuma 
ceremonies, we may regard their connexion with the animal-dances 
at initiation as hypothetical, but the southern myths which tell 
us how all animal species were multiplied from the body of one 
giant animal, most evidently refer to Intichiuma. The hero who 
tears these animals into bits is one of great antiquity : it is Bundjil, 
_ the Eagle-hawk. It is remarkable that Bundjil is associated with 

other myths of rather Central Australian aspect. In Victoria, it 
is said that at creation a number of young men in an unfinished 
state were sitting on the ground in darkness (womb) when Bundjil, 
an old man, at the request of his good daughter, Karakarook, 
held up his hand to the Sun, who then warmed the earth and made 

t J. Dawson, Australian Aborigines, 1881, 41. 

2 Roth, S. M. M., 1903, 18. 

3 Collins, An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales, 1804, 364. 

4 R, Brough-Smyth, The Aborigines of Victoria, 1878, I. 56. 

5 F. Bonney, “ On some Customs of the Aborigines of the River Darling,” 
EJerAsilip Sell, L277. 

6 Fraser, Aborigines of New South Wales, 4. 

7 Ginther, ‘‘ Report on Australian Languages and Traditions,” Journ., Il. 

1872, 278. 

it open like a door.t The opening of the door is birth; the legend 
is a close parallel to that on the origin of the Lake Perigundi. 
Perhaps the deep basaltic glen where he lived when on earth may 
be compared with the Ertnatulunga, in which case we should have 
to remove the date of the ‘‘ Bundjil complex”’ far back in the 
abyss of time, back to the original unity of the race. The survival 
of the birth legend in a corroboree is equally suggestive of Intichiuma 
rites. Howitt says that one of the legends about Bundjil in the 
Woeworung tribe is perpetuated in a corroboree which was wit- 
nessed in the early forties by Richard Howitt. The legend is that 
Bundjil held out his hand to thesun and warmed it—the sun warmed 
the earth, which opened; blackfellows came out and danced this 
corroboree, which is called Gayipo. At it images curiously carved 
in bark were exhibited. 

It is possible that the differences between the two waves of 
immigration would be still further reduced if the southern tribes 
had been observed under equally favourable opportunities as 
those of the Central Plain; but that there would still be a differ- 
ence in the degree of repression to account for seems to me suffi- 
ciently established by the difference in the initiation ceremonies. 
With the tribes who have the more repressed form (tooth-expulsion) 
substituted for mutilation of the penis, the ‘‘ High God,’ the repre- 
sentative of the Father-Imago, the God of Initiation, is far 
More prominent, so that we again find the same connexion 
between Repression and the Father-Imago as with the Warra- 
munga.3 

But other Supreme Beings of the South present similar features, 
which (as in the case of Bundjil) seem to point to the Centre, and 
beyond that to the cradle of the race. Myth speaks of a giant 
being, Nurundure or Baiamai, who comes from the North and 
finally ascends to the sky. This gigantic being made everything 
on earth—indeed, like the Alcheringa beings of the Dieri,s Baiamai 

: Th. H. Braim, History of New South Wales, 1846, 244. W. Howitt, Abenteuer 
in den Wildnissem von Australien, 1856, 292. Thomas Gunther, “ Report on 
Australian Languages and Traditions,” J. A. I., II. 278. Western Port. 

2 Howitt, l.c., 492. 

3 When we read that the Murray River natives possess a being with supreme 
attributes called Nourelle, who lives in the sky, and is surrounded by children born 
without the intervention of a mother, we are reminded of the well-known attitude of 
European children, with whom repression often takes the shape of stoutly denying 
that their father could ever have done such a thing (as cohabitation), although 
they are ready to believe in the normal way of procreating children so far as others 
are concerned. (For the Murray legend see J. A. I., II. 275, “ Report on Australian 
Languages.”’ Cf. Dillalee, son or brother of Baiamai, born without the intervention 
of woman.—Parker, l.c., 66.) ; 

4 The Supreme Being of the Wathi-wathi and Ta-ta-thi came from the far North 
and now dwells in the sky.—A. L, P. Cameron, ‘‘ Notes on Some Tribes of New 
South Wales,” J. A. JI., XIV. 364. 

s A. W. Howitt and O. Siebert, “‘ Legends of the Dieri and Kindred Tribes of 
Central Australia,” J. A. J., 1904, 108, 109. 

is still believed to make the grass grow. There is a permanent 
association between him and large stone-works,? as well as natural 
rocks and legends of petrifaction, which forcibly reminds us of the 
association between sky beings and stone culture in the Centre and 
in Indonesia. These Supreme Beings are deities of initiation— 
nevertheless, they are often brought into contrast with another 
being, the real spirit of the bullroarer. But there is another 
feature of these initiation ceremonies which attracts our interest ; 
here we find a rivalry between two ‘‘ Central Mysteries,” the bull- 
roarer and the quartz crystal. The bullroarer is regularly associated 
with the deities of the Daramulun type, who come into conflict 
with the Supreme Beings, the Conquerors of the Eagle-hawk, or 
themselves the Eagle-hawk. Just as regularly the Supreme Being 
is connected with the quartz crystal.3 The bullroarer is directly 
affirmed to be the ancestor of the tribe, the Supreme Being existed 
in the beginning ; he is the ‘‘ father’”’ but not in the sense of being 
a relative. The obvious conclusion seems to be that the Supreme 
Beings represent an immigrant race, that the myths which refer 
to them represent the beliefs of these immigrants. These can 
have been no other than the tribes with the two-class system, 
tooth-evulsion and negative totemism. They brought with them 
a culture which was on the verge between the age of wood and that 
of stone. Their Alcheringa ancestors turned into trees and they 
buried the dead in, or near, or under trees. But stone already 
played an important part in their religious life, although this was 
stone in its natural state, the quartz crystal. 

Here we have another way of sublimation which played a 
part in the technical advance of mankind ; the stone on the grave 
represents the Oedipus complex and the quartz crystal is a 
symbo! of the analerotic component of the libido.¢ It is certain 
that the tribes with the two-class system and matrilinear descent 
did not find the country entirely uninhabited; they met with 

1 Honery, ‘“‘ Wailwun (Upper Hunter River),” J. A. I., VII. 249. 

2 “ There is a large stone fish-trap-at Brewarrina, on the Barwon River. It 
is said to have been made by Byamee and his gigantic sons.”—K. L. Parker, The 
Euahlayi Tribe, 1905, 8. R. H. Mathews, £. N., 138. K. L. Parker, Australian 
Legendary Tales, 1897, 97. 

3 Cf. K. L. Parker, Howitt, etc. 

4 ‘The novices are taken to the goonambang (excrement place). Some old 
men perform feats of jugglery, and exhibit white stones (quartz crystals) to the 
novices. These quartz crystals are believed to be the excrement of Goign.”— 
R. H. Mathews, ‘“‘ The Burbung of the Wiradthuri Tribes,” J. A. I., 1896, 329. 
The “‘ Mundie” which is given to the youths at initiation is a crystal believed by 
the natives to be an excrement issued from the Deity and held sacred. It is worn 
concealed in the hair, tied up in a packet, and is never shown to the women, who 
are forbidden to look at it under pain of death—G. F. Angas, Savage Life and 
Scenes in Australia, 1847, II. 227. Cf. the belief in the origin of the ‘‘ boollia”’ 
(the magic force which dwells in the quartz crystal) from the anus.—A. Oldfield, 
“The Aborigines of Australia,” Trans. Ethnol. Soc., III. 235. 

resistance on the part of a dark, curly-haired race of Melanesian 
Negrito affinity. This race had Supreme Beings of their own—the 
dead Father, the spirit of the bullroarer.:. Amongst the tribes which 
arose out of the interaction of these two elements, the Father-God 
of the immigrants was raised into the sky with his quartz crystal ; 
the Father-God of the aboriginals lived on, like early man in general, 
in trees, represented by the wooden bullroarer. It is as if the 
tribes who were descended from the union of these two, or rather 
three, elements were acknowledging the superiority of the immi- 
grants by raising the deities which are their representatives into 
the sky, but yet they affirm themselves to be akin in blood with 
the vanquished, for the bullroarer is their ancestor. 

This racial conflict revives a still older and universally human 
one, the conflict in the Primeval Horde between Father and Son. 
The more powerful of the two deities is said to have “ made” 
the other, and “ making ’”’ must here be interpreted in the physical 
sense—as generation, fatherhood. This is the key to the possibility 
of interpreting similar legends in a double sense; racial conflicts, 
wars for foreign women (exogamy), become superposed on the old 
Oedipus conflict (endogamy), and both are condensed in the legends 
which account for the origin of the two-class system; this first 
arose out of a tribal fission, but afterwards served to facilitate 
many fusions.? 

If we have thus some grounds to assume a hypothetical abori- 
ginal race which inhabited Australia before the advent of our 
B-wave, we are in partial accord with Grabner’s view. Our 
wave A is his ‘‘ western- Papuans,’’ and wave B his “ eastern 
Papuans,” and he is probably right in assuming a “‘ Nigritian ”’ 
element which occupied the country before these waves arrived. 
It seems that the coastal tribes contain a larger proportion of 
this proto-Australian race than others ; these have certain features 
in common at the Northern and Southern coast; such as absence 

1 The two-class system brought from Melanesia- had two species of hawks as 
totems. But a darker aboriginal population was found in Australia, and when 
they became assimilated by the conquerors a bird, which might well represent them 
(and was probably specially reverenced by them), replaced what must have been a 
young eagle-hawk in the original conflict-myth and in the phratric organization. 
The crow is still regarded as the symbol of the Kurnai (Howitt, N. T., 134), who, 
at any rate, are more like representatives of this aboriginal population than the 
typical dual tribes. 

2 We know that there is a blood division which co-exists with class-divisions in 
Australia. (Cf. Parker, l.c., rr. Mathews, E. N., 7. Mathew, Two Tribes, 32.) 
Thus we should have dichotomies of intra- and extra-racial origin which may be 
confounded with each other in the course of evolution. I think this way of inter- 
preting these myths is in accordance both with the principles of psycho-analysis, 
which regards every psychic phenomenon as the condensation of a series of complexes 
amongst which the Oedipus attitude, usually the basic complex, is buried beneath 
a mass of others, and with the views of Rivers, who allows for other factors of 
a psychological and evolutionary kind having had a share in the formation of those 
phenomena which he attributes to the interaction of cultures. 

of the boomerang,' this peculiarly Australian weapon, the ligature 
of the finger-joints as an initiation rite of women,? local organiza- 
tion,3 which make it possible to refer to a special ethnic element 
to account for them. But we must not forget that the coastal 
tribes, if they represent the aboriginals, represent them not in their 
pristine conditions, but in a highly modified state; they possess 
only fossil rudiments of these aboriginals covered under the layers 
or waves of A and B in the North and South. Some of these, 
like the Kurnai, were the first to come into contact with white 
men at a period before Australian ethnology was born, when we did 
not know what to look for. This explains the lack of reliable 
information with regard to these tribes, and it is too late to fill 
these gaps in our knowledge. Whatever racial elements they are 
made of, they have made considerable advance or undergone con- 
siderable modification in culture, and it is more than hazardous 
to build theories on the origin of social institutions on the scanty 
descriptions of these tribes which we possess. At any rate, we 
are not concerned with them in discussing totemism, for we have 
shown that the phenomena of “ individual”’ and “‘ sex’ totemism 
which are ascribed to them by Father Schmidt and hence regarded 
as “primitive,” are organic developments of a common totemic 
root. 

We must next try and explain how the return of repressed 
elements in the Central Tribes is to be accounted for. When the 
tribes with patrilinear organization and positive totemism came 
under conditions that made accommodation to environment more 
difficult, their first reaction against the circumstances which 
threatened the equilibrium of repression and libido was to overdo 
repression still more: an eight-class system was evolved which 
means that seven out of eight women are taboo, seven out of eight 
copulations are incestuous, seven out of eight women are mothers.4 
As sexuality is to such an extraordinary degree under the influence 

1 F. A. Sarg, ‘‘ Die Australischen Bumerangs im stddtischen V6lker-museum,” 
Veroffentlichungen aus dem stadtischen Volker Museum, Frankfurt-am-Main, III, 
tgt1, 7, and Map, No. 13. 

2 Two first joints of little finger cut off the left hand of women.—G. B. Barton, 
History of New South Wales, 1889, 119, 283, 284, 342. ‘‘ Den Madchen werden in 
der Kindheit zwei Glieder von dem kleinen Finger der rechten Hand abgeldst. 
Diese Glieder werden durch starkes Unterbinden abgenommen und dann in das 
Meer geworfen, damit das Kind nachher im Fischfange gliiklich sei.’-—J. Turnbull, 
Reise um die Welt eigentlich nach Australien, 1806, 57. T.L. Mitchell, Three Expedt- 
tions into the Interior of Eastern Australia, 1838, II. 346. The Prince of Wales 
Islanders have a curious mourning custom. They cut off a joint of the mother’s 
finger to mark the loss of every child that dies —A. C, Bicknell, Travel and Adventure 
in Northern Australia, 1895, 30. 

3 Howitt, l.c., 86, 129, 130, 135. Taplin, The Narrinyert, 1879, 63. Fison and 
Howitt, Kamilarot, 1880, 285. Curr, l.c., I. 402. Spencer, N. T. N. T. A., 43-52. 

4 It makes no difference if we accept Grabner’s view and derive the eight-class 
system from the fusion of a four with a two-class system. The effect will be, in 
any case, to restrict the number of eligible women, and hence to increase repression. 

of the Oedipus complex, the repression against the latter touches 
all that has to do with sexuality, and this explains the famous 
“‘nescience’”’ of the Arunta. But the very myths that have been 
substituted for the natural explanation of birth are veiled accounts 
of incest ; they affirm no less (in a symbolic form) that every human 
being is born out of incestuous wedlock, or in other words, that 
the incestuous libido is the prototype of all other erotic relations. 
This return of repressed elements makes it possible to attempt a 
reconstruction of the Phases of Evolution that preceded that of 
successful repression, so that we shall attempt to sketch the Pre- 
historic Evolution of the Totemic Complex in Australia as follows : 

(r) Adaptation to environment and the ontogenetic pre-natai 
recapitulation of phylogenetic evolution. 

(2) The initial phase in the movement series of the rutting 
season develops into an independent rite with “ magical’”’ aim. 
Uterine symbolism of environment. The feeling of unity with 
environment, the first projection of totemism as a survival of 
actual organic adaptation (phase 1) and a repetition of the proto- 
narcissistic attitude of the embryo. Totemism is purely positive, 
without any inhibitions. 

(3) Repression and Libido, the dichotomy of the psyche, replace 
the two periods of Non-rut and Rut as they exist in Animal Life. 
Victory of the Brothers over the Father of the Primeval Horde, 
and subsequent projection of the Father-Imago into the totem. 
The totem is originally a theriomorphic ghost of the murdered 
father, the animal which haunts his grave. Eating the murdered 
father and then the totem-animal; Intichiuma ceremonies as 
survivals of the battles and the coitus of the rutting period. 

(4) Identification with the murdered father who is mourned 
for in the Intichiuma rites regresses into the archaic identification 
with environment ; the projection of the Father-Imago into the 
Totem is a regression to what we have called the protototemic 
projection. This calls forth a secondary narcissism and regresses 
to the narcissistic attitude of the embryo (phase 2) development 
of belief in doubles : Iruntarinia. 

(5) Successful repression (in the Southern Tribes) with growing 
importance of the Father-Imago. Survivals of phases r and 2 
disappear, leaving hardly recognizable rudiments. 

(6) A second return of repressed elements in the Individual 
and Sex totem. 

From an ethnological point of view we must observe that the 
series of totemic origins given above refers chiefly to the prehistoric 
evolution of the totemic complex in the tribes of the Centre (phases 
I to 4). Nevertheless we can, with a certain degree of probability, 
attribute the same pre-history to the totemic elements of our 
wave B for two reasons. First, because, taking the central tribes 

as our starting-point, we have penetrated into prehistoric strata 
long antecedent to the period of racial differentiation, and secondly, 
because a secondary infusion of ‘‘ Central’’ elements into the east 
and south seems very probable. The tribes with dual organiza- 
tion and matrilinear descent had, at the time when they entered 
Australia, a phratric totemism with birds of prey as totems 
which was a reaction-formation against the Oedipus complex (the 
Proto-totemic Complex). 

They probably developed clan totems in addition to the 
phratric totems partly through intermixture with two other 
culture areas (one of these being the immigrants from the Centre 
and the other a third stratum of population with no class-system, 
but in possession of a local organization), and partly from internal 
reasons which led to the formation of a series (Eagle-hawk as class 
totem, clan totem, subtotem) with the original pattern continually 
being repeated. Before these eastern tribes other patrilinear 
elements were in possession of the Continent. It seems that the 
totemism of our wave B, and of these tribes whom we will call C, 
was dominated by repression, though the development of these 
earlier groups still remains obscure in its details. Since nothing 
less than a complete analysis of Australian culture would suffice 
us here, demanding a book in itself, we cannot here deal further 
with this point. 

From a methodological point of view, we have learnt that 
cultural phenomena must be studied both in isolation from their 
cultural environment—this in order to obtain a general insight 
into their psychic structure—and in connexion with the ethno- 
logical history of the tribes who possess them, before we can obtain 
adequate details of the transformations and distortions to which 
the original contents were subjected. In this study I have made 
an attempt in the first direction; I have been able merely to cast 
a glance here and there at the other half of the problem.

Page 42. 

Old feuds are settled at the fights connected with the Turrbal 
initiation ceremonies, and a man who was killed in this fighting 
was eaten. The Arunta represent “‘Oruncha men. . . engaged 
in baking a man in an earth oven” at initiation.2 Boys who open 
their eyes when forbidden to do so are killed by opening their 
veins at the Euahlayi ceremonies. ‘“‘Stooping over two boys they 
opened veins in each, out flowed the blood, and the other men 
all raised a death cry. The boys were lifeless. The old wirreenuns, 
dipping their stone knives in the blood, touched with them the 
lips of all present.”’3_ Those who are considered stupid and gener- 
ally incapable are killed and their bodies burnt.+ ‘‘ The youths 
believed that one of the party was going to be killed, not knowing 
on whom the fatal blow would fall.”’ 5 

The idea of sacrificing and eating an old man at initiation is 
hardly Australian; but it is probably the prototype of the idea 
that the young men (retribution!) are eaten at this festival by a 
demon, and of the actual carrying out of this idea in special cases. 

Page 46. 

Urethral origin of flood myths. A supernatural monster in 
serpent form made all the rivers as he travelled inland from the 
sea, which is his home. He camped for a long time at the lake 
into which Sturt Creek empties, and it is owing to his urine that 
the water there is salt. The saltness of other lakes is ascribed to 
a similar cause.—R. H. Mathews, ‘“‘ Some Aboriginal Tribes of 
Western Australia,” Roy. Soc. of N.S.W., 1g01, 219 (between 
Fitzroy, Margaret and Ord Rivers), 

Page 66. 

Bullroarer as sex-totem. When the women (Kamilaroi) hear 
the sound of the moonibear they think it is a spirit-woman congratu- 
lating them upon having their sons admitted to the degree of 
manhood.—R. H. Mathews, ‘‘ Notes on the Aborigines of New 
South Wales,” 17. 

t Howitt, N. T., 599. 2 Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 351. 

3 K.L. Parker, The Euahlayi Tribe, 1905, 72. 
4 Parker, l.c. 73. 

5 A. Meston, Description of a Bora at Mt. Milbirriman, Science of Man, I. 10. 

. 

Page 73. 
Totemic taboo.—Brown, J. R. A. I., 1923, 432, 439. 

Page 77. 
Totem called ‘‘his flesh.” The object of marriage classes was 

to prevent marriage between those of ‘‘one flesh’”’ (Tow’wilyerr).— 

J. Dawson, Australian Aborigines, 1881, 26. ‘‘ A man or woman 
may freely eat of the totemic animal, and, indeed, a man calls his 
totem his wil’i, this word being apparently the common word in 
this language for meat or flesh food.”—A. R. Brown, “‘ Notes on 
the Social Organization of Australian Tribes,” J. R.A. I., 1923, 
439 (Murawar)i). 

Page 78. 

Omens. According to the belief of the Kamilaroi the totem 
forewarns everybody of the designs of his enemies. If any of his 
friends are away in a different part of the tribal territory and 
sickness and death overtakes them, or they meet with a serious 
accident, his totem appears in sight, by which they know there 
is something wrong.—R. H. Mathews, ‘‘ The Kamilaroi Division,” 
Science of Man, I. 155. Id., ‘‘The Totemic Divisions of Aus- 
tralian Tribes,” Journal and Proceedings of R.S. N.S. W., 1897, 
XXXI. 157 

Page 79. 
On personal totems.—A. R. Brown, J. R. A. I., 1923, 432, 442. 

Page 131. 

Dragon-slaying and initiation. The astral-symbolism and the 
connexion between initiation and dragon-slaying are notable 
features of following rites. Seven fires were lighted round an oval 
ring. At the south end stood a blackfellow threatening a huge 
clay figure of a crocodile with a spear. The seven fires represent 
the Pleiades, who were seven young men dancing to a song sung 
by three young women in Orion’s belt. The clay figure in the 
middle of the ring was a giant crocodile frequenting the dark river 
in the Milky Way, and the boys are told that this fierce saurian 
would swallow them if they displayed any weakness in passing 
through the initiation ceremony.—Meston, ‘‘ Description of a Bora 
at Mount Milbirriman, Science of Man, I. 10. For other repre- 
sentations of the Kurreah (giant crocodile) at initiation ceremonies, 
cf. R. H. Mathews, “ Aboriginal Initiation Ceremonies,” Science 
of Man, 1.79; Id., “‘ Initiation Ceremonies of the Wiradjuri Tribes,”’ 
American Anthropologist, N. S., III. 339. Cf. also F. E. Williams, 
“The Pairama Ceremony,” J. R. A. I., 1923, 361. 

Page 134. ; 

Phallic nature of Alcheringa beings. The culture-heroes and 
ancestors of the Kagaba are called Kalgua’iza—a word undoubtedly 
derived from “ kalgudkala ” (penis)—K. Th. Preuss, “ Die héchste 
Gottheit bei den kulturarmen Vélkern,” Psychologische Forschungen, 
1922, Il. 171. 

Page 177. 

Aboriginal tradition regards subincision as a mitigated form of 
castration —J. G. Edge, ‘‘ The Mika Ceremony, Wallwarra (Waloo- 
kera) Tribe,” Science of Man, II. 105. 

Page 194. 

Fish as embryo-symbol. Protective deity holding up a fish in 
right hand.—W. D. Campbell, ‘‘ Aboriginal Carvings of Port Jackson 
and Broken Bay,” Memoirs of the Geological Survey of New South 
Wales Ethnological Series, No. I. 41. 

Page 196. 

Island other-world.—Cf. E. Jones, Essays on Applied Psycho- 
Analysis, 1923, ‘‘The Island of Ireland’; and Id., “ Psycho- 
Analysis and Anthropology,” J. R. A. I., 1924, 65. 

Page 106. 
Soul as little child. The soul goes to a pit in the west and lives 
there as a child of eight years.—F. Gerstacker, Reisen IV, Australien, 

1854, 364. 

Page 207. 
For some further conclusions with regard to mortuary cere- 
monies, cf. Réheim, ‘‘ Nach dem Tode des Urvaters,” Imago, IX. 83. 

, Page 217. 

No imitation of human coitus in Central Australian ritual. 
It seems that ceremonial coitus forms a part of the Kangaroo 
Intichiuma, although Strehlow denies all ‘‘obscene” details 
(Strehlow, Die totemistischen Kulte der Aranda und Loritja-Stdmme, 
IgI0, p. xvii) in ritual, and Spencer and Gillen do not mention 
them. In describing a waninga used at the Kangaroo Intichiuma 
ceremony, Missionary Liebler remarks (with reference to the 
ceremony) “‘endet leider mit Hurerei.”—Cai. VI. 35, 544. Pub- 
lished by kind permission of the Berlin Ethnographical Museum. 

Page 225. 
Blood given to sick to strengthen them. Seminal fluid is 
used for the same purpose. In an extreme case of disease, mulierem 

ob juventutem firmitatemque corporis lectam, sex vel plures viri 
_ in locum haud procul a castris remotum deducunt. Ibique omnes 
deinceps in illa libidinem explent. Tum mulier ad pedes surgere 
lubetur, quo facilius id quod maribus excepit, effluere possit. Quod 
in vase collectum egrotanti ad bibendum prebent.—P. Beveridge, 
The Aborigines of Victoria and Riverina, 1889, 53. The magical 
use of semen is prominent in New Guinea.—Cf. Wirz, Die Marind- 
anim von Hollandisch Sid Neu Guinea, 1922; Landtmann, “ The 
Magic of the Kiwai,” J. R. A. I., 1916, 324. 

Page 230. 

Blood-letting at initiation, blood as substitute for seminal 
fluid. Old men let blood flow from subincised penis on boy’s chest. 
—Donner, “ Aboriginal Traditions and Rock Carvings,’’ Science of 
Man, 1900, III. 115. From wounds.—R. H. Mathews, “‘ Aboriginal 
Customs in North Queensland,’ Science of Man, I. 263. They 
form a ring, commit mutual onanism, making the emission go on 
the boy, then all go up in the trees around like flying foxes.— 
G. R. Brown, “ Birripi Language of the Hastings and Wilson 
Rivers,” Science of Man, 1808, I. 89. 

Page 235. 

Primitive forms of ritual to be found in west and north-west. 
What we call return of repressed elements is regarded as a symptom 
of degeneracy by A. A. Goldenweiser, ‘‘ Reconstruction from Sur- 
vivals in West Australia,” Am, Anthr. XVIII. 478. According to 
Goldenweiser, the Kariera are degenerate from Arunta conditions 
because women participate in totem ceremonies; but Arunta 
traditions mention this custom as the original state of things in 
the Alcheringa. 

Page 235. 

According to a recent publication of Mjéberg on phallic objects, 
some of these at least (Kimberley, Upper Levarynga) are connected 
with the subincision ceremony. The Kamilaroi, however, have 
images of their first ancestor with erected penis, and a corresponding 
representation of the first woman. They perform sexual dances 
round these images.—Cf. intichiuma, E. Mjdberg, ‘‘ Vom Phalluskult 
in Nordaustralien,” Archiv fir Anthropologie, 1923, XIX. 86. 

Page 324. 

Australia and New Guinea. 

The evidence for Central Australian migrations through New 
Guinea and for the increase of repression during these migrations 
(or the return of repressed elements in New Guinea ?) would be 
incomplete without reference to the Banaro, 

Here the girl has intercourse with the “ mundi” ! of her future 
father-in-law in the spirit-house at initiation. The cohabitation 
must be carried out in presence of the long ceremonial flutes, the 
“mundi” acts the part of a spirit in cohabiting with the girl, 
and these flutes are regarded as vehicles of the spirit’s voice. The 
husband is not allowed to have access to the woman till the first 
child procreated by the “‘ mundi” as spirit is born. This child 
is distinguished from children born of normal intercourse between 
human beings, and called a spirit-child. When the child is born 
the mother asks: ‘‘ Who had intercourse with me?” and the 
husband answers: ‘‘ I am not thechild’s father ; it is a spirit-child.”’2 

Now, with the Arunta every child is a spirit-child procreated 
by the ancestral spirit as representative of the father. We tried 
to show that ‘“‘ throwing ’’ 3 as a supernatural method of producing 
children was merely a symbolic expression for coitus, and here we 
actually find “ spirit-children”’ procreated by “ spirits’’ in a very 
human fashion. The denial of the woman shows repression at 
work, and even the very words used agree with those of the Arunta 
woman Kaltia, who, after having been “ thrown’ by the Alcheringa 
ancestor, protests her innocence—‘‘ Although I saw him I had 
nothing to do with him.” 4 

In Australia we could prove that repression was directed against 
the Oedipus wish, and the procreative part played by the mythical 
ancestor appeared to bea hallucinatory wish-fulfilment of the female 
incest phantasy. If we follow Thurnwald into the details of the 
Banaro custom, we find that the moieties were originally normal 
exogamous moieties, and that even to-day the father-in-law has 
formally to abdicate his ius prime noctis in favour of his 
“mundi.” 5 The custom must have been for the woman to com- 
mence sexual life with her father-in-law, who again is the natural 
substitute for the father. The present organization with the double 
system of “ghostly” and natural relationships provides for a 
curious half imaginary and half real gratification of the Oedipus 
situation.6 The men with whom a woman in the course of her 

* The Banaro are divided into endogamous moieties. The “‘ mundi” institu- 
tion breaks through the taboo on exogamy involving the mutual ius prime noctis 
between a man and his ‘‘ mundi’s ” daughter-in-law. 

* R. Thurnwald, Die Gemeinde der Bdnavro, 1921. (S. A. Zeitschrift fiir ver- 
bleichende Rechtswissenschaft XXXVIII-XXXIX) 21, 22. 

3 In Australia the bullroarer thrown at the woman is a penis symbol, the 
equivalents of which are the sacred flutes of the Bdnaro. Cf. the case of the 
Monumbo; the youths have intercourse with the chief’s wife after having intro- 
duced the sacred flute into her vagina. F, Vormann, Tanze und Tanzfestlichkeiten 
der Monumbo-Papua, Anthropos, 1911, VI. 427. . 

4 Strehlow, A. & L., II. 54. Cf. Thurnwald, l.c., 39. 

$s Thurnwald, l.c., 21, 94. 

 § Thurnwald tells us that “‘ the first person who has connexion with the girl 
is her mother’s husband, possibly even her father,” ibid. 184. He can only mean 
the mother’s “‘ spiritual’? husband, and in this case there is a special prohibition 
against what might mean incest with the father.—Ibid., 39° 

voy eee 

_ life regularly has intercourse are a father, his son (by another 

woman), and that son’s grandchild. The father-in-law and the 
“ spiritual” father are both called mitjoin, a survival of the period 
when the father-in-law was a “spiritual” father. In a wider sense 
the word is used to designate the generation of paternal grandfathers ; 
this would be correct when used by a “ normal” child with regard 
to his brother’s “ ghost-father,’’ who would also be his own father’s 
father. The problem only begins to interest us when we are told 
what the word means. The translation is “the little one,” and 
therefore the child. If, then, the ghost-father is the child, this 
can only mean that he has been reborn by cohabitation—that the 
child partakes of the “spirit ’’ nature of the spirit-father. This 
would serve to explain why his second father (really his half-brother) 
calls him “old son,” ! as a reborn grandfather. If we remember 
the universal opinion of the Central Australians as to the identity 
of the procreating ancestor with the infant, this view gains in 
probability. For that we are here treading on familiar ground 
is shown by the fact that these tribes—and no others outside 
Australia—have the peculiarly Central Australian institution of 
subincision.? 

We must briefly consider the Melanesian parallels to the Central 
Australian belief in “ spirit-children,’’ both from the point of view 
of historical ethnology and from the unconscious side of these con- 
cepts. It is difficult (till we have further publications of Malin- 
ovski) to determine the exact cultural position of the Trobriand 
Islands. Certain traces in the disposal of the dead point towards 
betel and kava influence. Graves were dug in the village ; a small 
house was built above the grave, in which they slept for three nights.3 
After some time the body of a chief would be exhumed, the skull 
made into a lime pot, and the fibula into lime spatule.4 The 
following account of what happens after the death of a chief looks 
like a survival of “second burial.”” The bones are distributed to 
people of all the totems, except that of the dead man. It was said 
that these bones would finally be placed in the grave of a near 
relative of each recipient, who would ‘‘ take the bone to Tuma.”’ 5 
If delayed burial goes with the idea of communion with the dead, 
this again would not be too far removed from the idea of the 
dead re-entering the maternal womb® and becoming reincarnated. 

t Thurnwald, l.c., roo. Cf. C. G. Seligman on reciprocity in relationship terms. 
—Man, 1924, 81. 

2 Id., ibid. 27, 28. 

3 C. G. Seligmann, The Melanesians in British New Guinea, 1910, 715. 

4 Seligmann, l.c. 719. 5 C. G. Seligmann, l.c., 718. 

6 Ideas and customs ascribed by Rivers, History of Melanesian Society, 1914, 
II. 258, 279, 376, etc., to the Kava people. The positive totemism of the members 
of the Tamate society would also agree with the idea of totem communion as found 

in Central Australia.—Rivers, l.c., II. 367. 

We are told that ‘‘ when the baloma (soul) ! has grown old his teeth 
fall out, his skin gets loose and wrinkled, he goes to the beach and 
bathes in the salt water, then he throws off his skin just as a snake 
would do and becomes a young child again, really an embryo, 
a wai-waia, a term applied to children im utero and immediately 
after birth.2 The wai-waia is the exact equivalent of the Arunta 
ratapa; thus confirming our view that the latter, and hence also 
the Churinga, is an embryo. The allusion to the serpent asa phase 
of transition between the old baloma and the embryo will easily 
be understood if we refer to Ferenczi’s theory on the regressive 
nature of the genital act. According to this view the male in coitus 
effects, by the medium of the genital organ, ‘‘ the serpent,” and 
the spermatozéon (the wai-waia—the embryo), a return into the 
female womb3. . . represented in our case by salt water, a symbol 
of the amniotic fluid. What follows is the well-known feature of 
duplication; besides the earthly father and mother, a “ spirit-” 
father and mother and a spirit-birth, which is the prelude to real 
birth. “A baloma woman sees this wai-waia, she takes it up and 
puts it in a basket, or a plaited and folded coco-nut leaf (second 
womb-symbol). She carries it to Kiriwina and places it in the 
womb of some woman, inserting it per vaginam.’’ “The real 
cause of pregnancy is always a baloma, who enters the body of a 
woman, and without whose existence a woman could not become 
pregnant.” 

‘‘ All babies are made or come into existence in Tuma”’ 5 (the 
nether-world, a womb-symbol !), When we go into further details 
we find a hazy idea of another stage of existence, as transition 
between death and the intrauterine life represented by the “ spirit- 
children’? or embryos. The dead become a sort of blood (buiai) 
in Tuma® before they turn into wai-waia. As the latter is the 
embryo, the “ blood”’ can only be the seminal fluid. ‘ Another 

t Balum = the monster who swallows the youths at initiation.—Zahn, Die 
Jabim. Neuhauss ; Deutsch Neu Guinea, t91t, III. 297. The bullroarer ancestor 
St. Lehner.—Bukaua, ibid., 410. 

2 Br. Malinovski, ‘‘ The Spirits of the Dead in the Trobriand Islands,” Journal 
of the Royal Anthr. Inst., 1916, XLVI. 403. These childbirth beliefs are probably 
far more prevalent than we should suppose, as they seem not to be very easy to 
discover. Bellamy says with reference to these islands: ‘‘ Intercourse is recognized 
as the cause of children, although single girls who become pregnant have a curious 
habit of blaming some portion of their diet.’’-—Seligmann, l.c., 704. 

3 The Kagaba seem to be quite conscious of what the primeval lake means, 
they say it is the water in the mother’s womb.—K. Th. Preuss, ‘‘ Die héchste 
Gottheit,”’ Psychologische Forschungen, II. 171. 

¢ From the biological point of view the amniotic fluid is the “‘survival”’ of 
the phylogenetic salt-water environment.—Ferenczi, Versuch einey Genitaltheorie 
1924, 61. The choice of the ‘“‘symbol”’ frequently represents a deeper regression 
from the repressed towards the organic unconscious.—Cf. Réheim, ‘‘ Die Sedna- 
Sage,’’ Imago, X. 

5 Malinovski, ‘‘ The Spirits of the Dead in the Trobriand Islands,” Journal, 
1916, 403. 6 Malinovski, l.c., 404. 

cycle of beliefs and ideas about reincarnation implies a pronounced 
association between the sea and the spirit-children.”” ‘‘ After being 

transformed, the spirit goes into the sea and dwells there for a 
time.’’ Girls must therefore be cautious when they go bathing. 
The spirit-children are supposed to be concealed in the popewo, 
the floating sea scum, and also in some stones called dukupui.” 
“Tf a married woman wants to conceive she may hit these stones 
to induce the concealed wai-waia to enter her womb.” ? (Cf. the 
belief of the Warramunga, striking the tree releases spirit-children. 
—Spencer and Gillen, Northern Tribes, 162.) There is a general 
belief in a close connexion between bathing and conception. A 
woman, for instance, will feel that something has touched or hurt 
her in the water. She will say, ‘‘ A fish has bitten me,’’ but really 
it is the wai-waia being inserted into her. Ceremonial bathing in 
the sea takes place about the fourth or fifth month of pregnancy 
“to make the skin white,” or to “ facilitate childbirth.’’ ‘‘ But at 
the coastal village of Kavataria a very different statement was 
volunteered, to the effect that the ceremony is connected with the 
incarnation of the spirit-children.”’ It is at this stage of pregnancy 
that the ‘“‘spirit-child’’ enters the woman.3 A _ characteristic 
difference between the Arunta and Trobriand pregnancy dream 
seems to be that the Arunta, who trace descent in the male line, 
derive the child from a male ancestral being, while in the other case 
we have totems and names derived from the mother,4 and the 
apparition of the dead mother or maternal aunt in the pregnancy 
dream.5 The contradictory nature of the statements received by 
Malinovski as to the physiological or ‘‘ psychological’ causation 
of pregnancy clearly points to an infantile repression of sexual 
knowledge, the point being that the “supernatural” faculty of 
procreating children is attributed only to the “ baloma,”’ who 
represent the father and mother imago.® 

Another account comes from the Morehead and Wassi-kussa 
Rivers in Western Papua. It proves beyond a doubt the correctness 
of some of our views. 

The natives here believe that an invisible ‘‘ something,” which 

t Besides the foam-born Aphrodite and Lakshmi, we find a nearer relation of 
these sea-scum children in the Polynesian Maui—an abortion thrown into the 

foam of the surf and nursed by seaweed.—G. Grey, Polynesian Mythology, 1855, 
18. White, Anctent History of the Maort, 1880, II. 65. 

2 Malinovski, ‘‘ The Spirits of the Dead in the Trobriand Islands,” Journal, 
1916, 404. 

3 Malinovski, lc., 405. On bathing and conception, cf. E. S. Hartland, The 
Legend of Perseus, 1894, I. 133. P. Saintyves, Les Vierges Méres ei les Naissances 
Miraculeuses, 1908, 39. 

4 Seligmann: l.c. 705. 

5 Malinovski, l.c., 405. As a rule it is a female baloma, but at any rate a 
member of the mother’s kindred. 

6 Cf. Malinovski, l.c., 407. 408. See also “ Spirit-children,” by Malinovski, in 
Hastings’ Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics. 

they call ‘‘ Birumbir,” is the animating principle of human beings. 
This Birumbir is the embryo from which the material body develops 
in the uterus. It comes into the uterus by way of the vulva in 
the form of junga (semen).! But here natural history comes to 
an end and myth begins. Against the evidence of their senses they 
are capable to declare that the semen (Birumbir) is inserted into the 
vulva by an “ eel-like creature called Tombabwir.’’ Tombabwir’s 
haunts are rivers, creeks and waterholes. If a married woman 
enters one of these places when Tombabwir is there she will become 
pregnant, but this can only occur when the physical act has opened 
the passage for Birumbir to enter the uterus.? 

This corresponds fairly closely to the Trobriand’s belief (bathing, 
serpent), and shows that we were not mistaken in interpreting the 
““ serpent, or eel-like creature,’ as the penis. These data show how 
repression is only directed against the part played by the male 
member in procreation, and thus agree absolutely with the data 
obtained by recent research in child psychology.3 Here, however, 
we are concerned with other questions. We have interpreted the 
spirit-child (and hence also the Churinga) as an embryo, and here 
we are told the same thing by the natives themselves, in an area 
that must have been traversed by the ancestors of the Arunta.4 
But we went even one step further and explained Arunta belief 
and ritual by the assumption of a deeper regression; the down 
flying about, the minute spirit-child, is also the spermatozo6n. 
Our natives seem to know this (unconsciously) when they talk about 
the life-giving being (Birumbir) in the semen. 

Here we have the belief in the spirit-children; in Melanesia 5 
and Fiji 6 we have what looks like conceptional totemism, in Central 
Australia we have both elements together. 

Page 328. 
On Walaga feast, cf. H. Newton, In the Far East, 1914, I5I. 

Page 337. 
Cf. the remark of Wallace. ‘‘ The islands eastward from Celebes 
and Lombok exhibit almost as close a resemblance to Australia 

* Cf. A. P, Lyons, “ Animistic and other spiritualistic beliefs of the Bina Tribe, 
Western Papua,” J. R. A. I., 1921, 432. 

* A. P. Lyons, ‘‘ Paternity Beliefs and Customs in Western Papua,’ Man, 
1924, 44. 

3 M. Klein, ‘‘ Eine Kinderentwicklung,” Imago, VIII. 289. 

¢ The Morehead River natives are the neighbours of the Marind (Kaia-Kaia) 
and frequently suffer from their raids.—Beaver, Unexploved New Guinea, 1920, 106, 
126. I intend to discuss the close connexion between the Marind and the Central 
Australians in a separate paper. 

s W.H. R. Rivers, ‘‘Totemism in Polynesia and Melanesia,”’ Journal, 1900, 173. 

6 De Marzan, Anthropos, Il. 402. Cf. for reincarnation C. E. Fox, ‘‘ Social 
Organization in San Cristoval,” J. R.A. 1., 1919, 432. 

and New Guinea as the western islands do to Asia.” —A. R Wallace, 
The Malay Archipelago, 1869, 25. 

Page 332. 

On cultural connexion between New Guinea and Indonesia, 
M. Uhle, “ Holz und Bambusgerathe aus Nordwest Neu Guinea,” 
Kngl. Ethn. Mus. zu Dresden, 1886, VI. 4. On migration of stone 
culture from Indonesia to New Guinea, E. W. P. Chinnery, “‘ Stone 
Work and Goldfields in British New Guinea,” Journ. R. A. I., 1919, 
XLIX. 271 (with a note on the stone circles in Australia, pay}: 

Page 372. 

Incestuous origin of Kalangs. The inhabitants of Nicobar are 
immigrants from Indonesia. Origin myth ; a man married a female 
dog on the island. His son killed his father and married his dog- 
mother.—A. van Gennep, L’¢tat actuel du Probléme totémique, 1920, 
303, from Brailowski in Shivaia Starina, rogor,II; 

Page 384. 

Post-mortal search for soul as animal. The first animal which 
alights on a mat where death had occurred contains the soul— 
S. Percy Smith, “Futuna,” Journal of the Polynesian Society, 
1892, I. go. 

Page 397. 
Petrified Supreme Being. J. Manning, ‘‘ Notes on the Aborig- 
ines of New Holland,” Journal and Proceedings of R. S. N.S. W.., 

XVI. 155. (See also p. 351 above.) 

Page 401. 

Ornamental patterns of Churinga.—Cf. H. Basedow, “ Aboriginal 
Rock Carvings” in J. R. A. I., 1914, 210. Fuhrmann sees con- 
nexion between Australia and New Guinea, interprets ornaments 
as symbols of vulva.—E. Fuhrmann, Neu Guinea (Kulturen der 

Erde, XIV.), 1922, 23. 

Page 409. 

Euahlayi Intichiuma ceremonies. 

The Murawari are the south-western neighbours of the Euahlayl. 
A. R. Brown has recently published some very important information 
on their totemic ceremonies. 

The members of the totem clans performed sacred totemic 
dances and recited certain songs at the initiation ceremonies. These 
sacred animal dances were called tonba.! 

s A. R. Brown, ‘‘ Notes on the Social Organization of Australian Tribes,” 
J.&.A.I., LI. 1923, 439. 

Just as in Central Australia, we have two groups of totemic 
ceremonies, the second, of ‘‘ non-sacred character,” i.e. not reserved 
to the initiates, being what we call Intichiuma ceremonies. These 
are connected with the different animal species, and a man who 
was powerful in totemic magic would sing the song of his own 
totem animal in such a way that he could draw all the animals of 
that species away from the neighbouring countries into his own 
country. The song of the Opossum totem refers toa certain famous 
legend of the tribe without which its contents are incomprehensible. 
The legend runs as follows : 

There is a spot in the Baderi country called Bulpain, famous in 
myth as the place where the ancestors were turned into animals, 
giving rise to the species which still exist, while certain others were 
turned into stones still visible at the place. 

The great transformation was the consequence of the incest 
of Kiwi (native cat) with his uncle’s wives. His uncle was Bindelain 
(bat), a great magician who killed his faithless wives. When he 
had killed them he cut off small pieces of their skin and tied them 
in his beard. This was enough for his brothers-in-law, they knew 
what had happened. They decided to avenge their sisters’ death, 
but they wished to catch the great magician unawares. One after 
another the ancestors danced before Bindelain, grotesquely painted, 
striving with every absurdity in posture to make him laugh, but 
none succeeded. Then came Diran (black cockatoo with red tail), 
and when he turned his rump to him, all bedaubed with red as it 
was, and moved it up and down from side to side, Bindelain no 
longer could keep from laughing, and in his laughter he forgot 
danger and rolled from side to side. The men seized him and 
threw him on the fire ; he was burnt and transformed into a bat. 

A great fight followed, in which many of the ancestors were 
turned to stone, while others became the ancestors of the animal 
species. The opossum song, like many others, refers to marks of 
the burns received by the totemic ancestors on this occasion. 

We may as well begin by pointing out that a narrative which 
relates how, in the days of yore, young men tampered with the 
wives of their uncles, how the Great Magician of the Horde punished 
these evil-doers, and was in his turn killed by the united forces of 
the young men of the horde for what he had done to the women, 
looks very much like an account of incest and revolt against the 
Sire of the Primeval Horde. From the son’s point of view it is 
the old man who is having illicit intercourse with his daughters 2 
in the gerontocratic version, as in our myth the blame is put upon 

1 A. R. Brown, l.c., 440-442. 

» Cf. Mandra-mankana, Howitt, N. T., 781. In our myth it is the cut-off skins, 
in the Dieri version it is the cut-off breasts of the women, which lead to recognition 

in the same way. Both are accounts of primeval incest, both explain the origin 
of Intichiuma ceremonies. 

a the son. However, there seems reason to believe that the bat was 
_ originally the young man, the aggressor; for we have the Koko- 

minni version of the bat’s incest with his mother-in-law, of his 
subsequent search for honey in a hollow tree and the loss of eyesight 
as a punishment for incest which followed. Now the bat is the 
sex-totem of many Australian tribes—a fact that goes far to prove 
our conjecture that he originally played the part of the son in this 
myth, and justifies us in using the key of sexual symbolism to explain 
the details of our narrative. To begin with, we notice that here 
also Bindelain ‘‘ calls his two wives and Kiwi to come and take 
honey. When they came he pointed out to them the holes he had 
cut, and all three of them drew near and put each an arm into one 
of the holes. Then, by the power of his magic, he caused the holes 
to become smaller, imprisoning by their arms the three guilty 
ones.’’2 If searching for honey is a symbolic equivalent of incest 
{penetrating into the hollow tree is coition with the mother), the 
loss of eyesight must be the usual talion-punishment, castration 
displaced upwards.3 The secondary elaboration of the myth has 
extended the scope of this episode ; originally it refers to the young 
men only. We should say, the young men did not dare to have 
intercourse with the father’s wives, because they dreaded the magical 
bite of the hollow tree (vagina dentata). From their infantile- 
sadistic point of view they regarded coitus as killing, and this is 
why the old man is represented as having killed his wives. What 
follows is the often told tale of the Great Revolt, and now we begin 
to understand why Kiwi does not die in the tree-hole. The narrators 
felt that he must be among the aggressors, and hence he must 
survive this test. He manages to free himself because this part 
of the myth corresponds, not to a historic event, but to a psychic 
reality ; he did not put his ‘“‘arm”’ into the hole, and the episode 
only represents the castration-dread from which the brothers 
manage to free themselves before the Great Revolution. 

But why does Bindelain laugh? What does this laughter 
mean? We shall consult some parallel versions of this episode. 

Bootoolgah, the Crane, married Goonur, the Kangaroo Rat 
(Euahlayi). They discover how to make fire by rubbing two pieces 
of wood together, and decide to keep the art secret from all the 
tribes. Night Owl and Parrot watch them preparing fish, and it 
is decided that the two must be surprised, so that they forget to 
guard the bag with the fire-stick in it. A great corroboree was 
arranged, and all the animal ancestors came to the dance. ‘All 
goes well with our heroes till the Bralgahs (Native Companion) 

s Roth, S. M.M., 15. Cf. A. R. Brown, J. R. A. I., 1913, 169. 

A. R. Brown, J. R. A. I., 1923, 44! ; 

3 Cf. the contributions of Eder, Ferenczi and Reitler in Internationale Zeitschrift 

fly Psychanalyse, 1. 157, 159, 161, on eye-symbolism. On the frequent use of 
phallic amulets against the evil-eye, cf. Seligmann, Der bdse Blick, 1910. 

appear. These looked very tall and dignified as they held up their 
red heads, which contrasted with their grey bodies, but they danced 
faster and faster, replacing their dignity with such grotesqueness 
as to make their large audience shake with laughter. Bootoolgah 
and Goonur rolled about helpless with laughter. The Hawk seized 
bag and fire-stick, fired the grass with the stick, and thus made 
fire the common property of the tribes.* 

The next version accounts for the origin of water instead of 
fire. According to the aborigines of Lake Tyers, all water was 
contained in the body of a huge frog, and it was agreed that they 
must make the frog laugh, then the water would run out of his 
mouth and there would be plenty everywhere. They all try their 
dances, at last the remarkable contortions of the eel produced the 
desired effect. Many died in the flood, some were rescued by the 
Pelican. But he quarrelled with them about a woman and was 
turned into stone.? 

The fourth variant comes from the Narrinyeri. The ancestors 
were assembled for a corroboree at Mootabarringar. They sent 
Kuratje and Kanmare (two small fish) as messengers to Kondole, 
a large powerful man who was the sole possessor of fire, and kept 
it for himself. Rilballe threw a spear and wounded him on the 
neck. This caused a great laughing and shouting, and nearly all 
were transformed into different animals. Kondole ran to the sea 
and became a whale, and ever after blew water from the wound 
which he received in his neck.3 

The peculiar feature of this last version is that it connects the 
elements of fire and water with the flight towards the sea, a combina- 
tion of elements which we have explained as symbolizing the 
urethral erotic impulse. This again seems to be merely an infantile 
version of the genital striving, and we shall thus endorse the view 
of our narrator that the quarrel between the Pelican and the others 
was “about a woman.’ There are two non-Australian versions 
of our episode, and in both the divine laughter is provoked by the 
exposure of the genitalia. Now, the Black Cockatoo showing his 
rump bedaubed with red under the tail and moving it up and down 
from side to side (Murawari version) is suspicious, to say the least 
of it. This looks like a theriomorphic transcription of the indecent 
gesture of Usume and Baubo. When we remember that according 
, to the Kakadu the women who originally possessed fire hid it up 
their vulvas,s while the Arunta believe it to have been contained 

1 K. L. Parker, Australian Legendary Tales, 1897, 24. 

* R. Brough-Smyth, Aborigines of Victoria, 1878, I. 420, 430. Cf. A. Lang, 
Myth, Ritual and Religion, 1906, I. 43. 

3 H. E. A. Meyer, Manners and Customs of the Aborigines of the Encounter Bay. 
Woods, Native Tribes of South Australia, 1879, 203. Taplin, Navvinyeri, 59. 

¢ Cf. Ed. Hahn, Demeter und Baubo, 1896, 77. K. Florenz, Die histovischen 
Quellen dey Shinto Religion, 1919, 40. s Spencer, N. T. N. T. A., 305. 

in the penis of an euro, our suspicion amounts to a certainty.? 
This explains the eel in the Lake Tyers version ; like the eel Tomb- 
abwir in Western Papua, he is the penis, and his contortions mean 
coitus. We shall therefore say that the laughter of all these 
divine beings which solves a difficult situation is merely a substitute 
for another relief from restraint, and this other relief is the sexual 
act.3 Voyeurism and exhibitionism are merely inhibited substitutes 
of coitus. This is demonstrated in our case by the fact that it 
needs an eel (male symbol) to make a frog (female symbol, womb) 
“laugh,’’ while the father laughs when the red spot that must 
be explained as the vulva is exhibited. If we explain Bindelain as 
the father and the others as his children, ‘“‘laughter’’ between 
them amounts to incest, and the myth would then relate how the 
brothers succeeded in killing the Jealous Sire when he was helpless, 
because caught red-handed in the midst of incestuous cohabitation.5 

What follows is decisive for our views. It is from this moment 
of the Rutting Season (great corroboree) and the Primal Conflict 
that the animal species originate (i.e. Intichiuma ceremonies are 
performed), and petrifaction is the lot of the first heroes. The fact 
that the Intichiuma ceremonies of the Murawari refer to this myth 
of incest and petrifaction is so significant that it needs no further 
explanation.® 

For the spread of the Central Australian type of totemism 
towards the southern and eastern coast the totemism of the Kum- 
baingerri is significant. ‘‘ Each totem, gal, or family has some 
property peculiarly its own in the way of a water-hole or mountain 
in their district or hunting-ground, and each formerly had its 
Cambora, ghost---some in the shape of animals, birds, reptiles, or 
fishes. Moreover, we are told that these Cambora lived in certain 
trees.””7 Here we have the totem-centre, reincarnation (metem- 
psychosis) and the Nanja tree. 

Page 418. 
Loss of tooth as death and castration.—C. G. Seligman, “‘Anthro- 
pology and Psychology,” J. R. A. I., 1924, 43. 

t Spencer and Gillen, N.T., 446. 

2 The red head of the Bralgah (Euahlayi version) is displaced upwards. 

3 There is a reversal here; the father laughs at the coitus of the children. As 
a matter of fact, children frequently mimic or deride their elders, probably as a 
means of abreaction for the anxiety called forth in them by the “‘ Urszene ’’ (witness- 
ing coitus of parents). Cf. Freud, ‘‘ Aus der Geschichte einer infantilen Neurose,”’ 
Kleine Schriften, Vierte Folge, 1918. This explains the ‘‘laughter”’ connected with 
childbirth beliefs in Central Australia. 

4 Cf. E. Jones, Papers on Psycho-Analysis, 1918, 30, 142, 158, 621. 

$ We do not mean to say that this actually took place in the Primeval Horde. 
As a myth, the father killed in the act of coitus merely means that he is killed 
on account of coitus. 

6 Cf, W. E. Armstrong, “ Rossell Island Religion,” Anthropos, 1923/24, p. I. 

7 McDougall, ‘‘ Manner, Customs and Legends of the Coombangree Tribe,’ 
Science of Man, 1901, IV. 46, 63. 

Page 451. : 
Tree in tooth-evulsion ritual.—Cohen, ‘‘ The Gaboora,” Science 
of Man, 1808, I. 8. 

In his recent publications (obtained by the author of this book 
after having read the proofs), W. J. Perry has taken the step which 
follows from his former investigations, and connected Central 
Australian culture-heroes with Indonesian  stone-culture.—Cf. 
W. J. Perry, The Children of the Sun, 1923, 125,176; The Origin of 
Magic and Religion, 1923; 102, 139; The Growth of Civilization, 1924, 
120. By accepting Perry’s view on this question, we do not commit 
ourselves to his general unpsychological attitude. His explanation 
of Australian totemism leaves everything unexplained (cf. The 
Children of the Sun, 1923, 332; The Origin of Magic and Religion, 
1923, 142). The magical value of gold, quartz-crystals (ibid., 162), 
etc., plays a great part in the theories of Elliot Smith and Perry ; 
in this question, for instance, it is quite obvious that by taking 
account of the unconscious (anal-erotic) sources of such ideas the 
aspect of the vexed problem, independent origin versus migration, is 
considerably modified. In his theoretical zeal Perry sometimes 
overlooks facts ; a glance at our map No. 4, “‘ the Alcheringa and 
the All-Father,”’ will show that the ‘‘All-Father ’’ in Australia is 
not specially connected with patrilinear, nor the dual heroes with 
matrilinear institutions (Perry, Sun. 249). To state that “ the 
Australians do not use stone for their magic ’”’ (Perry, l.c. 307) is 
rather remarkable: what about Churinga and Naja ?