The Medicine Man: A Sociological Study of the Character and Evolution of Shamanism
John Lee Maddox · 1923 · First edition, The Macmillan Company, 1923 (Archive.org medicinemansocio00madd, Wellesley College Library copy, DjVu text layer) · Public Domain · uncorrected OCR — being verified against the scan
Yale dissertation under A. G. Keller (Sumner school), published 1923 by The Macmillan Company with a foreword by Keller.
Served verbatim, era-bound vocabulary and all — the house frames, it never
paraphrases; what a passage does and does not show rides its receipt.
Chapter I
INTRODUCTORY.
Carl Schurz, while Secretary of the Interior, said of Ouray,
a Ute head chief, "*He is the most intellectual man I ever
met!"'i
Savage peoples, although they lack the culture of
the schools, are not altogether without mental equipment.
Great chiefs appear from time to time, who, through force
of intellect and character, exercise wonderful influence
and control over the members of their tribes. The_greatest
man of primitive times, however, is not the^chiefi_but tbf
religiousJeader._He frequently takes the initiative both in
civil and religious affairs. This individual is the leading
and successful factor among all savage tribes and nations.
And yet he has had no biographer. Excellent sketches
have been written dealing with one or more phases of his
activity, in one or more particular tribal groups. But
hitherto there has been no attempt to gather accounts
of his character, methods, and functions from the ethno-
graphy of different peoples, living in different parts of
the world, at different ages, to generalize therefrom,
and thus present the portraiture of a strong personage,
who, call him by whatever name you choose, is not limited
* Munsey's Magazine, April 1914, p. 534.
to any race or time, but is the dominant element of
society in its undeveloped state among all peoples and
at all times. It is the present puqDOse, therefore, to set
forth an accurate account of the greatest and most roman-
tic figure of savage life, with the intent of showing that
man, wherever found, as regards religious sentiments and
customs, reacts in a similar manner against his environ-
ment; and that, consequently, the conditions which pro-
duced the medicine man among the North American
Indians, produced the shaman of the Yakuts, the mulogo
of the Uganda tribes, the ganga of the Zulus, and the
angakok of the Eskimos — these being different names
describing the same individual, whose characteristics,
methods, and functions, though they may differ in detail,
yet on the whole are the same wherever you find him.
To this end it will be necessary to bring the back-
ground into perspective. Man lives under a three-fold
environment. The physical and animal world affects him
in his search for food, and so comprises what may be called
the natural environment. His relations with his fellow
men complicate his relation to his natural environment,
and constitute the social environment. The world of ideas
concerning the facts and experiences of Ufe complicates
yet more his relationship to the other two environments.
Among primitive peoples, this third environment is com-
posed almost entirely of the notions of man concerning
ghosts and spirits, and may be called the imaginary en-
vironment.i
* Keller, "Societal Evolution," p. 260; pp. 133 ff.
Whence came the idea of an imaginary environment?
It is superfluous to say that primitive man was overtaken
by the ills and pains of life. Before man became man, the
earth was swept by hurricane, tornado, and pestilence.
Animals sickened and died. Ills and bad luck are necessary
concomitants to earthly existence.
Ability to reason is not pronounced in the animal
world. As a matter of fact, therefore, when pain and death
attacked the forms of life below the human, there was
nothing for the unfit to do but succumb. When a lion
pounced upon a deer, the deer would not have sufficient
inventive genius to defend himself by means of twentieth
century methods. When a wolf was smitten with disease,
he had no idea that the way to preserve life is to
destroy the germs of disease. And so the only
possible event under the circumstances was the death
of the unfit. For milleniums, therefore, plants and
animals suffered and died without thought or question,
thereby making room for superior forms of life. These
superior forms, because of their inability to adapt them-
selves to their environment, had, in turn, to submit to the
inevitable, and thus the process of the struggle for ex-
istence and the survival of the fitter continued.
After aeons of struggling, suffering, dying and sur-
viving, there came forth, by reason of some alteration in the
germ plasm, a being who did not meekly, uncomplainingly,
and without question, yield to the claims of natural selec-
tion. Who was this highest product of nature? For ages he
has been called "Man." In his first stages of existence.
man had no idea of the law of causation. i And yet he was
beginning to think, else he would not have been man.
What awakened his reflective powers? The ills of life, to
which animals had submitted without interrogation. "The
minds of men always dwell more on bad luck. They accept
ordinary prosperity as a matter of course. Misfortunes
arrest their attention and remain in their memory." -
When failure, loss, and calamity overtake an individual who
is capable of thinking, there are three possible attitudes
in the premises: indifference, agnosticism, and faith. It
is impossible for man, in a primitive stage of culture, to
adopt an attitude of indifference regarding his woes.
Neither can the savage make agnosticism his life philo-
sophy. The nature man, therefore, has recourse to the
third possible expedient, that of faith. He believes his mis-
fortunes to be due to agency ;3 he ascribes his bad luck to
the imaginary environment. It is characteristic of childish
and untutored individuals to refer phenomena for which
they are unable or too inert to give a satisfactory reason to
the aleatory or luck element.* And the imaginary world
of ghosts and spirits is nothing more and nothing less
than the personification of the aleatory or luck element.
Primitive man arrives at the conclusion that the ills
of life are due to agency by the simple process of
» Encyc. Brit., Eleventh Edition, Vol. 11, p. 6.
^ Sumner, "Folkways," p. 6.
2 Sumner, "Folkways," p. 7; Bartels, "Med. NaturvGlker," p. 10.
* A full treatment of this subject by Professor A. G. Keller,
of Yale, appeared in the "Scientific Monthly," for February,
1917, pp. 145—150, in an article which has for its subject,
"The Luck Element."
reasoning from the known to the unknown. He sees his
companion done to death by falUng trees, by animals, or
by human agencies. What, then, more natural than that
he should ascribe all deaths to agency? i If the agents are
not always visible, there must be invisible enemies,
malicious and vindictive, to whom suffering and death are
due.
This solution of the problem of suffering is substan-
tiated by dreams. As they repose in sleep, nature people
see their imperious and implacable ancestors, who convey
the information that they are yet alive, and even more
powerful and malevolent.^ They punished their descend-
ants when living. They do the same, in an intensified
degree, after death. Hence the living experience loss and
pain.
If they do not dream of inimical ancestors, primitive
peoples see in dreams other enemies, now gone to the
spirit world, and perceive that these continue their hostile
action. When the dreamers awake, no foe is near.
They then recall that the bodies of the enemies dreamed
about no longer exist.
According to the primitive method of reasoning, there-
fore, although the material bodies have disintegrated, the
souls of these enemies must still be alive and near at hand,
and hence the inevitable causes of the woes of the per-
sons against whom they vented their spite before death.
And so in the imagination of savage tribes the air becomes
1 Vide pp. 14, 120, 167.
2 Keller, "Societal Evolution," p. 60.
peopled with spirits, who inhabit a world similar to this
earth. Thus, among the Ewe-speaking peoples, every-
thing in the next world is the same as in this, including
mountains, rivers, trees, animals, men, family life, and
form of government. People in the other world carry all
their physical imperfections. i Among the Zulus the ghosts
of the dead are thought to be friendly or hostile, just as
they were before death. ^ The Tshi-speaking peoples be-
Ueve that life in the other world is the same as in this,
because a man frequently sees in dreams the images of the
dead who appear, in dress and in behavior, precisely as in
their previous life.^
Granting the major premise of nature man that he
is at all times surrounded by invisible foes, which vent
their spite at every opportunity, a person has a philosophy
of life to which he can turn as a solution for every
perplexity and difficulty, Every man must experience mis-
fortune. The savage is no exception. What more natural
than that he should apply his life philosophy, and ascribe
the occurrence of bad luck to the activity of the malicious
daimons of which the air is full!
While it may be said in general that the savage
attributes all misfortune to ill-disposed daimons, it is
with reference to the occurrence of sickness and death
that the application of the daimonistic theory is most
apparent. Everybody conversant with the ethnography
of primitive peoples knows that, even in the most remote
' Ellis, "Ewe-Speaking Peoples," p. 107.
2 Encyc. Brit. Eleventh Edition, Vol. II, p. 6.
» Ellis, "Tshi- Speaking Peoples," p. 158.
times, when the experience of disease and death provoked
the question, Who did this to us? the life theory of the
savage furnished the ready answer that these ills were due
to the baneful or ill-disposed influence of the inhabitants
of the imaginary environment.^ The language in which
this answer would be clothed might, to the untrained
thinker, convey a quite different impression, but on care-
ful interpretation it would be found at bottom to express
no other meaning. 2
In order to estabUsh beyond question the explanation
of primitive man regarding the occurrence of bad luck,
especially with reference to sickness and death, attention
is here directed to the various ways in which this funda-
mental idea is expressed by different peoples who live
or have lived in various parts of the earth.
Among some tribal groups sickness is attributed ',
to the influence of an offended ghost. This being, \^-
although not yet a god, is endowed with superhuman
faculties, by which it may benefit or harm the living.
According to the Finns, the souls of the dead waylay men,
in order to kill them and eat their hearts and livers. The
spirits will spare not even their nearest relatives. Smirnov
tells of an old man who, in dying, cautioned his young
wife not to follow his body to the grave lest his ghost de-
vour her. When she disobeyed, she was saved only by pro-
nouncing the name of God.^ Similar is the belief of the
^ Sumner, "Folkways," p. 30.
2 Bartels, "Med- Naturvolker," p. 10.
3 Smirnov, "Congr^s International d'Areheologie Pr^historique
et d'Anthropologie de Moscou", XI, 1893, p. 316.
Australians that sickness is caused by a ghost that is eating
the liver of the victim,i and the belief of the Tasmanians, in
the case of gnawing diseases, that the one who is ill has, by
unknowingly pronouncing the name of a dead man, caused
the spirits of that deceased person to enter his body and
devour his vitals. ^ So, too, the Zulus will try to propitiate
with the sacrifice of an ox the dead ancestor of whom a
sick man dreams, and who must, therefore, be the cause of
his trouble. 3 Some tribal groups of Samoa think that illness
and death are brought about by souls of the dead that
creep into the heads and stomachs of the living.* And
in the same fashion, the Amazulu, as Callaway writes,
beheve, when a man has been sick for a long time, that
he is "affected by the ^Itongo,' or affected by his people
who are dead."^
Another phase of the daimonistic theory of sickness
and death is the idea that these misfortunes are due to
spirit possession. As Spencer has shown, nature man be-
lieves, that during dreams, fainting-fits, swoons, trance,
and like phenomena, the soul, or other self, is temporarily
absent from the body, hence these unusual experiences.^
The Omahas, for example, according to one authority, say,
when a man faints and recovers, that "he died [fainted]
and went to his departed kindred, but no one would speak
to him, so he was obliged to return to life" [to recover
* Tylor, "Anthropology," p. 354.
2 Encyc. Brit. Ninth Edition, Vol. VII, p. 61.
3 Ibid.
« Ibid.
^ Callaway, "Religious System of the Amazulu," p. 269.
* Spencer, "Principles of Sociology," 1, pp. 145—152.
consciousness]. 1 During the supposed absence of the soul,
when the body twitched in a violent manner, and the
question was provoked, Why this strange behavior?
primitive man gave the best answer he could. He had no
idea that a mere subjective state, or a deranged digestion,
or a disordered condition of the nerves could produce
such an effect. He brought his world philosophy to bear
upon the situation, and accounted for the phenomena by
affirming that, while the soul of the unfortunate person
was away, one of the many inhabitants of the imaginary
environment had usurped possession of the body.
If it is within the range of possibility for the soul not
only to absent itself from the body, but also to re-enter it,
as, for example, in dreams, likewise it must be possible
for another spirit to enter the body, torture it, make it
sick, and do it even to death. In cases of falling sickness,
when the patient fell to the earth, foamed at the mouth, bit
his tongue until the blood flowed, and his legs and arms <--'
were torn with convulsions, the best reason that the savage
could give for such behavior was that the unfortunate in-v^
dividual was possessed by another spirit. His own spirit
would not treat his body in such an outrageous manner. One
or more of those malevolent beings, therefore, whose name
is legion, and who are ubiquitous, must have taken
possession of the luckless individual, either to punish for'
misdemeanors, or mahciously to cause all the suffering
possible. Tylor notes that "the history of medicine goes
back to the times when epilepsy, or 'seizure' [Greek,
1 Fletcher-Laflesche, "The Omaha Tribe," Bur. Eth., 1911, p. 589.
/iniXf]^iQ] was thought to be really the act of a daimon
seizing and convulsing the patient." i The prevalence of
this disease in East Africa is believed by some writers to be
responsible for the origin of the daimonistic possession
theory. 2
Primitive peoples explain insanity in a similar manner.
Any person who observes the symptoms and conduct of
an insane man, acting no longer like himself, seeing with
other eyes, and hearing with ears other than has been his
wont, will readily comprehend that to the childish mind
of the savage, the most natural way of accounting for
such phenomena is that of possession by a vicious spirit.
And so it is said that the Samoans and Togans
believe madness to be caused by the presence of an evil
spirit.3 In Sumatra lunatics are considered possessed.*
When one adds to these considerations the fact that an
insane person sometimes manifests almost superhuman
strength — being able, of and by himself, to defy the efforts
of three or four strong men to manage him— the in-
ference is plain that the unlettered and untutored savage
must draw upon his philosophy of life for explanation,
and beUeve that a daimon of power and might possesses
the body of the ill-fated victim of insanity.'^
Reasoning from the greater to the lesser, it is not
difficult to understand that, since the savage conceives
extraordinary mental and physical disorders to be due to
' Tylor, "Anthropology," p. 15.
2 Spencer, "Principles of Sociology," I, p. 227.
' Turner, "Nineteen Years in Polynesia," p. 221.
* Spencer, "Principles of Sociology," I, p. 230.
^ Ibid., p. 231.
daimon possession, he must consider disorders of a less
violent, though not less fatal kind, to be likewise occasioned.
In fever, both physical and mental disturbances are
present. According to primitive belief, both are due to
the same cause. Since malicious spirits are responsible for
one kind of sickness, it follows that in all diseases an
ill-disposed daimon has taken possession of the body,'
venting rage, wreaking revenge, or inflicting punishment
upon its temporary habitat.^ Thus, as already alluded to
(p. 8 supra), in the Australian-Tasmanian district,
disease is accounted for by the fact that daimons
creep into bodies of men and eat up their livers. ^
Among the Dyaks, every kind of sickness is thought
to be due to spirit possession. When they inquire
of a small-pox victim concerning the state of his
health, they ask, ''Hias he" [that is, the spirit] "left you
yet?" 3 After an attack of illness, the Dyaks change their
names, so that the daimon who caused the sickness may
not recognize them and continue his malignant invasions.*
Among the Patagonians, every disease is believed
to be due to spirit possession.^ To the Negritos
of Zambales, Philippine Islands, all places are filled
with spirits, which bring about every sort of adversity
— failure of crops, bad luck in hunting, and ill-
ness. Before disease can be, cured, the spirit that has
caused it must be forced out of the body of the sick
* Spencer, "Principles of Sociology," I, p. 231.
2 Grey, "Journal of Two Expeditions of Discovery in Australia,"
II, p. 337.
3 St. John, "Life in the Forests of the Far East," I, p. 62.
4 Ibid., p. 73. 5 D'Orbigny, "L'Homme Americain," p. 93.
man.i The Dakotas, according to Schoolcraft, think that
• spirits infUct punishment for misconduct. These beings
\ are able to send the spirit of a bear, deer, turtle, fish,
tree, stone, or dead person into the bodies of the Hving,
thereby causing disease. The method of the medicine man
as to treatment consists in the recital of charms, and suc-
tion appHed to the seat of the pain to draw out the spirit. -
In the West Indies, at the time of the discovery of America,
a native medicine man affected to extract the disease
daimon from the legs of his patients, and to consign it
to the mountains or to the sea.^ In Egypt, at the present
time, one must always get permission of the "jinn" or
spirit to pour water on the ground, lest he accidentally
douse a daimon and be smitten with sickness for the
offence.* The Land Dyaks believe that spirits cause sick-
ness by wounding their victims with invisible spears.^
Among the Matira, all sorts of maladies are thought to
be caused by spirits. ^ Among the Arawaks, pain is called
"the arrow of the evil spirit."^ In New Zealand, it is
believed that different daimons share amongst themselves
the body of man, and that each daimon undertakes to inflict
pain upon the part committed to him.^ In Cockayne's
"Saxon L'eechdoms" is the following instruction: "Against
a strange (or unnatural) swelling, sing upon thy leech finger
^ Reed, "Negritos of Zambales," p. 65.
2 Schoolcraft, "Information Respecting the Indian Tribes of the
United States," Part I, p. 250; Part II, p. 179.
' Pinkerton, "Voyages," XII, p. 85.
4 Encyc. Brit., Eleventh Edition, Vol. VIII, p. 5.
5 St. John, "Life in the Forests of the Far East," I, p. 178.
« Tylor, "Prim. Cult.," II, p. 126.
' Brett, "Indian Tribes of Guiana," p. 362.
8 Black, "Folk Medicine," p. 11.
(third finger) a paternoster, and draw a line about the
sore, and say, Tuge, diabolus, Christus te sequitur; quando
natus est Christus, fugit dolor;' and afterwards say
another paternoster, and — Tuge, diabolus.'" i
A common aspect of the spirit notion about disease is
that a daimon may steal away the breath, causing the
body when separated from the soul to sicken and die. It
has already been explained that fainting fits and trance
are accounted for by the supposed absence jof the soul
from the body.^ In some cases, weakness, failure in health,
and death are likewise explained. Thus, among the Fijians,
"when anyone faints or dies, his spirit, it is said, may
sometimes be brought back by calling after it; and oc-
casionally the ludicrous scene is witnessed of a stout
man lying at full length, and bawling out lustily for the
return of his own soul." ^ In the Moluccas, when a man
is sick, the belief is that some daimon has carried away
his soul to hell where the daimon resides.* When a Karen
becomes sick, languid, and pining because his soul [la]
has left him, his friends with formal prayers invoke the
spirit to return.^ In civilized America, sermons have been
preached, within the last twenty-five years, from the
alleged Scriptural text: "The first death is the separation
of the soul from the body; the second death is the separa-
tion of the soul from God."
Another feature of the ghost theory is that disease
and death can be invoked by magic, sorcery, or witchcraft.
^ Cockayne, "Saxon Leechdoms," I, p. 394. ^ vide pp. 8—9.
3 Williams, "Fiji and the Fijians," I, p. 242. ^ Frazer, "The
Golden Bough," I, p. 271. & Tylor, "Prim. Cult.," I, p. 395.
According to this notion, the medicine man secures the
assistance of divinities to accomplish his evil purpose, or
controls the spirits in such a way as either to revenge
himself on enemies, or to punish those guilty of insub-
ordination.^ In order to make more clear the primitive
idea of the power of the medicine man as magician to work
harm, the following cases are cited. The Australians ascribe
sickness to the invisible projection into the body of
substances such as quartz crystals ;2 the Omahas, to
the projection of worms, removable onl}'^ by magic
formulas. 3 In Samoa, every dangerous sickness, every
accident, and every death was ascribed to sorcery;
and not infrequently suspected persons were murdered,
because it was thought that they had inflicted injuries
on other individuals.* To the Cherokees disease
and death are caused by malign influence, whether
of witches, the spirits of animals, or the ghosts
of the departed. Haywood, writing in 1823, states:
"4n ancient times the Cherokees had no conception
of anyone dying a natural death.^ They universally
ascribed the death of those who perished by disease to
the intervention or agency of evil spirits and witches and
conjurors, who had connexion with the Shina (Anisgi'na)
or evil spirit A person dying by disease and charg-
ing his death to have been .procured by means of witch-
craft or spirits, at the instigation of any other person, con-
^ Lehmann, "Aberglaube und Zauberei," pp. 21 — 22.
2 Howitt, "Australian Medicine Men," J. A. I., XVI, p. 26.
3 Fletcher-Lafiesche, "The Omaha Tribe," Bur. Eth., 1911, p. 583.
* Ella, "Samoa," Aust. Ass. for Adv. Science, 1892, p. 638.
5 Vide pp. 4—5, 120, 167.
signed that person to inevitable death/" ^ In some tribal
groups, it is believed that if the magician gets possession
of anything belonging to a man— nail-parings, hair, spittle,
a drop of blood — he can inflict on the owner any evil
he chooses. Thus, regarding the Amazulu, Callaway
writes, ''Sorcerers are supposed to destroy their vic-
tims by taking some portion of , their bodies, as hair
or nails, or something that has been worn next
to their person, as a piece of old garment, and adding
to it certain medicines, and then burning the whole in
a secret place." ^ prazer says that "an Australian girl,
sick of fever, laid the blame of her illness on a young
man who had come behind her, and cut off a lock of her
hair ; she was sure he had buried it and it was rotting." ^
The Tannese think that the burning of the ''nahak" — or
rubbish, such as refuse of food — will cause sickness or
death, and they are, therefore, careful always to bury
their "nahak" or throw it into the sea, so that it may not
fall into the hands of their enemies.'^ The sorcerers in the
Marquesan Islands were thought to be able to destroy
a victim by burying his hair, spittle, or bodily refuse,^
and the magicians of ancient Peru, it was imagined, could
injure people by working hocus pocus on blood taken
from them. 6
There is a behef among some primitive peoples that
if a sorcerer learns the name of a person, he can bring
' Mooney, "Sacred Formulas of the Cherokees." Bur. Eth., 1891,p. 322.
2 Callaway, "Religious System of the Amazulu," p. 270.
» Frazer, "The Golden Bough," I, p. 377
* Turner, "Nineteen Years in Polynesia," pp. 89—91.
5 Frazer, "The Golden Bough," 1, p. 376.
® Spencer, 'Trinciples of Sociology," I, p. 246.
upon that individual all sorts of evil. The Celts and other
Aryans thought that the name is not only a part of a
man, but the most vital part — his soul or life.^ The
Australians, too, because of this alleged identification of
the name with the soul, think that an enemy who knows
the name of a person has power to harm him. 2
The dread of the power of the magician is responsible
for some curious notions in Australia. Several tribes
believe that wizards can, while a man is asleep, remove
the caul-fat from under his short rib, causing him
no pain, but effecting his speedy death, ^ Men in the
Kernai tribe have died in the belief that an evil power
had stolen this fat despite the fact that no marks were to
be found on their bodies.* Here the fat, Uke the name,
is apparently identified with the soul; hence the notion
that by removing the fat the medicine man also removes
the soul from the body, which circumstance, as has already
been seen, is held to account for sickness and death.^
There are primitive notions regarding the causes of
misfortunes and calamities, sickness and death, which it is
well nigh impossible to classify. Yet it is not difficult to
perceive that the ghost theory underlies each of them.
When the author resided in the Philippine Islands he
learned that the Visayans, fearful, lest the "asuangs"
[spirits] should creep into houses and destroy newly born
babes, are accustomed to smear the doors and windows
of their dwellings with garlic for those invisible enemies
1 Rhys, "Welsh Fairies," Nineteenth Century, XXX, pp. 568 ff.
2 Howilt, "Australian Medicine Men," J. A. I., XVI, p. 27 (Note).
^ Berdoe, "Healing Art," p. 17, * Howitt, "Australian Medicine
Men," J, A. I., XVI, pp. 53-55. ^ vide p. 13.
cannot abide its smell. It is held by some nature
people that an animal, or the spirit of an animal,
can enter the body of a man and affect it for evil;i
others say that bad winds are causes of sickness ; ^ others,
water sprites; others, the influence of charms; others, the
infringement of the taboo; still others, the withering
glance of the "evil eye," ^ and so on through a well
nigh inexhaustible list.
If "supernatural agent" or "agents" be substituted for
"daimon"or"daimons,"it is evident that the spirit theory
of "bad luck," in general, survives in semi-civilized and even
in civilized times.^ In ancient Chaldea, all diseases were
accredited to the influence of daimons. That is the
reason for Herodotus finding nO' physicians in Babylon
and Assyria. There was nothing scientific about the medi-
cine of those ancient peoples ; "it was," as Lenormant has
said, "simply a branch of magic, and Was practiced by
incantations, exorcisms, the use of philters, and enchanted
drinks."^ In Exodus, 15:28, Javeh is declared to visit
men with adversity for breach of his commandments. In
the first book of the Ihad, all are represented as sick be-
cause the daughter of the priest of Apollo had been stolen.
The god has sent sickness from the motive of revenge.^
In India, the goddess of small-pox, "Ma-ry-Umma," is
supposed to incarnate herself in the disease. When vac-
cination was first introduced among the natives of India
1 Bartels, "Med. Naturvolker," pp. 21—22. 2 ibid., pp. 41—42.
3 Ibid., pp. 43—44. * Spencer, "Principles of Sociology," I,
p 232. 5 Lenormant, "Chaldean Magic," p. 35. ® Keller,
"Homeric Society," p. 180.
they objected on the ground that the deity might be offended,
since for people to render themselves immune to small-
pox would imply an objection to her becoming incarnate
among them.i Among the Tartars, all sickness is caused
by a visitation of a "Tchutgour" or daimon, and the
first duty of the physician is to exorcise the daimon. ^
Pythagoras taught that the air was full of spirits, which
were responsible for disease and death. ^ Among the
Romans, the Laws of the Twelve Tables contained the
provision that no man should by incantation conjure
away the crop of grain of another person.* The ancieht
Britons, thinking that all diseases proceeded from the
wrath of the gods, found their only help in beseeching the
priests to intercede for them.^
Throughout the Middle Ages belief in daimons, witch-
craft, and supernatural agents as disease provokers
abounded. John of Gaddeson (cir. 1290), an Oxford man,
and a court physician, for example, prescribed for epilepsy
that the patient, after fasting) confession, attendance at
mass, and after special prayers by the priest, wear around
his neck the text of Scripture, ''This kind goeth not out
but by prayer and fasting." ^
The ravages of s)'^hilis, which swept over Europe
towards the latter part of the fourteenth century, were
considered a scourge used by God to punish men and turn
them away from unrighteous Hving.'^
1 Paris, "Pharmacologia," I. p. 32. ^ Hue, "Travels in Tartary,"
I, pp. 75-76. 3 Berdoe, "Healing Art," p. 162. * Encyc Brit,,
Article, "Witchcraft," Ninth Edition, Vol. XXIV, p. 619. ^ strutt.
"Chronicles of England," I, p. 279. 6 Berdoe," Healing Art," p. 237.
^ Roswell Park, "An Epitome of the History of Medicine," p. 136.
Aubrey records a favorite remedy which was used
in the sixteenth century for sweating sickness. "Say
every day, at seven parts of your body, seven pater-
nosters, and seven Ave Marias, with one Credo at
the last/'i Here the ghost theory is clearly implied, for
supernatural aid is sought as a means of recovery. In 1604,
a law of the English Church forbade the clergy to cast out
devils without a special license from the bishop ; - and
the belief that people were possessed by evil spirits
continued far into the eighteenth century. That the dai-
monistic theory prevailed in America throughout the
entire colonial period, the hanging of alleged witches in
Salem, Massachusetts, in 1692, is but one of many proofs.
Even today, misfortune, sickness, and death are often
ascribed to spirit agency. Peters writes: "An eminent
professor of medical jurisprudence in an American college,
in October 1888, publicly stated that insanity of the sexual
perversion type was an evidence of possession of the
devil." 3 Not infrequently the belief is expressed that people
who are killed while on Sunday excursions or boating
trips meet their deaths as a result of divine vengeance for
breaking the Sabbath, and this belief has only an altered
idea of the supernatural being to distinguish it from the
superstitions of savage tribes.^
The present day theory of disease is that of the in-
vasion of the body by devils — that is adversaries — or
' Aubrey, "History of England," II, p. 296.
^ Lee, "Glimpses of the Supernatural," I, p. 65.
^ Peters, "Pictorial Pharmacy," p. 128
* Spencer, "Principles of Sociology," I, p. 234.
3*
germs of animal and vegetable rather than of supernatural
origin, not necessarily with any malicious intent, but
driven by nature to seek for substance whereby to repair
waste energy. Various ways of access to the usurped
abode are utilized by these parasites — the water drunk,
the food eaten, the air breathed, and the proboscides of
insects. It remains for future generations to discover |
exactly how far on the road to truth the theory of the
twentieth century has advanced beyond that of the savage.
SUMMARY. Man, the reasoning and speaking animal,
reacted differently from all other forms of life
against a similar environment, and was led by the
ills of existence to reflection. In some cases the
agent of his woes was visible — the falling tree,
or the club of an enemy. Reasoning from analogy,
nature man believed himself to be justified in
assuming that all calamities were due to agency. The agents
being in many cases invisible did not alter the fact.
This opinion was re-affirmed by dreams, in which an
implacable ancestor or an inveterate enemy assured the
sleeper that the relationship between them had not been
changed by death. Man thus arrived at the idea of another
world, which in every respect duplicates the present world.
The savage, in other words, constructed in his own
mind the idea of an imaginary environment, the inhabitants
of which are the ghosts and spirits of the dead. These
spiritual beings possess the same dispositions, passions, and
animosities as when living. To the ghostly inhabitants
V
of the other world nature man refers the agency of "bad
luck." In order to present in a concrete manner the
primitive explanation of "bad luck" in general, a typical
example was taken, that particular form of misfortune
about which, more than any other, men have thought,
theorized, and speculated, namely, the existence of disease
and death. It was found, on the whole, that the primitive
theory of sickness and death is that of spirit possession.
This belief takes a variety of forms. In some cases the
evil is ascribed to the ghosts of the dead. In other in-
stances a fully developed spiritual being is thought to have
taken up its abode in the body of the victim for the
purpose of tormenting him ; in others still it is imagined
that a sorcerer has subsidized a malignant spirit to work
his evil purposes ; and, once more, the "evil eye," the spirit
of an animal, the entrance of bones, pebbles, splinters, or
quartz crystals into the body are believed to be respons-
ible for the destruction of life. The ghost theory sur-
vived throughout barbaric and far into civilized times.
It is not entirely extinct at the present day.
Primitive notions regarding other-worldliness, the
imaginary environment, and the aleatory element have been
discussed somewhat at length for the reason that it would
not be possible to understand the character and evolution
of shamanism without first bringing the background into
perspective. Given this proper foundation, however,
the religion of primitive peoples, as well as the nature,
evolution, and sociaHnfluence of the medicine man can_be
readily comprehended.
Chapter II
THE MAKING OF THE MEDICINE MAN.
It was pointed out in the preceding chapter that when
pain and misfortune were experienced by primitive man,
and the question provoked, Who did this? his philo-
sophy of hfe furnished the ready answer that he might
thank the malevolent inhabitants of the unseen world for
his ills, woes, and losses. Childish as such an explanation
may appear, it furnished the starting-point for systematic
thinking.
The second question provoked by painful experience
was. Why are the gods angry, and what must be done
to induce them to cease their inimical actions? The life
philosophy of the savage here again supplied the "proper^'
answer.!
If it be borne in mind that in primitive thought the
unseen world duplicates this world; that its inhabitants
live as men live here; that they have the same wants,
hkes, and dislikes; that, in short, they are anthropomor-
phic beings possessing in an intensified degree the same
attributes as before their deification, ^ it will not be difficult
to understand that the various ways of deaUng with the
inhabitants of the imaginary environment, though they vary
1 Sumner, "Folkways," pp. 30-31.
2 Keller, "Societal Evolution," p. 60, and p. 260; also, cf. pp. 5 — 6
of this work.
according to the conception entertained by the weaker
contestant respecting the nature and character of his ad-
versary, are analogous to methods of dealing between man
and man.i
Since ghosts and spirits are first conceived of as
assuming an hostile attitude toward man,^ it naturally
follows that ways first adopted of dealing with them are
identical with methods of dealing with mundane foes.
When an enemy in the form of flesh and blood occasions
trouble and disaster by reason of his rancorous conduct,
the natural thing is to combat him. In like manner,
when a malevolent spirit is responsible for misfortune,
the normal course of procedure is to attempt to compel the
spiritual enemy to cease its hostile attacks. And so it
happens that various methods of exorcism are devised.
In sickness, for example, nature man tries to frighten the
daimon of disease by horrible noises, by threats and
grimaces; or to disgust it by making the body a
disagreeable habitat by means of fumigation or violent ill-
treatment; or to expel it by the use of amulets and
charms or by the recital of incantations. But the ordinary
individual distrusts his ability, single-handed and alone,
to deal with the superior powers of the unseen world.
The consequence is that generally he will delegate this
task to some person possessed of greater wisdom,
knowledge, and power. And among savage peoples, the
man who gains repute for dealing successfully with
1 Spencer, "Principles of Sociology," III, p. 38.
2 Lippert, "Kulturgeschichte," I. pp. 108 ff.
ghosts and spirits is an important personage. Sumner
in support of what has just been said quotes the following
striking passage from Michailowski: ''Uncivilized people,
who live under the immediate influence of nature and of
blind chance, are interested above all in the means of
escaping evil fortune and propitiating the forces of evil.
They want protection from drought, lightning, storm, dis-
ease, death, and enemies. Not all can attain the means of
winning good, and averting ill. Some persons are endowed
with the requisite knowledge, and are thus fitted to be inter-
cessors between their fellow men and the unknown powers.
These are the shamans and their art is shamanism. The
more developed the people the better defined is the posi-
tion of the shamans, and the more systematic is the organ-
ization of shamanism. Although the system thus covers
a wide range of civilization, yet the philosophy of life in-
cluded in it has broad, common features." ^
The name of the mediator between gods and men
differs among different peoples. He is variously called the
shaman, the angakok, the voudoo-man, the obi-man, the con-
jurer, the magician, the wizard, and the sorcerer, ^ — to men-
tion only a few of his many titles. For the sake of simplicity
and clearness, however, he is here called "The Medicine
Man." That was the appellation employed by the North
American Indians to designate the representative of the
unseen world, and it signifies ''Mystery Man." In the life
and thought of the aborigines of this country, anything
^ Michailowski, "Shamanstvo," (Russian) Quoted from the
Sumnerian Collections.
sacred, mysterious, or of wonderful power or efficacy is
called ''medicine". "Medicine," therefore, in the savage
sense includes clairvoyance, ecstasism, spiritism, divination,
demonology, prophecy, necromancy, and all things in-
comprehensible. Hence the medicine man is not only the
primitive doctor, but he is the diviner, the rain-maker, the
soothsayer, the prophet, the priest, and, in some in-
stances, the chief or king.i He is in short the great man
of primitive times.
Who is this important individual? What are his quali-
fications, and what is his training for office? What are the
secrets of his power? What forces unite in his making?
What is the method of his induction into office? These
and similar questions suggest themselves in connexion
with the present study, and apposite answers are necessary
to an intelligent comprehension of shamanism.
In discussing the making of the medicine man, it may
be set down, in the first place, that in a goodly number
of instances his office comes to him by heredity. This is true
of the Zulus and Bechuanas of South Africa ; ^ of the Nez
Perces, the Cayuse, the WallaWallas, and the Wascows,
in America; and of some of the peoples of Siberia.^
Among the Omahas, those who imparted religious
instructions to the tribe formed a sort of hereditary
priesthood, since this office devolved upon the elders, who
usually were of the number eUgible for the position of
keeper.* The Navahoes on the other hand, following not
1 Vide pp. 132-150. 2 Bartels, "Med. NaturvcJlker," p. 75. 3 ibid.
* Fletcher-Laflesche, "The Omaha Tribe," Bur. Eth., 1911, p. 595.
a law but general custom, made the youngest son the
hatali, or medicine man, on the ground that he possessed
more intellect and a better memory than any other member
of the family.i Of the Peruvians, Dorman writes that the
priestly office appears to have been hereditary,^ and here-
ditary in families was the doctorship among the Dyaks^
and, to a certain extent, the priesthood of Nagualism.*
The power of the sorcerer in the New Hebrides,^ like
the office of medicine man among the Guanas of Paraguay,^
was supposed toi descend from father to son. Chiefly
hereditary, too, are the positions among the Pima Indians
of the "examining physicians" who are summoned in cases
of sickness, and of whom there are as many women as
men." The post of shaman among , the Chimariko
Indians, on the contrary, while it might be held by both
men and women, might or might not be hereditary,^ and Uke-
wise, among the Negritos of Zambales, Philippine Islands,
admittance to the profession of medicine man might be
gained by one who had cured the sick, as well as by a mem-
ber of the regular family of the "mediquillos" [doctors]. ^
But by the Saoras the power of the kudang, the man
^ Matthews ,"The Night Chant, A Navaho Ceremony," Memoirs
American Museum of Nat. Hist. (Notes), p. 312.
2 Dorman, "Primitive Superstitions," p. 384.
3 Roth, "Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo," I, p. 260.
^ Brinton, "Nagualism," p. 29.
5 Aust. Ass. for Adv. Science, 1892, p. 711.
^ Hassler, "Die Bewohner des Gran Chaco," Intemat. Cong, of
Anthrop., 1894, p. 356.
' Russell, "Pima Indians," Bur. Eth., XXVI, p. 256.
8 Dixon, "The Chimariko Indians and Language," University of
California Publications in American Archeology and Eth-
nology, V, p. 303.
' Reed, "Negritos of Zambales," p- 66.
who held intercourse with spirits, was considered here-
ditary, not to be acquired by any one outside of the chosen
family.i
The notion of a divine call to thewiork of representing
heaven on earth is not peculiar to any one age, race,
religion, or state of civilization. Some savage peoples
believe in the necessity and reality of such a "call" as firmly
and as uncompromisingly as do the exponents of cer-
tain sects adhering to the Christian religion. The natives
of Victoria, for example, think that the spirits of deceased
ancestors search out those whom they desire to act as
medicine men. They meet them in the bush and instruct
them in all the arts needful for making them influential
in their tribe. ^ Among the Bilquila of northwest Canada,
the "chosen" fall into a sickness during which the gods
communicate to them an exorcising formula which they
must never divulge. ^ Kropf relates that the Kaffir medicine
man is called to his office by the supernatural powers, and
receives medical knowledge by revelation of the spirits.*
In some cases the peculiar behavior of a young man
is indicative of the fact that he has received the "call."
When a vague and indescribable longing seizes him, or a
morbid appetite possesses him, or he falls prey to an
unappeasable and aimless restlessness or a causeless
melancholy, the old men recognize these signs as the
expressions of a personal spirit of the highest order.
* J. A. Soc. of Bombay, I, p. 247.
2 Battels, "Med. NaturvOlker," p. 76.
3 Ibid.
4 Ibid.
It not infrequently happens that fond and ambitious
parents consecrate one or more of their children to the
sen'ice of the gods. In some countries even' family
devotes a son to religious celibacy. On the Gold
Coast, if several children die, sometimes the mother
vows to devote the next bom to the holv office,
thinking that then it may live.^ Among the Tibetans,
Bishop writes, **a younger son in every household becomes
a monk, and occasionally enters upon his vocation as an
acolne pupil as soon as weaned. At the age of thirteen
these acohtes are sent to study at Lhassa for five or
seven years.''- Among the Western Iniots. the priests in
office choose young children whom they train to be
medicine men. Sometimes, even before a child is bom,
they will ask its parents to devote it to the sacred office.
These parents must then fast, and pray to their ancestors to
care for the future shaman. As soon as the child is bom
he is sprinkled with urine, and then his training begins.
He is brought up to be unlike other children in sp^eech,
manner, and conduct, and with the title. "He who has been
set apart,'* is led to believe and prodaim Aat he is made
of different day from the most of mankind. The neophyte
is compelled to fast, to indulge in long and drean.-
\igils, thereby keeping his body under and bringing
it into subjection, in order that it may without
complaint obey the diaates of the mind and will.^
1 Ellis. "Tshi-Speaking Peoples," pp. 120—121.
3 Bishop. "Among the TSb^uiSw" p. SS.
» Redns, "Primitive Folk," p. 71.
When the author was living in the Philippine Islands,
he heard that a few years earher, in a barrio [village] some
miles south of Manila, a famous '*spit doctor"
gained considerable notoriety by reason of his so-called
wonderful cures. His account of the way he became a
doctor is that one day while walking in the San Mateo
mountains he became tired, and lay down at the foot
of a tree to rest and refresh himself. Sleep overtook
him, and a being with long, white whiskers appeared in a
dream. After having made a few mysterious "passes," the
ghostly visitor addressed him after this fashion: ''Enchong,
you are appointed chief doctor in these islands, and by
virtue of this appointment you are empowered to heal all
the sick that seek your aid. Spit on them, and you will
secure their eternal gratitude." Returning to his native
barrio, Enchong told everybody in the neighborhood of
his dream, and the report soon spread abroad that his
novel method of the treatment of disease by rubbing the
sick with his saliva was infallible. In a short time the road
leading to the house of Enchong was congested with
carretelas [one-horse vehicles used by poorer classes], and
not infrequently with conveyances of richer folk, crowded
with sick persons, seeking the house of the doctor. When the
civil authorities, however, became aware of the existence
in their midst of that primitive method of the treatment
of disease, they declared Enchong to be an insane person,
and committed him to an asylum. And while the older
inhabitants of Manila and vicinity continue to believe in
the magical power of Enchong and his kind, it would
seem that the younger generation, in part at least, have
outgrown that kind and degree of superstition, for the
Tagalog youth laughingly referto him as "Doctor Laway,"
— Tagalog for "Doctor Spit."
On the Gold Coast, says Ellis, "the knowledge of the
mysteries of the gods and their service is transmitted from
generation to generation of priests; and their number is
constantly being recruited by persons who voluntarily
devote themselves, or are devoted by their relatives or
masters, to the profession. "^
From the accounts of travellers and other observers
are to be obtained at first hand notions of nature people
themselves as to the ways in which their medicine men are
made. In Australia, for example, in the Makjarawaint branch
of the Watgo nation, the necessary qualification for enter-
ing the calling of shaman was for an individual to be able
to see the ghost of his mother sitting beside her grave. A
boy thus talented would be taken in hand by a medicine
man, smoked with cherry leaves, smeared with red ochre
and grease, and otherwise prepared for his future
work.2 A medicine man of the Yakuts tells that
he entered his profession through chance. He built a fire
on the grave of a distinguished Tungus shaman, and the
spirit of the dead took possession of him.^ Miss Kingsley
describes at length the process of shaman-making found
in the Calabar region. "Every freeman," she writes, "has
1 Ellis, "Tshi-Speaking Peoples," p. 120.
2 Howitt, "South East Australia," p. 404.
3 Sumner, "Yakuts," Abridged from the Russian of Sieroshevski,
J. A. 1., XXXI, p. 103.
to pass through the secret society of his tribe. If, during
this education, the elders of the society discover that a boy
is what is called 'ebumtup' — that is, a person who can
see spirits — he is usually apprenticed, as it were, to a
witch doctor. He takes up his studies and learns the
difference between the dream soul and the one in which
*sisa' are kept— a mistake between the two would be on
par with mistaking oxalic acid for Epsom salts. He then
is taught to howl in a professional way, and, by watch-
ing his professor, picks up his bedside manner. If he
can acquire a showy way of having imitation epileptic fits,
so much the better^ In fact, as a medical student he has
to learn — well, as much there as here. He must know the
dispositions, the financial position, the little scandals, in
short, the definite status of the inhabitants of the whole
district, for these things are of undoubted use in divination
j and in the finding of witches, and, in addition, he must be
i able skilfully to dispense charms, and know what babies
say before their own mothers can. Then some day his
professor and instructor dies, and upon the pupil descend
his paraphernaUa and his practice. '' i
jj The sight of the unusual and unfamiliar fills the
savage with feelings of awe. Whatever thing he cannot
comprehend, whatever man he finds remarkable, he re-
gards as supernatural. 2 & 3 jhe people of the twentieth cen-
tury attribute physical or intellectual greatness to quality
^ Kingsley, ''West African Studies," p. 214.
^ Schoolcraft, "Information Respecting Indian Tribes of the
United States," III, p. 248; IV, p. 642.
^ Winterbottora, "Account of the Native Africans in Sierra
Leone," I, p. 222.
of brain fibre, or to genius ; the savage, to spirit possession.
The Chippeways thus call anything that they cannot
understand, or anyone of their fellows who is unusual,
a "spirit." i Any capacity of an individual— physical or
mental— with which primitive man is not familiar,
causes him to regard the person with such peculiarities as
one possessed either by the spirit of a dead shaman, or
by a spirit of a departed ancestor, or by some other of the
myriad inhabitants of the unseen world.
The divergencies from normal, physical, and mental,
which various peoples have regarded as indications
of divinity, are many. Albinos, for instance, to some
savage races seem chosen by nature for the office of
priest.2 There have been zealous advocates of Christianity,
of whom Origen, the celebrated Father of the Greek
Church, is the classical example,^ who have made them-
selves eunuchs, taking literally the words of Christ: "If
thy right eye offend thee, pluck it out and cast it from
thee: for it is profitable for thee that one of thy members
should perish, and not that thy whole body should be cast
into hell." * But that there are persons of diseased
imaginations in all varieties of religious beliefs, stages of
culture, and physical and mental environments, is evidenced
by the fact that desexualization is sometimes regarded as
a necessary concomitant of religious authority. Castration
1 Buchanan, "Histoiy, Manners and Customs of North American
Indians," p 228
2 Bourke, "Medicine Men of the Apache," Bur. Eth. IX,
p. 460
2 Newman, "Church History," Vol. I. pp. 280-282.
•* St. Matt. 19 : 12.
was required, for example, of the priests of Cybele;i and
the manang ball of the Sea Dyaks, though a man, was
garbed in the dress of a woman. ^
Some peculiarity of circumstances of birth, or some
especial mark of distinction — anything that differentiates
a man from his fellows — may point to the fact that he
has been chosen of heaven to represent it on earth. In
Liberia, twins are regarded as especially designed for the
office of medicine man. In Nias, those born feet first are
considered specialists in cases of sprain. 3 In Korea, a blind
son is a satisfaction to his parents, since he may become
one of ihtpan-su, or sorcerers, and be assured of a
comfortable living.* Among the Sea Dyaks, those who are
blind and incurably maimed often support themselves by
entering the priesthood. ^ Roth writes concerning those
people: "I have now a blind man living with me. I had
heard that the manangs, or spirit doctors, wanted to
get hold of him, so one day I asked him if he really was
going to become a manang. He replied, ^Yes, I suppose
so; but if I had only my eyesight, catch me becoming a
manang."'^
Sometimes a person gains admittance to the goodly
company of the elect by what may be called a process
of natural selection. Thus a Pima Indian, in order to be-
1 Depuis, "Origine de Tous les Cultes," II, part 2, pp. 87—88.
2 Roth, "Natives of Sarlawak and British North Borneo,"
p. 270.
^ Bartels, "Med. Naturvoker," p. 75.
4 Bishop, "Korea," p. 402.
^ Roth, "Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo,"
I, p. 265.
« Ibid.
come a medicine man, had only to recover from a rattle-
snake bite on the hand or near the heart.i Similar was the
manner of selection in the case of a medicine man of the
aborigines of Victoria. This man fell to the ground from a
great height as a result of sitting on the portion of a
branch that he was cutting from a tree ; but he escaped in-
jury, and was rewarded for his stupidity by being made
a shaman.2 In these cases it may be clearly seen that the
reason assigned by primitive peoples for the apparently
miraculous escapes is that of spirit protection or spirit
possession.
In the "Yakuts" of Sieroshevski is to be found a
description of the medicine men of that people which no
one can read without being impressed with their physical
peculiarities, and after reading he will cease, in a measure
at least, to wonder that the uncritical nature man should
regard these religious leaders as being possessed by the
gods. One of those persons "was sixty years old, of middle
stature, a dried-up muscular man, although it was evident
that he had once been vigorous and active. Even when
seen, he could still perform shamanistic rites, jump and
dance the whole night through without being weary;
His countenance was dark and full of active expression.
The pupil of his eye was surrounded by a double ring of
dull, green color. When he was practicing his magic, his
eyes took on a peculiar, unpleasant, dull glare, and an
expression of idiocy, and the persistent stare excited and
1 Russell, "Pima Indians," Bur. Eth., XXVI, p. 257.
2 Brough Smith, "Aborigines of Victoria," p. 465.
disturbed those upon whom he fixed it." i "Another
shaman," says the same writer, "who was observed,
had the same peculiarities of the eyes. In general, there
is in the appearance of a shaman something peculiar,
which enabled the author after some practice to distin-
guish him with great certainty in the midst of a number
of persons. He is distinguished by a certain energy and
mobility of the muscles of the face, which generally among
the Yakuts are immobile. There is also in his movements
a noticeable spryness." 2
If the savage regards the physically abnormal as due
to spirit possession, with what feelings of awe must he
regard the mentally abnormal? He knows nothing of the
laws of natural causation; it never occurs to him that the
bod}'^ has power over the mind, and that the mind in turn
affects the body. With him skepticism and criticism are
but slightly if at all developed; and he has not enough
curiosity to prompt inquiry. The theory of natural"
causation necessitates growth, multiplication of arts, accu-
mulation of experience, and familiarization, registration,
and recognition of constant relations of phenomena. All
this is not possible among primitive societies. For mental
abnormality, therefore, nature man can do nothing but
rely upon his world philosophy to furnish the "proper"
explanation. This is the same as that assigned for the physi-
cally abnormal — the individual in whom are manifested
unusual powers is regarded as a fetich, and hence is looked
1 Sumner, "Yakuts," Abridged from the Russian of Sieroshevski,
J. A. I., XXXI, p. 102.
2 Ibid.
upon with feelings of respect, wonder, and veneration.
Thus it happens that a man who is subjected to disorders
of a strange and impressive character is some-
times chosen for a medicine man. Among the Patagonians,
for example, patients seized with falling sickness
were immediately selected for magicians, since they
were believed to be chosen by the spirits them-
selves, who possessed, distorted, or convulsed them.i
In Samoa, the office of medicine man was often held by
hunchbacks or epileptics. 2 Ehrenreich says of the Karaya
Indians of Brazil, "'Any one can become a medicine man
who will present the necessary qualifications. Nervous
persons, epileptics, and the like are regarded as especially
adapted to the work."' ^ The shamanesses of the Tungus
were those who in girlhood had been addicted to a kind
of foolish melancholy."* The priests of the Tshi-speaking
peoples, according to EUis, simulate convulsions and foam-
ing at the mouth to give the idea of possession by a
god. "Indeed," he continues, "all sickness is believed to
be caused by superhuman agents who enter the body;
but in the case, say, of an epileptic seizure, the natives have
what they consider the strongest evidence of this. Con-
sequently, the priests, in order to convey to the public the
idea that a god has entered the body, simulate, as well as
they can, the symptoms of a person in a fit." ^
* Falkner, "Description of Patagonia," p. 117.
2 Ella, "Samoa," Aust. Ass. for Adv. Science, 1892, p. 638.
3 Bartels, "Med. Naturvolker," p. 179.
4 Ibid.
■^ Ellis, "Tshi-Speaking Peoples," p. 148.
While it is true that men of inferior mental powers
are sometimes chosen to represent the spirits, yet the
medicine men wielding the greatest influence— an influence
making for progress and advancement — have been in-
dividuals of intellectual parts. At Delphi, for example,
Apollo was thought to speak through the mouths of feeble
girls and women as a sign that it is no human wisdom and
art that reveals the divine will. The mutterings of the priest-
ess, however, were taken down and interpreted by attend-
ant priests. Those priests were men of intelligence, and
it was because of their activity in directing the placing of
Greek colonies that civilization owes its lasting debt to
the Delphian oracle. i
When a man of great intelligence adds to his mental
resources an unusual fund of acquired knowledge and cul-
ture, the effect upon the savage mind is greatly intensified.
In order to retain and augment his hold upon the people,
the medicine man is under constant stimulus to acquire
the ability to perform feats and effect results which exceed
the ability of his constituents to achieve or even to under-
stand. The consequence is that the attitude of the people
toward him is that of reverence— which attitude is
generally that of ignorance toward knowledge.
The unusual intellectual and physical phenomena ex-
hibited by the medicine men excite not only awe, but
Jjear, Among some peoples, it is said that it was the
custom of ordinary individuals to fall flat upon their faces
before the shaman. Other writers state that the fear of the
medicine man is so great that in undoubted and repeated
* Meyers, "Ancient History," p. 179.
instances his curse kills as certainly as a knife. Among the
Western Indians of this country, when a medicine man
utters a withering curse on his antagonist, the latter kncLWs
that all hope is lost. Sometimes he drops dead on the spot.i
Some Australian tribes believe that the curse of a power-
ful medicine man will kill at a distance of one hundred
miles. 2
As has been said already (p. 10 supra), primitive
men attribute insanity to spirit possession. This
disease of the brain, while perhaps most prevalent
among civilized races, occurs as well among barbaric and
savage tribes. But nature man knows nothing about brain
diseases. No words in his vocabulary express such ideas.
He explains the phenomena of insanity, therefore, in the
easiest possible way, that is to say by the time-honored
theory of ghost possession. When he sees an individual
lying prostrate, refusing to eat, speaking to some one
whom the bystanders cannot see, shrinking with terror
from an invisible foe, talking nonsense incoherently, laugh-
ing without cause, the obvious inference is that one of
those invisible spirits, of which the air is full, has taken up
its residence in the body of the man.^ That in
Sumatra lunatics are considered possessed (p. 10 supra)
is not surprising,* nor that in some parts of the eastern
hemisphere madness is tantamount to inspiration. ^ The
ancient Hebrews believed their prophets to be inspired. In
^ Brintbn, "Myths of the New World," p. 318.
2 Curr, "The Australian Race," II, p. 610.
^ ^ Spencer, "Principles of Sociology," I, p. 229.
« Marsden, "History of Sumatra," p. 191.
^ "Rambles in the Deserts of Syria," p. 190.
the ninth chapter of the second book of Kings there is to
be found the story of the anointing of Jehu as king of
Israel. Elisha commissions a young prophet to perform
that office, after which he is to pronounce a curse upon
the house of Ahab. After obeying the behest of his
master, the prophet is said to have fled from the house in
which the anointing took place. ''Then Jehu came forth
to the servants of his lord; and one said unto him, Ms all
well? wherefrom came this mad fellow to thee?' And he
said* unto them, 'Ye know the man and his commission."' i
Comment is unnecessary as to the connexion in ancient
Jewish thought between insanity and inspiration. The
word "huaka" in the Quichua language is the general term
for the divine. "Huaka runa" signifies the divine man, and
means one who is crazy.^ Cook writes of meeting two
insane persons — a man at Owhyhee, and a woman at
Oneeheow — who, as was obvious by the attention paid
them, were regarded in that part of the country as inspired
by a god.3.r
Since an insane man differs from others because of the
indwelling of spirits, who in all the land is better fitted
to plead the cause of mortals with the gods? True, his
ways are different from the ways of other persons, but so
are the ways of the gods. The very fact, therefore, that an
insane person is unlike other men is proof positive that he
is by nature paramount. Being by virtue of his own divinity
1 II Kings, 9:1-11.
2 Middendorf, "Worterbuch des Runa simi oder der Keshua
Sprache."
3 Cook, "Third Voyage," III, p. 131.
f
on intimate terms with the gods, and possessing a
knowledge of their nature and disposition, he is excellently
equipped for devising ways and means of procuring
celestial benefactions. That this kind of reasoning often
results in the elevation of a person who in popular esteem
is mad to the highest position in the tribe may be inferred
from an observation of Bartels to the following effect:
"Through his shrewdness and turning to account of acci-
dents, the medicine man manages to maintain his ascend-
ency. Among the Baksa he is said to feign madness in order
to give the impression that he is possessed by spirits." '
The medicine man not infrequently is a victim of
hysteria. In this malady of the major description the
patient gives vent to meaningless laughs, sobs, and cries.
He often lies stretched out at full length, his hands
clasped, his eyes closed, his body curved by a spasm.
He may extend his hands supinely in an attitude of appeal-
ing terror, clutch spasmodically at the ground, shrink
from some unseen enemy, fall back exhausted, nerveless,
and to all appearances insensible. On recovery from the
attack he is himself again with no recollection of what has
occurred. 2 Modern science attributes these phenomena
to "the loss of complete control exercised by the higher
nervous centers, due partly to insufficient or inappropriate
nutrition and partly to faulty development." ^ But the
savage knows nothing of the science of neurology. To
him the reason for what is now known as hysteria is spirit
^ Bartels, "Med. NaturvOlker," p. 52.
2 Ellis, "Man and Woman," p. 322.
3 Ibid.
possession. When an individual is subject to these attacks —
performing actions without willing it, or even in spite of
his will — it is because a spirit has entered his body,
either temporarily or permanently, setting aside his own
mind and will, and assuming complete control over the
entire man. The desire of the spirits for the one so
possessed to devote his life to their service would thereby
be indicated. If the devotee is obedient to the divine decision,
he will have no trouble in making full proof of his ministry.
The native sorcerer of Tasmania is reported by Back-
house to be affected with fits of spasmodic contraction of
the muscles of one breast, a malady which sufficed to
prove to his people that he was inspired. i Among the
Amazulu, hysterical symptoms are counted as indications
that the imyanga, or diviner, is inspired,^ and possessed
"by the 'Amatongo,' or ancestral spirits." ^
The gods or ancestral spirits make known their will to
favorites in dreams. One of the most convincing proofs
of spirit intercourse is the ability to dream dreams, and
to put upon those dreams the proper interpretation. If
a man can do this, he will have no trouble in establishing
his right to be called a medicine man. And so we read that
among the Dieyerie of South Australia, boys who dream
of seeing the devil are regarded as especially fitted to
become medicine men.* A medicine man among the Pima
Indians adopted his profession because of frequent dreams
1 Backhouse, "Australia," p. 103.
2 Callaway, "Religious Systems of the Amazulu," p. 185.
' Ibid., pp. 183-259.
* Bartels, "Med. Naturvolker," p. 76.
that he had been visited by some one who endowed him
with magicpower.i The Mincopies believe that the medicine
man has communion with the unseen powers through
dreams, and in that way is able to look upon the spirits
of the ancestors of a sick man.^ In East Africa, the
medicine man dreams his dream, and then gives forth
oracles at intervals according to the exigencies o,f the
case; sometimes they are delivered in a frenzied state. ^
Among the Land Dyaks, according to Henry Ling Roth,
"there are two descriptions of manangs, — the regular
and the irregular. The regular are those who have been
called to that vocation by dreams, and to whom the spirits
have revealed themselves. The irregular are self-created
and without a familiar spirit." * And Dixon writes of
the Chimariko Indians, "The sign that a person was
destined to beoome a shaman was a series of dreams.
These were in the case of a man often the result of
solitary visits to remote mountain lakes, in which the per-
son would bathe at dusk. In these dreams instructions
were given the neophyte by various supernatural beings,
and these directions must be followed exactly."^
It is not possible for the shaman to inspire confidence
unless he produces palpable evidence that the gods are
on his side. But it not uncommonly happens that a man
1 Russell, "Pima Indians," Bur. Eth., XXVI, p. 257.
2 Bartels, "Med. Naturvolker," p. 51.
' MacDonald, "East Central African Customs," J. A. I., XXII, p. 105.
* Roth, "Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo," I,
p. 266.
^ Dixon, "The Chimariko Indians and Language." University
of Calif. Publications in American Archeology and Ethnology.
V, p. 303.
aspires to office who has no physical or mental pecu-
liarity to indicate that a spirit dwells within him. The
only recourse in such a contingency is simulation. The
savage is not acquainted with such ideas as "suggestion,"
* 'auto-suggestion," "hypnotism," and "self-hypnotism."
The medicine man nevertheless often unconsciously makes ^
use of these phenomena in the practice of his profession. WtJ^n
does not deliberately say, "Go to, I will now proceed to
hypnotize myself, and thereby cause the people to think
that I am possessed," but, in effect, that is frequently
the very thing he unwittingly does, for possessed he must
be or seem to be.
Sometimes the shaman induces auto-suggestion by star-
ing or gazing at an object. In the Fiji Islands, the priest sits
amid complete silence looking at an ornament made of
the tooth of a whale. Tylor describes his actions: "In a
short time he begins to tremble, slight twitchings of the
face and limbs follow ; these increase to strong convulsions,
with sweUing of the veins, murmurs, and sobs. Now the
god has entered him, and with eyes rolling and protruding,
voice unnatural, face pale, lips livid, perspiration streaming
from every pore, and the whole aspect of a furiously insane
person, he speaks the will of the gods, and then, the
symptoms subsiding, he looks around with a vacant stare
and becomes himself again." ^
Among other means which the medicine man uses to
induce the hypnotic state may be named the prolonged
hearing of the same note or rhythmic chord, the concen-
1 Tylor, "Prim. Cult.," II, p. 134.
tration of the mind on one thought, the monotonous repe-
tition of words; silences, darkness, solitude; continuance of
the same motion; association with persons already under
hypnotic influence. Among the Singpho of Southeast Asia,
the medicine man invokes his *'naf' or spirit for assist-
ance.i In Patagonia, he induces a real or pretended fit
by drumming or rattling.^ In Guiana, the method of
producing inspiration was somewhat heroic. The
servant of the gods was forced to endure fasting and
flagellations of extreme severity. Then he was compelled
to dance until he fell to the ground, exhausted and
senseless. In order to revive him, a draught of tobacco
juice, which caused violent nausea and vomiting of blood,
was administered. This treatment was kept up day after
day, until the subject dreamed dreams, saw visions, was
seized with convulsions, or gave incontrovertible evi-
dence that the spirits of the heavenly regions had taken
possession of him.^ It is very perceptible that practices of
this kind act upon the mind in such a manner as entirely
to alter its ordinary habits.
Trance and ecstasy are two aids of the medicine man
to claims of divinity. In ecstasy there is a certain want of
muscular control, and the mind is actively employed in
seeing visions; during trance the countenance expresses
an inspired illumination of a more than earthly character,
and, on waking, the subject is able to recall his visions.
1 Bastian, "Ostl. Asien," II, p. 328.
2 Falkner, "Patagonians," p. 116.
' Meiners, "Geschichten der Religionen," II, p. 162.
An habitual means of inducing the ecstatic state is by
drugs. Among ail peoples some knowledge of nar-
cotics used to bring about strange and vivid hallu-
cinations is found. 1 The priests of ancient Mexico
employed an ointment or a drink made with the seeds
of olloliuhqui which induced visions and delirium. ^
Among the Commis of Central Africa, the medicine man
drinks mboundou.^ The negroes of the Niger had
their ''fetich-water;" the Creek Indians of Florida had
their "black drink ;"^ the Kalingas of northern Luzon,
Philippine Islands, have their base. In some parts of
Mexico the natives took the peyotl^ and the snake
plant.s The Japanese have their sake; the Africans, from
Egypt down to Zanzibar, have their bussa, which is
the well-known hydromel, made from honey and water.
The Samoyeds of Siberia, and some tribes of California
used the poisonous toadstool. In other parts of California
the chacuaco was employed for this purpose. ^ Among
the Walapai of Arizona, the medicine men drank
a "decoction of the leaves, roots, and flowers of
the 'datura stramonium' to induce exhilaration." '^ In
Brazil, the priests brought on ecstatic states by smoking
^ Bourke, "Medicine Men of the Apache," Bur. Eth, IX,
p. 455 ff.
2 Brasseur de Bourbourg, "Mexique," III, p. 558.
3 Wood, "Natural History of Man," I, p. 576.
* Brinton, "Religions of Primitive Peoples," p. 67.
^ Ibid; and Brinton, "Nagualism," pp. 8—9.
« Ibid.
' Bourke, "Medicine Men of the Apache," Bur. Eth. IX,
p. 455.
tobacco ; i the priestess of Delphi inhaled stupefying vapors
from a deep fissure in the ground. ^
The medicine man often resorts to sleeplessness, se-
clusion, and obstinate gloating on some morbid fancy in
order to bring about hallucinations. He is usually success-
ful, for it is a fact well known to medical science that
the more frequently these diseased conditions of the mind
are sought, the more readily are they found. The shaman,
therefore, tries repeatedly until finally, as in the; case of
Doctor Jekyll, the nature which he has so assiduously
striven to induce by artificial means comes without seeking.
Then without effort he possesses hallucinations with all the
garb of reality.
Other means for entering into communion with the
gods are by gyrations and by flagellations. Among the
Dyaks of Borneo, the medicine man, after running many
times in a circle, simulates unconciousness, and it is then
that he is supposed to possess greatest power.^ The
shaman of the Tshi^speaking peoples, when about to
communicate with the deities, pretends to be convulsed, and
by hurling his body about and twisting it in contortions,
brings himself to such a state of frenzy that his eyes
roll madly, and foam falls from his lips.* The Malanau
medicine man (or medicine woman), with hair disheveled,
twirls around until his staring eyes show that he is nearly
insane. Then it is thought he is able to commune with the
' Miiller, "Amerikanische Urreligionen," p. 277.
2 Myers, "Ancient History," pp. 178—179.
3 Roth, "Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo," I, p. 282.
* Ellis, "Tshi-Speaking Peoples," pp. 125—126.
spirits, and gain from them power to withdraw the daimon
from the body of the sick person. i In Southern India,
the shaman "uses medicated draughts, cuts and lacerates
his flesh until the blood flows, lashes himself with a huge
whip, presses a burning torch to his breast, drinks the
blood which flows from his own wounds, or drinks the
blood of the sacrifice, putting the throat of the decapitated
animal to his mouth. Then, as if he had acquired new
life, he begins to brandish his staff of bells, and to dance
with a quick but wild, unsteady step. Suddenly the afflatus
descends. There is no mistaking that glare, or those frantic
leaps. He snorts, he stares, he gyrates. The daimon has
now taken bodily possession of him; and, though he re-
tains the power of utterance and of motion, both sides are
under the control of the daimon, and his separate con-
sciousness is in abeyance." 2
Sexual continence and ecstatic visions stand in close
relationship. This connexion, to be sure, is not conceived
by the savage in modern scientific terms. But by repeated
trials, failures, and successes, the medicine man perceived
that when he praticed sexual abstinence he was the better
fitted to enter into the ecstatic state. He learned, therefore,
unwittingly and no doubt accidentally, that the phenomena
of the religious life are to a large extent based on sexual
life. Consequently the intelligence that continence was
often required throughout the whole novitiate of individ-
uals in training for the holy office is not at all amazing.
^ Roth, "Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo," p. 283.
2 J. A. Society of Bombay, 1886, pp. 101—102.
And visions came, not as heavenly visitants, but because
repression of sex impulses is sometimes concomitant with
the stimulation of religious auto-intoxication. The medicine
man is not alw^ays a paragon of virtue and sex morality;
he is sometimes the reverse. It is when he wishes to induce
theoleptic fits that he practices continence. On his recovery
from the theopneustic trance, his repressed emotions some-
times explode with abnormal violence. These emotions
having been, as it were, diverted into a foreign channel,
and meanwhile increased in force, when the reason for their
repression no longer exists, break back into their normal
course with intensified vehemence. i Says an acute observer:
''I know no fact of pathology more striking and even terri-
fying than the way in which the phenomena of the ecstatic
state may be plainly seen to bridge the gulf between the
innocent fooleries of ordinary hypnotic patients, and the
depraved and repulsive phenomena of nymphomania and
satyriasis." ^ By reason of the facility with which the
ecstatic state passes into abnormal sexual emotion, it not
infrequently happens that after their return to normal
consciousness the representatives of the gods are guilty of
unspeakable dissoluteness. ^
The exponent of the gods, after much experimentation,
came to know that the ecstatic state can be induced by
abstinence from food. Fasting, indeed, is one of the strong-
est means of interfering with the healthy action of bodily
1 Ellis, "Man and Woman," p. 295.
2 Anstie, "Lectures on Disorders of the Nervous System,"
Lancet, Jan. 11th, 1873, p. 40.
* Ellis, "Tshi-Speaking Peoples," I, p. 122.
and mental functions, and so of producing visions of de-
light. The primitive interpretation of phenomena of this
kind is that of divine visitation. While fasting and praying,
the medicine man receives much preparation for his work.
Even the name by which he is sometimes known is
significant, the word "shaman" being a corruption of the
Sanscrit term for "ascetic." ^ Schoolcraft says, "Among the
American Indians, the *jossakeed' or soothsayer prepares
himself by fasting and the use of the sweat bath for the
state of convulsive ecstacy in which he utters the dic-
tates of the familiar spirits." ^ in Zululand, the doctor,
in order to enter into communion with the amadhlozi
or ghosts from which he is to obtain direction, limits him-
self to spare, abstemious diet, and subjects himself to suf-
fering, castigation, and solitary wandering in the forest.^
Among the Ojibways, a wabeno will sometime in his youth
withdraw from the village and fast for several days, so that
he may be visited by dreams and visions that will be his
guides.* Dobrizhoffer says of the Abipones, "Those who
aspire to the office of 'keebef or juggler are
said to sit on an aged willow overhanging some
lake, to abstain from food for several days, till they
begin to see into futurity."^ The Boulian of North
Queensland, after starving for three days, is rewarded
by the fancied apparition of a malkari or nature-
* Mallery, "Picture Writing of American Indians," Bur. Eth.,
X, p. 490.
2 Schoolcraft, "Information Respecting the Indian Tribes of
the United States," III, p. 287.
^ Callaway, "Religious Systems of the Amazulu," p. 387.
4 Hoffman, "The Midewiwin of the Ojibway," Bur. Eth., VII, p. 156.
5 Dobrizhoffer, "Abipones," II, p. 67.
spirit, which proceeds to stick pebbles or bones or quartz-
crystals into his body, and thus makes him a medicine
man.i Of the Greenlanders, Crantz reports that whoever
aspires to the office of shaman must retire to a solitary
place, and call upon tormgarsuk to send him a tormgak.
After a time, because of abstinence from food and
flagellation of the body, his imagination becomes distorted ;
he sees blended images of men, beasts, and monsters.
Irregularities of the body follow, and convulsions, which he
endeavors to augment, give the final proof of possession. ^
But why multiply instances of fasting which have
produced their natural effects in ecstatic visions? They
have been resorted to by shaman and priest, by heathen
and Christian, by Protestant and Catholic, for the same
purpose of bringing about communion with the unseen
powers. Old men have dreamed dreams because of gorged
stomachs. As a result of rigorous fasting young men
have seen visions. But, in the words of Dr. Tylor, ''Bread
and meat would have robbed the ecstatic of many an angel
visit; the opening of the refectory door must many a time
have closed the gates of heaven to his gaze."^
Another expedient, which in the minds of his con-
stituents serves to estabUsh the claims of the medicine
man, is the art of jugglery. The majority of the human
race are open to this kind of evidence. A successful business
man in recent years, upon witnessing an alleged miracle
^ Roth, "Superstition, Magic, and Medicine," North Queensland
Ethnography, Bulletin. Number 5, p. 29.
2 Crantz, "Historic von Gronland," I, p. 194.
8 Tylor, "Prim. Cult.," Edition of 1905, II, p. 415.
performed by a charlatan spiritual healer, acknowledged the
religious leadership of that sensationalist. If such gullibility
is possible to a cultured man in an advanced stage
of civilization, what would be the attitude of the savage
toward the doer of strange deeds? He would without
question bow at the feet of the master. When no physical
or mental peculiarity, therefore, differentiates him from the
rest of his kind, the medicine man is under constant
stimulus to execute feats and achievements which exceed
the power of the laity to perform or understand.^
Hence he is often cunning, clever, and given to
the practice of trickery. By a process of selection
he attains skill, ingenuity, and ability to do the seemingly
impossible. The aspirant for office who is unable,
either by force of intellect, or by artifice, or by adroitness,
or by craft, or by chicanery, to justify his pretentions
goes down in the struggle, and his inferior qualities perish
with him. His more capable companions, on the other
hand, succeed in overawing and hypnotizing the com-
monalty, and as a result survive. Their superior qualities
and capacities are transmitted to succeeding generations,
until ultimately the ablest and most clever men in the tribe
or nation form what comes toi be known as the priest
class.
Many accounts have been given by travellers of clever
feats performed by medicine men, but a few instances will
serve to illustrate the fact that often by executing an extra-
ordinary performance the shaman succeeds in creating and
maintaining a place for himself.
* Spencer, "Principles of Sociology," III, p. 184.
According to Howitt, among Australian tribes, the
doctors profess to extract from the human body foreign
substances which in the native beUef have been placed
there by the magic of wizards or other doctors, or by
supernatural beings^ '^The black fellow doctors,'' Howitt
further states, "as a class naturally surround themselves
with mystery. Their magical practices are not favored
by too open examination, and the more that is left
to the active imagination of their tribe, the better their
assistances are received." ^ Ratzel writes that "a.
shaman occasionally pulls out his eye and eats it, sticks
a knife into his breast, or lets a bullet be shot through
his head without being any the worse for it." ^ A Dakota
medicine man, who understood sleight-of-hand, appeared
to draw from his side below his ribs a quid of tobacco;*
while the Eskimo angakoks during the Sedna feast thrust
harpoons into their bodies, taking precautions, however,
beforehand to place under their clothes bladders filled
with blood.5 The wabeno of the Ojibways was alleged to
grasp and handle red-hot stones, and to bathe his hands in
boiling maple syrup without suffering any apparent harm.*^
Howitt reports, that in Australia at initiations *'a gommera
[medicine man] will as chief evidence of his powers
'bring up out of himself quartz crystals, or pieces
of vein quartz, pieces of black stone, white substances,
pieces of flesh, bone, and the like." ^ Among some of the
' Howitt, "Australian Medicine Men," J. A. I., XVI, p. 25. 2 ibid., p. 57.
3 Ratzel, "History of Mankind," II, p. 229.
* Bourke, "M-edicine Men of the Apache," Bur. Eth., IX, p. 456
5 Boas, "Central Eskimo," Bur. Eth., VI, pp. 593—594.
6 Hoffman, "The Midewiwin of the Ojibway," Bur.Eth.,VII,p.l57.
' Howitt, "Australian Medicine Men," J. A. I., XVI, p. 43.
Indian tribes of North America, the medicine man before
treating a patient produced a magical stick, and demon-
strated his supernatural power to the amazed spectators. i
Boas writes that many performances of the angakoks of
the Eskimos require much skill in ventriloquism. "Thus in
invoking a tornaq Hying to. a distant place they can imitate
a distinct voice by a sort of ventriloquism. In these perfor-
mances they always have the lamps extinguished, and hide
themselves behind a screen hung up in the back part of
the hut. The tornaq, being invoked, is heard approach-
ing and shaking the hut. A favorite trick is to have their
hands tied up, and a thong fastened around their knees and
neck. Then they begin invoking their tornaq, and all of a
sudden the body lies motionless while the soul flies to
any place they wish to visit. After returning, the thongs
are found untied, though they had been fastened
by firm knots. The resemblance of this performance to
the experiments of modern spiritualists is striking." ^
Hoffman, quoting from a paper read by Colonel
Garrick Mallery before the Anthropological Society of
Washington, records an interesting feat performed by an
Ojibway jessakkid at Leech Lake, Minnesota, about
1858. The jessakkid, securely bound by a rope, with his
knees and wrists together and with his face upon his
knees, was placed alone in a lodge erected for the purpose.
After a few minutes of loud noises and after much sway-
ing of the lodge, the spectators heard him direct another
Ojibway, who had wagered that the jessakkid could not
1 Bartels, "Med. NaturvSlker," p. 50.
2 Boas, "Central Eskimo," Bur. Eth., VI, pp. 593—594.
accomplish this feat, to get the rope from a near-by house.
The Ojibway found the rope, still knotted, in the place
indicated, and on his return beheld the jessakkid
sitting unbound within the lodge.i The medicine men of
both the Zuiiis and the Pawnees swallowed knives and
arrows, and could apparently kill a man and restore him to
life.- In 1761, a bloody revolt of the Mayas broke out in a
number of villages near Valladolid, Yucatan. "It was
headed/' Brinton records, "by a full-blooded native,
Jacinto Can-Ek. Jacinto boldly announced himself as the
high priest of the fraternity of sorcerers, a master teacher
of magic, and the lineal descendant of the prophet, Chilain
Balam, Vhose words cannot fail.' In a stirring appeal
he urged his fellow countrymen to attack the Spaniards
without fear of the consequences. To support his pre-
tentions he took a piece of paper, held it up to show that
it was blank, folded it perhaps the fraction of a minute,
and then spread it out covered with writing. This deft
trick convinced his simple-minded hearers of the truth
of his claims, and they rushed to arms." '
Since nature men are so very susceptible to proofs of this
description, it is no wonder that in the course of evolution
there should appear among them from time to time mem-
bers of their race who have sufficient mental acumen to
take advantage of the disposition to ascribe power to
the apparently miraculous, and who by the exhibition of
1 Hoffman, "The Midewiwin of the Ojibway," Bur. Eth., VII,
1891, pp. 276—277.
2 Bourke, "Medicine Men of the Apache," Bur. Eth., IX, p. 471.
' Brinton, "Nagualism," p. 31.
juggling performances foist in upon uncritical minds the
convictions that the religious leaders are possessed of
spiritual might, and consequently deserving of a place
among the noble company of those chosen for divine
honors.
In addition to his physical and mental peculiarities, real
or feigned, the medicine man understands how to create
between himself and his fellow-men other dissimilarities
which are calculated to fortify his position, and to confirm
and strengthen the esteem in which he is held by the people.
Since, however, he usually directs his attention to such
activities after his formal induction into office, the discussion
of these dissimilarities is reserved for a later chapter. ^
Two other elements enter into the making of the
medicine man: the preparation and training or the novi-
tiate, and the initiation or the public installation into office.
In all professions a prescribed course of study and
instruction is required antecedent to graduation. Among
primitive peoples, no person is admitted into the goodly
fellowship of the elect until the older shamans are satis-
fied that he is qualified for the place. If as a result of
selfnpreparation a man is able to stand the test, he is
sometimes accorded the privilege. In that case he
must fast, and spend much time in solitude and
prayer, after which by hallucinations or in dreams,
it is thought, the spirits by whose power he does his
mighty works are revealed. No further training is
in many instances required. But in most cases the novice
' Vide Chap. IV, pp. 91-103.
/
56 THE MEDICINE iVl/\.N
must pass a greater or lesser number of hours under
the instruction and supervision of older medicine men,
learning their secrets, and benefiting by their experiences,
in order to be able ito convince the other members of the
craft that he can carry on the work of the profession.
"One Navaho shaman," writes Matthews, "told me that
he had studied six years before he was considered com-
petent to conduct his first ceremony, but that he was not
perfect then, and had learned much afterwards." ^
Sometimes the older medicine men, in their anxiety to
secure recruits for "orders," make it their business to
enumerate to the youth of the tribe the benefits incident to
the sacred calling, and point out the ease with which it is to
be entered in order to prevail upon them if possible to
devote their lives to the making of medicine. When a young
man acquiesces, the promise of an easy entrance must be
redeemed lest he turn back. Among the Pima Indians, any
man could enter the profession if he was instructed by a
medicine man, and "got power," as the Pimas said — or
acquired proficiency in a few tricks. The initiatory cere-
mony was not elaborate. The aspirant rested on all fours
before an old medicine man, who threw at him four sticks
about eight inches long. If the youth fell to the ground, the
instructor as the next step coughed up four or five white
balls and rubbed them into the breast of the young man.
During the entire time that he was engagied in learning his
work the prospective shaman had to stay away from the
* Matthews, "The Night Chant, A Navaho Ceremony," Memoirs
American Museum of Natural History, Preface, p. V.
lodges of women, and keep secret the fact that he was pre-
paring for the priesthood. In all, the period of his novitiate
lasted from two to four years. The usual fee for the
instruction was a piece of calico or a horse. i
There are primitive tribes in which the thoroughfare
to shamanistic honors is difficult. A novice among the
Shingu Indians, for example, must for months "drink
only starch extract, eat no salt, no flesh, fruit or fish, and
not sleep. He must bathe much, scratch the arm and
breast until the blood runs, and undergo much physical
suffering. His chief art is to use poisons. With these
he not only kills others, but also kills himself in order to
transform himself into other forms." ^ A Cherokee who
aspired to the priesthood was expected in former times
to remember a formula after it had been repeated to him
but once. If he failed to remember, he was considered
unworthy of the profession. ^ The Navaho "chanter*' or
medicine man was obliged to devote so much study to
the mastery of every great ceremony that he seldom knew
more than one well. *
The novitate of these candidates is not only
arduous, but also expensive, for as a rule the
neophyte must make heavy payments for instruction.
Hoffman, for example, writes of the Menomini
Indians, "Each remedy must be paid for separately,
1 Russell, "Pima Indians," Bur. Eth., XXVII, pp. 257-258.
2 Steinen, "Shingu Tribes." After the Sumnerian Collections.
3 Mooney, "Sacred Formulas of the Cherokees," Bur. Eth.,
1891, p. 309.
* Matthews, "The Night Chant, a Navaho Ceremony," Memoirs
American Museum of Natural History, p. 3.
as no two preparations or roots or other substances
are classed together as one; furthermore, the know-
ledge relating to different remedies is possessed by
different medicine men, each of whom will dispose of the
properties and uses thereof for a consideration only." ^ Of
the Ojibway Indians Hoffman states: *'The male candidates
for the mide [one of the classes of medicine men] are
selected usually from among those who in their youth were
chosen for that distinction. This selection was made at the
period of 'giving a name' by a designated /nzrfe priest, who
thus assumed the office of godfather. From that date
until the age of puberty of the boy, his parents gathered
presents with which to defray the expenses of preliminary
instruction by hired mide priests, and of the feasts to be
given to all those who might attend the ceremonies of
initiation, as well as to defray the cost of the personal ser-
vices of the various medicine men directly assisting in the
initiation. Frequently the collection of skins, peltries,
and other goods that have to be purchased involved a
candidate hopelessly in debt; but so great was the desire
on the part of some Indians to become acknowledged
medicine men that they would assume obligations that
might require years of labor in hunting to liquidate ; or, if
they failed, then their relatives were expected to assume
the responsibility thus incurred." -
It might be said in passing that like physicians
of the present time in view of the long, difficult, and
* Hoffman, "The Menomini Indians," Bur. Eth., 1896, p. 69.
2 Ibid., p. 67.
expensive period of preparation the medidne man, as will
later be shown, does not hesitate to charge high fees for
his professional services. ^
Afjer the course of study and training is over, the
postulant is not, however, accepted either by the public
or by the brotherhood as duly qualified until he is publicly
initiated, and subjected to various tests to prove his effi-
ciency. The initiatory rites among various tribes differ in
detail, but underneath all of them is the underlying purpose
of publicly inducting the aspirant into the number of the
''allied." The particular initiatory ceremony of a given race
reflects the mental and moral qualities of that race. The
established rites of African tribes, for instance, are not on
nearly so high a plane as those of the North American
Indians, as the following examples will illustrate. Among the
Akikuyu of British East Africa, the form for the initiation
of the medicine man is childlike in character. Routledge
describes the ceremonies. A he-goat is killed, and its
meat, half-cooked, '*is partaken of by all the medicine
men present. Collars made of the skin of the right leg of
the goat are placed around the necks of five gourds,
each containing a different drug The medicine men
present have brought their lot-gourds [a special medicine
gourd]. Each empties his lot-gourd on the skin apart
from his fellows. The neophyte then comes, and grasps a
handful from one pile. His wife follows him, and does
likewise. With the two handfuls of counters thus obtained,
lots are cast to foretell the professional career of the
1 Vide pp. 158—164.
novice. Finally, the contents so grasped are added to
those already in the lot-gourd of the neophyte. Custom
requires that the medicine gourds and lot-gourds of the
newly received medicine man shall first be stopped with
banana leaves, but the next day or later, he replaces them
with the tips of tails of cows. The long hair of these
forms brushes for the application of medicines, when it is
impossible to obtain the correct plants with which to make
brushes. A curse has to be brushed off. Each medicine man
present receives one skin of a sheep or goat for being
there.'' ^ Among the Dyaks of Borneo, the proceedings at
the time of the initiation are more worthy of respect. There
are three ceremonies. The first is "Besudi," which seems
to mean feeling, touching. The manangs, surrounding the
candidate as he sits on a veranda as though he were ill, ^'make
medicine" over him the whole night. By this time he is
supposed to become endowed with the power of touch
to enable him to feel where and what are the maladies
of the body, and so to apply the requisite charms. It
is the lowest grade, and obtainable by the cheapest fees.-
Henry Ling Roth further describes the other two cere-
monies as follows: *'The second is 'Beklite' or opening. After
a night of incantation, the manangs lead the neophyte into a
curtained apartment, where, as they assert, they cut his head
open, take out his brains, wash and restore them in order to
give him a clean mind for penetrating into the mysteries
' Routledge, "The Akikuyu of British East Africa," pp.
253—254.
2 Roth, "Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo," I,
pp. 280—281.
of evil spirits and the intricacies of disease; they insert gold
dust into his eyes to give him keenness and strength of
sight powerful enough to see the soul wherever it may
have wandered; they plant barbed hooks on the tips of
his fingers to enable him to seize the soul and hold it
fast; and lastly they pierce his heart with an arrow to
make him tenderhearted In reality, a few symbolic
actions representing these operations are all that is done . , ,
The man is now a fully qualified practitioner, competent to
practice all parts of his deceitful craft. He is now no
longer an 4ban,' a name by which all Dyaks speak of
themselves, he is a manang. He is lifted into a different
rank of being. And when engaged in their functions, the
manangs make a point of emphasizing this distinction by
constant use of the tv^ words in contrast to each other.
A third grade of manang is obtainable by the ambitious
who have the will and means to make the outlay;
they become manang bangun, manang enjun, manangs
waved upon, manangs trampled on." As in other
cases, this involves a nocturnal programme, ''but the'vspe-
cialties conferring this M. D. of Dyak quackery and im-
posture are three. At the beginning of the performance,
the manangs march round and round the aspirant for
the higher honor, and wave bunches of pinang flower
about and over him, an action which all over Borneo, I
believe, is considered of great medicinal and benedictional
value in this and many other similar connexions. This
is the Bangun. Then in the middle of the veranda a
tall jar is placed, having a short ladder fastened on either
side of it, and connected at the top. At various intervals
during the night the manangs, leading the new candidate,
march him up one ladder and down the other; but what
that action is supposed to symbolize, or what special value
it is believed to confer, I have not been able to discover.
To wind up this play of mysteries, the man lays himself
flat on the floor, and the manangs walk over him, and
trample upon him to knock into him, perhaps, all the
manang power which is to be obtained. This is the
Enjun. It is regarded as a certificate of medical superior-
ity, and the manang who has passed the ordeal will on
occasions boast that he is no ordinary spirit-controller
and soul-catcher, but a manang bangun, manang enjun."^
Among the Tshi-speaking peoples, the initiatory rites
are still more elaborate. The candidate is tested by fire ;
he must show pubHcly that he is possessed by a
spirit, and make predictions which eventually come to pass.
Ellis thus describes an initiation among those people
in 1886, held after a novitiate of two years. Amid singing,
beating of drums, and a continuous roar of musketry, "the
new priests and priestesses were taken down to a spot near
the beach . . . and here a sheep was sacrificed and the
blood sprinkled around. Next day . . . hundreds of people
were formed up in a kind of hollow square, all facing in-
wards. In the inner rank of this square were the new
priests and priestesses seated upon stools. The whole sur-
face of their bodies, with the exception of the lips, eyes,
* Roth, "Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo," I,
pp. 280—281.
eyebrows, and crown of the head, was smeared with some
white substance, which, from its being much whiter in
color than the ordinary white clay, appeared to be chalk.
The effect was ghastly in the extreme . . . With the ex-
ception of the children, all wore long necklaces pecuHar
to the priesthood, which were composed of black and white
beads, with an occasional long bead of red cornelian or
a small disk of gold. The men had the skull clean shaven
with the exception of two or three small circular patches
of hair, and to each patch was attached a gold medallion
of the size of a florin The women wore gold orna-
ments in their hair, and all of both sexes wore white
cloths. The drums struck up, and a crowd of men and
youths behind the drummers raised a song in honor of
one of the tutelary deities After a time one of the new
priests, who was sitting down, began to tremble and roll
his eyes. A god was beginning to take possession of him.
Two or three men at once went to him and removed
the gold ornaments from his head and some bracelets of
beads as a precautionary measure to prevent loss, and
then bound each wrist with a d d o r. In the meantime
the trembling increased, and soon the priest was shudder-
ing as in an ague fit . . . Next, with open mouth, protrud-
ing tongue, and with eyes widely rolling, he worked him-
self, still seated and quivering violently, into the middle
of the arena. There he suddenly leaped in the air, extend-
ing his arms over his head and the quivering ceased. His
eyes were closed, his tongue hung from his mouth, and
with the slow and uncertain gait of a drunken man he
walked backwards and forwards. After a short time he
directed his steps towards one side of the square and
passed out, the spectators making way for him, and re-
turned in a few minutes without his white cloth, but with
a short cotton skirt depending from the waist to the knee,
and ornamented with two narrow flounces at the waist.
Still with closed eyes and appearing half dazed, he walked
to and fro; then with a sudden spring he faced the
drums, and, throwing his arms in the air, he waved his
reed brush. Next, he stooped forward, and placing both
hands upon a large drum, hung his head down between
his arms, shook it sideways, and uttered a gurgling,
choking noise. This was the god preparing to give utter-
ance. Then he sprang upright, and in a hoarse, unnatural
voice, said: 'I am come. lam So-and-so ;' naming a tutelary
deity. The drums at once struck up the rhythm in honor
of this deity, the singers commenced singing, and the priest
began to dance. After a few movements he stopped, and,
putting his head on one side, raised his hand to his ear.
This signified that the god who now possessed him could
not hear the song in his honor: the singers were not
singing loudly enough, or distinctly Enough, or the
particular rhythm of the drums peculiar to the god was not
sufficiently marked. The songs and the drumming stopped.
Then after a few seconds a fresh start was made; the priest
danced a few steps and again stopped. The expression of
acute and rapt attention, as though he were straining every
nerve to listen, was exceedingly well assumed. These false
starts were repeated several times, until at last the god
appeared to hear satisfactorily, for the priest danced
furiously, bounding in the air, twisting round and round,
turning his body now here, now there, and tossing his
arms wildly about, throughout the whole performance
keeping perfect time to the rhythm of the drums. The
exercise was most violent, and in a few minutes the
performer was streaming with perspiration. After some
little time he threw his arms over his head, and
then waved his brush over the drummers. This signified
that the first god had left him and another had
entered him. The entire performance was then repeated.
It should be said that every now and then he let fall
words or sentences, spoken in a croaking or guttural voice.
These utterances were the words of the possessing god,
and . . . referred, some to past events, and some to future.
In the latter case they were sufficiently vague and am-
biguous, for it is by these that the priest is chiefly tested ;
and should he make any definite and clear prediction
which afterwards should be falsified by events, he would
be driven out of the society as an impostor, unless he
could give some satisfactory explanation. One such utter-
ance I heard was: 4f the gods do not help, there will be
much sickness soon.' Now if sickness ensued, it would
be because the gods would not help ; if it did not ensue, it
would be because they had helped. After the first priest
had retired, all of the novices went in turn through the
same performances. Their features during possessions
were distorted beyond recognition, but when seen in re-
pose they were not of a bad type, and seemed . to pro-
mise intelligence above the average. For the novices had
not commenced that career of imposture, vice, and de-
bauchery, which almost invariably, and especially in case
of the priestesses, leaves its impression upon the features
of the priesthood." i
The ordeal of fire among the Tshi-speaking peoples,
according to ElUs, was a test of purity; if the priests and
priestesses had refrained from sexual intercourse during the
period of retirement required of candidates for the priest-
hood, they would, it was believed, receive no injury from
the flames. The priest when thus tested was made to
step into a clear space surrounded by glowing embers
that formed a circle three yards in diameter. Ellis
continues, "Immediately rum, kerosene oil, and other
inflammable liquids are thrown upon the embers, so
that the flames leap high in the air, sometimes as high as
the head of a man. After an interval the process is
repeated a second and a third time, and the ordeal is over.
If the candidate has been able to stay in the circle each
time till the flames have subsided, and has sustained no
injury, it is believed that he is pure, and that the gods
have protected him from the fire. If he has been compelled
by the intense heat to leap out, or if he has sustained a
burn of any kind, he is not pure. This test is not
submitted to while the candidate is naked, and persons
subjected to it always wrap themselves up closely in their
clothes." 2 If an aspirant cannot stand the test of fire,
he must offer sacrifices to the gods, and receive pardon for
1 Ellis, "Tshi -Speaking Peoples," p. 131—136. 2 ibid., p. 138.
his transgression Very few priests are able to oome
from the fire unscathed. Most of the priestesses confess
that they have been unchaste, and do not undertake the
ordeal, thus through making sacrifices that cost but five
or six dollars avoiding much pain.i *
Among the Ojibways, there were three classes of
medicine men — the wabeno, the fessakkid and the mide.
Candidates were initiated into each class with impressive
forms and ceremonies. In the Midewiwin, or society
of the mide, there were four degrees, into each of
which the candidate was inducted as he attained suitable
proficiency. The initiation into the fourth degree was most
elaborate. For several days beforehand, the aspirant, after
a sweat bath, went each morning with his preceptor to
the four entrances of the Midewigan, and deposited
offerings. On the evening of the fourth day, the other
priests visited the candidate and the preceptor in the sweat
lodge, where they engaged in ceremonial smoking. Such
a smoke-offering, in honor of "Ki tshi Man ido" was the
first ceremony of the day of initiation, and was followed
by an original song sung by the candidate. Then the
initiation began. The priests, arranged in line in order of
1 Ellis, "Tshi-Speaking Peoples," p. 139.
* Note: — It might not be out of place to remark here that the author,
in a wide range of ethnographical reading, lighted upon some very
interesting magazine articles on "Indian Medicine," and "Curiosities
of Therapeutics," in the Popular Science Monthly for September
1886, and The Therapeutic Gazette for April 1887, from the pen of
Dr. G. Archie Stockwell- Some of the statements of Dr. Stockwell
were striking and even sensational; but the writer could not check
them up, and so, after much deliberation and with considerable
reluctance, he has excluded this material, which had he been sure
of its scientific character would have been most pertinent.
rank, marched toward the eastern entrance of the Mide-
wigan, where the first four in turn peeping through the
door, viewed six malevolent manidos that were supposed
to be within, — the panther, turtle, wolverine, fox, wolf,
and bear. The candidate, impersonating the good Bear
Manido, now crawled on hands and knees toward the
main entrance; then impersonating an archer manido,
took a bow and four arrows, and feigned four times to shoot
toward the interior of the lodge. The last time he sent
an arrow within, and rushed after it as if pursuing the
spirits. He repeated these actions at the other three doors
of the wigwam. Then the chief priest said to him, "Now:
is the timie to take the path that hath no end. Now is
the time. I shall inform you of that which I was told — the
reason I live." The second priest added, "The reason I
now advise you is that you may heed him when he speaks
to you.'' After a chant and after the wigwam had been
cleared of evil spirits by exorcism, the four chief priests
performed the next ceremonies ; each of the three inferiors
shot his migis into the breast of the candidate, and the
chief priest shot his into the forehead of the novice. The
candidate then spit out a migis shell previously concealed
in his mouth, and this ended the initiation. After
distributing presents, he went in turn to each of
his fellows, saying, "Thank you for giving to me
life." A curious ceremony ensued in which the priests
feigned to shoot their migis shells at one another,
or to swallow and recover them. A feast, furnished by the
newly elected member and prepared by his female relatives,
followed the ceremony. Smoking and conversation
occupied the remainder of the day until sunset, when every
one quietly departed. ^
The fourth degree of the Midewiwin initiatory rites
constituted the most important, as certainly the most
spectacular, of all the ceremonies of the Ojibways; and
it serves to show the degree of intellectual development
which those Indians had attained, possessing as they did
the ability of elaborating detailed and striking ceremonials.
A comparison between this ritual and that of the Akikuyu,
for example, would form an excellent subject for anthro-
pogeographical inquiry.
SUMMARY. In this chapter, the making of the medicine man
has been discussed. It has been found that since in the
thought of primitive man malicious spirits are responsible
for all the illsofUfe, the chief object of the savage is to bring
about a change of relationship between heaven and earth.
But because the struggle between mortals and immortals is
unequal, the necessity arises of a specialist, who by reason
of a spiritual nature is competent to act as intermediary.
Qualifications for the office of shaman are recog-
nized in a variety of ways. The easiest explanation
qLJiifLJinusual in nature is that of spirit ppssessipn.
This assumption saves the labor of reflecting and the
anguish of inquiring. The savage, therefore, to whom the
thought and act of exertion are never agreeable, refers
physical and mental deformity to the imaginary environ-
» Hoffman, "The Midewiwin of the Ojibway," Bur. Etb.,
Vn, pp. 258-274.
ment, and looks upon the unfortunate person in whom
such peculiarities are manifested as being possessed by
divinities. So it sometimes happens that the victim of major
hysteria, epilepsy, or the like, for example, is regarded
as marked out by heaven to represent the gods on earth. In
other cases the qualification and office, of medicine man
are handed down from father to son. When the supply of
candidates is too small to meet the demand, the older mem-
bers of the profession, jealous of the reputation of their
order, either by the exertion of their influence on parents or
by the appeal to the element of self-interest in the youth of
the tribe, often succeed in inducing a goodly number of
young men, and not infrequently young AJv^omen, to alloW
themselves to be trained in the mysteries of the sacred rites.
Among the North American Indians, the most frequent
reason for selecting an individual to the office is the
obvious wish on his part to acquire knowledge,
and his willingness to pay the price. But an
aspirant must make full proof of his capabilities. The per-
formance of a feat of dexterity will often have this
effect. In some instances these achievements are mere
tricks of legerdemain, as among the Pima Indians, whose
medicine m.en cause their people to wonder and admire by
holding hot coals of fire in their hands and mouths, always
being careful, however, to have a layer of ash or mud next
to the skin.i The performances of the shaman have been
known to impress members of the white race. But in order
to leave no possible doubt as to his qualifications the
Russell, "Pima Indians," Bur. Eth., XXVI, pp. 259 ff.
candidate may develop clairvoyant and psychic conditions
by means of drugs, gyrations, fasting, and self-inflicted
physical tortures. He often blundered upon scientific
truth, as is evidenced by the fact of recent observations
and investigations showing that some of the methods
to which he resorted have the effect of producing
anemic disarrangement or disorganization of the great
nerve centers, enabling the subject to manifest wonderful
powers. According to Spencer, the medicine man was
the originator of the professions and sciences > Among our
Indians, he is usually the ablest man intellectually speaking
in his group,2 and is frequently the best specimen of
physical manhood in his tribe.
^ Spencer, "Principles of Sociology," German Edition of 1897,
IV, pp. 223-368.
2 Harper's Weekly, September 12, 1914.
Chapter III
MEDICINE WOMEN.
Hitherto men have been spoken of as shamans. But
shamans are not always men; women sometimes
are considered superior enough to attain the coveted
position. In "Die Medizin der Naturvolker," Doctor
Bartels asserts that this is the case among the
Ashanti, among the negroes of Loango, in Lubuku,
in Zululand, in Borneo, in Australia, in Siberia, and
among some of our Indian tribes.^ In the Ojibway
nation, the "Midewiwin," so-called, was the society of the
mide or shamans, who might be either men or women, and
whose number was not fixed. 2 In Central Australia, "in
connexion with medicine men and women alike, restric-
tions such as those applying to Mura are laid on one
side during the actual exercise of their profession." ^
Among the Creeks, women doctors were as numerous as
male doctors; among the Dakotas, they were nearly as
powerful as the male doctors in each village.'^ Schultze
says that in the Dakota nation, "medicine men and
medicine women can cause ghosts to appear on occasion." ^
Nansen reports of the Eskimos that angakoks might be of
1 Op. cit., p. 53.
2 Hoffman, "The Midewiwin of the Ojibway," Bur. Eth.,VII, p. 164.
' Spencer and Gillen, "Native Tribes of Central Australia,"
p. 530. (Note).
* Bartels, "Med. NaturvOlker," p. 53.
5 Schultze, "Fetischismus," pp. 148—149.
either sex, though it would seem the weaker sex has
never had so many representatives in the profession as the
stronger.! Bourke, quoting "The Arctic Searching Expe-
dition," by Richardson, says, '"Both medicine men and
medicine women are to be found among the Eskimos.'" 2
According to De Groot, in China, the exorcists "were
of a certain class of priests or priestesses entirely possessed
by spirits of Yang," and engaged in invoking the ancestral
spirits, doctoring the sick, and bringing rain.^ Among
the Saoras of Madras, the kudang is the medium of
communication between the ancestral spirits and the
Hving. Some kudangs are women.* In Korea, says
a writer, "women are not shamanesses by birth, but of
late years it has been customary for the girl children of the
sorceress to go out with her and learn her arts, which is
tending to give the profession an hereditary aspect. It is
now recruited partly from hysterical girls, and partly
from among women who seek the office for a liveli-
hood, but outside of these sources a daimon may take
possession of any woman, wife or widow, rich or poor,
plebeian or patrician, and compel her to serve him." ^
Concerning the former customs of the New Hebrides,
it is said that wizards were analogous to modern
spiritualistic mediums. The "tenues" or spirits controlled
them. Women as well as men had communications with
1 Hansen, "Eskimo Life," p. 284. (Note).
2 Bourke, "Medicine Men of the Apache," Bur. Eth., IX, p. 469.
3 De Groot, "Religious System of China," I, pp. 40—41.
* J. A. Soc. of Bombay, I, p. 247.
5 Bishop, "Korea," p. 423.
the spirits.! Among the Negritos of Zambaies, Philippine
Islands, both sexes may belong to the mediquillos
[native doctors], who are known as "magna-anito,"
and are called in cases of mild illness to expel
the spirit and thus cure the patient.^ Among the
Araucanians, writes Smith, ''the office of medicine man,
though generally usurped by males, does not appertain to
them exclusively, and at the time of our visit the one most
extensively known was a black woman, who had acquired
the most unbounded influence by shrewdness, joined to a
hideous personal appearance, and a certain mystery with
which she was invested." ^
Ancient historians attribute the invention of medicine
to the gods. This is due to the anthropomorphic concep-
tion of the divinities. The gods were once human beings.
The medicine man is often regarded as a god* even
before death, and after his deification he is believed to
be more powerful than ever. When he goes to the spirit
world he retains all the powers and attributes which he
had on earth. He was a healer while Uving; since death
he is more intensely skilled in the art of healing. He in-
spires his servants, thereby giving them the knowledge
and power to prosecute the work which he began. The
worship by the ancients of female deities points back
to the existence of the Matriarchy.^ The fact that to those
1 Leggatt, "Malekula," Aust. Ass. for Adv. of Science, 1892,
p. 707.
2 Reed, "Negritos of Zambaies," pp. 65—66.
3 Smith, "Araucanians," pp. 238—239.
♦ Vide pp. 135—186.
5 Lippert, "Kulturgeschichte," II, pp. 76 and 260.
goddesses were attributed important relationships to the
healing art indicates that they were medicine women
when living. In Egypt, peculiar medical skill was assigned
to Isis, the wife and sister of Osiris. Tradition had it
that she gave unequivocal proof of her power by restoring*
Horus, her son, to life. She was believed to have dis-
covered several remedies, and the materia medica of the
time of Galen contained drugs that were named in her
honor. In the esoteric language of the priestly physicians
of Egypt, for example, the vervain was called "the tearsi
of Isis." 1
Among the Greeks, Hygeia, daughter of Aesculapius,
god of medicine, was worshipped in the temples of Argos
as the goddess of both physical and mental health. Hera,
under the name of Lucina, was held to preside over the
birth of children, and was thought to possess healing
power. Medea and Circe, according to tradition, for the
purpose of counteracting the effects of poisons, made use
of herbs in their enchantments ; while Ocyroe, the daughter
of Cheiron, the Centaur, was famed for her skill in
leechcraft. This information, although derived from fabled
story, serves the important purpose of preserving in alle-
goric form facts from which the inference is to be drawn
that in remote antiquity women were engaged in the
practice of medicine. ^
While the laws and customs of the Romans forbade
women to practice medicine, yet Pliny and others have
handed down the names of a few of the gentler sex
^ Reference lost. ^ Reference lost.
who engaged with distinction in the curing of diseases.
Among the names thus preserved are Salpe, Sotira, and
Favilla. Nothing definite is known, however, regarding
the work of these female practitioners. ^
In the Middle Ages, when every kind of knowledge
was steeped more or less in superstition, women as well
as men yielded to the pressure of their times, and exercised
the double vocation of sorceresses and healers of the
sick. 2
The Universities of Cordova, Salamanca, and Alcala
conferred the doctorate upon many women in the sixteenth
century. In England, during the seventeenth century,
Anna Wolly and Elizabeth of Kent engaged in the pre-
paration of drugs, and published books on medical sub-
jects. In Germany, such women as the Duchess of Trop-
pau, Catherine Tissheim, Helena Aldegunde, and Frau
Erxleben took up the study of medicine. The latter was
one of the most successful women doctors of her time,
and was eminent for her skill and erudition. ^
These instances are mentioned to direct attention to
the fact that while the office of medicine man always has
been and still is more or less restricted to the sterner sex,
yet cases are on record in all stages of the history of the
world in which, through force of circumstances, or, more
often, through force of character, women have frequently
1 Bolton, "Early Practice of Medicine by Women," Popular
Science Monthly, XVIII, p. 192.
2 Ibid., p. 191.
3 Ibid., p. 199.
acquired surgical skill, and often have pursued successfully
the divine art of healing.
What are the functions of medicine women, and what
is their social standing in the group? In comparison with
the shamans, the shamanesses sometimes are not so im-
portant either in point of numbers, or in point of functions
to be performed, or in point of respect accorded. In other
cases they are apparently on an equality with men; while
in other societies, the ministrations of the "weaker vessel"
are so highly regarded that the most powerful and in-
fluential healers are women.
The following instances show that numerically women
often rank second to men. In Central Australia females
occasionally, although rarely, become doctors. ^ Among
the Eskimos, as already noted (pp. 72 — 73 supra), though
the angakoks might be of either sex, the women
apparently have always been in the minority. ^ With
the aborigines of both American Continents, fewer
women than men attain the sacred office, and in
some cases noi mention whatever is made of female
doctors. 3 Among the Australians and Polynesians, there is
a very strong tendency toward the exclusion of females
from the class of shamans.* In most Land Dyak tribes on
the contrary, while there are five or six priests in each
district, in some parts of the country half of the female
population are included under the name of priestesses,
^ Spencer and Gillen, "Native Tribes of Central Australia," p. 526.
2 Nansen, "Eskimo Life," p. 469.
' Dixon, "Some Aspects of American Shamanism," Jour. Am.
Folk Lore, Jan. 1908, p. 2. * Ibid.
but most of them never become skilful enough to practice
their profession.^
That man has in some instances exercised his dominat-
ing disposition and reduced woman to a secondary place in
the practice of the priestly art, and that she, true to her nature,
has passively accepted what was left her is quite evident.
Among the Dakotas, it is stated that the shamanesses
were next to the male doctors. ^ Spencer says concerning
the Chippeways, "'Women may practice soothsaying, but
the higher religious functions are performed only by
men."' ^ Among the Wascow Indians, the medicine women
are not feared so much as men, and they are not thought to
have such absolute power over life and death.* In Van-
couver, women doctors were sent for only in cases of less
serious sickness. But their standing is above the common
women in the tribe. ^ Among the Tapantunnuasu in
Central Celebes, shamanesses cannot marry, but they enjoy
high standing and are supported by their village associates.'^
In Central America, medicine women of all women are
allowed in the bath houses,'^ and in Southern California,
though they were not absolutely entitled to material recom-
pense for their services, they expected and generally received
presents. Powers thus tells of a medicine woman called to
extract an arrow-head from the body of a white man. Fan-
* Roth, "Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo," I, pp.
259—260.
2 Bartels, "Med. NaturvOlker," p. 53.
^ Bourke, Bur. Eth., IX, p. 469, Quoting Spencer's "Descriptive
Sociology."
^ Bartels, "Med. Naturvolker," p. 53.
5 Ibid. 6 Ibid. ' Ibid.
tastically attired, she walked round the patient, chanting
and touching the wound with her wand. "Finally she
stooped down and applied her lips to the wound ; and after
a little while she ejected a flint from her mouth (pre-
viously placed there of course), and assured the man he
would now speedily recover. For this humbug, so trans-
parent, and yet so insinuatingly and elegantly administered,
she expected no less a present than a gaily-figured ban-
dana handkerchief and five pounds of sugar." ^
In some tribal groups, there is in existence among the
doctors a division of labor, so to speak, the specialty of the
women lying in a different province from that of the men.
In Korea, the male doctors attend to the duties of ex-
orcism, while it is the work of their female colleagues to
propitiate the spirits. The exercise of these functions
by the woman doctor is occasional as well as periodic. The
periodic exercise is in some instances public and in
other cases private. Both forms are celebrated with
appropriate ceremonies, but the central figure always
is the shamaness, who first discovers which god
must be propitiated, and then offers the proper
oblation to secure the continuance of the goodwill of the
spirit.2 Among the Karok, according to Powers, there
are two classes of medicine men — the root doctors and the
barking doctors. The barking doctor is generally a woman,
"and it is her office to diagnose the case, which she does
by squatting down on her haunches like a dog and bark-
1 Powers, "Tribes of California," Contribut. to North Am. Ethn.,
Ill, p. 131.
2 Bishop, "Korea," p. 410.
ing for hours together. She is more important than the
root doctor. In addition to her diagnostic offices, she doc-
tors 'poisoned' cases, which are very many among these
people. They think they often fall victims to witches who
cause some noxious reptile or animal to grow through the
skin into the viscera. The barking doctor first discovers
where the animal or reptile is located, and then sucks the
place until the skin is broken and the blood flows. Then
she administers an emetic to herself, and vomits up a
frog or some other animal, which she pretends was
sucked out of the patient." ^ Speakingof a medicine woman
of another tribe. Powers says, "This priestess is really only
a shamaness, corresponding nearly to the female barking
doctor of the Karok. She is supposed to have communi-
cation with the devil, and she alone is potent over cases
of witch-craft and witch-poisoning." ^ in Sarawak and
British North Borneo, the medicine man is summoned in
cases of sickness, while the office of the medicine women,
as Roth says, "consists chiefly in doctoring the rice paddy
by means of their dull, monotonous chants." ^
From the earliest times women have specialized suc-
cessfully in the science of gynecology. While it is true
that in ancient Egypt the priest physicians sedulously
concealed their superior knowledge from an ignorant
people, and especially from women, yet the account
of the birth of Moses goes to show that female
^ Powers, "Tribes of California," Contribut. to North Am.
Ethn., Ill, p. 26.
2 Ibid., pp. 67-68.
^ Roth, "Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo," I,
pp. 259-260.
gynecologists were not unknown among the Egyptians.
Concerning the Apache, Bourke writes, "These medicine
women devote their attention principally to obstetrics." i
The same author, giving Mendieta as authority, says that
among the Mexicans the medicine men attended to the
sick men and the medicine women to the sick women. ^
For centuries after the dawn of civilization, the super-
ior strength of the male sex continued to assert itself, and,
save in exceptional cases, women were forbidden both
the acquirement of an accurate and systematic knowledge
of the diseases peculiar to their sex, and the exercise of
any branch of the science of medicine. The Athenian
Agodice (300 B.C.), one of the first women to receive
a medical education, was compelled to pursue her studies
in male attire. After studying under Herophilus, she pre-
served her disguise and practiced medicine with great
success in Athens, devoting her attention in particular to
gynecology. When her sex was eventually disclosed, and
she was brought to trial, the wives of the most influential
men in Athens succeeded in having the law that
prohibited women from studying medicine revoked. ^
During the Middle Ages, especially in Mohammedan
countries, there arose a class of women who became
especially skilled in attending to the requirements of their
own sex. Thus Albucasis of Cordova, one of the most
able surgeons of the twelfth century, when operating on
^ Bourke, "Medicine Men of the Apache," Bur. Eth., IX, p. 468.
2 Ibid., p. 469.
' Bolton, "Early Practice of Medicine by Women," Popular
Science Monthly, XVIII, pp. 192—193.
women, always had women assistants. Avicenna the Great
mentions a collyrium for eye troubles, which he says was
compounded by a woman who had great knowledge of the
science of medicine. Among the adherents of Islam, how-
ever, the sentiment against the independence and equality
of women is so strong that female gynecologists among
the Arabs always were and still are few in number.^
In some stages of culture the social position of a medi-
cine woman exhibits characteristic features. In Korea, for
example, when a woman enters upon this work, she forsakes
husband, children, parents and friends, and gives herself
wholly to her calling. Although she is looked upon as an in-
dispensable adjunct to society, she is thenceforth regarded
as a pariah. 2 If a man marries such la person, it is only to
gain an easy livelihood from the earnings of his wife,
and his social standing is low. A shamaness of noble origin
is permitted to deal exclusively with the spirits of her
own house. At death, however, she is not buried in the
family hut, but in a hole in the mountain side.^ Among
the Tshi-speaking peoples, Ellis writes, "the social position
of priestesses is peculiar in that they are not allowed to
marry; they belong it is thought to the god they serve,
and, therefore, cannot belong to any man. Yet custom
allows them to gratify their passion with any man who
may chance to take their fancy A priestess who is
favorably impressed by a man sends for him to come to
her house, and this command he is sure to obey, through
' Bolton, "Early Practice of Medicine by Women," Popular
Science Monthly, XVIII, pp. 192-193.
2 Bishop, "Korea," p 410. ' Ibid., p. 425.
fear of the consequences of exciting her anger. She then
tells him that the god she serves has directed her to
love him, and the man thereupon lives with her until she
grows tired of him or a new object takes her fancy. Some
priestesses have as many as half-a-dozen men in their train
at one time, and may on great occasions be seen walking
in state followed by them. Their life is one continual round
of debauchery and sensuality, and when excited by the
dance they frequently abandon themselves to the wildest
excesses. Such a career of profligacy soon leaves its
impress upon them, and their countenances are generally
remarkable for an expression of the grossest sensuality." i
So far as can be seen, it sometimes happens that the
medicine woman is the equal of the medicine man in the
manner of her making, in her social standing, in her func-
tions, and in all other respects. In China, for example, De
Groot says, priestesses "act as mediums for the spirits
which have descended into them in consequence of con-
juration, eye-opening papers, incense, drumming, cymbals,
and music, and which give oracles by their mouths, unin-
telligible but for interpretation by female experts. In such
a state of possession the medium will hop and limp, sup-
ported by a woman on either side, since her tightly com-
pressed feet make her liable to tumble. Rattles suspended
from her body indicate by increase or decrease of their noise
the extent of her possession. So far there is not any
essential difference between the work of such a woman
and that of a possessed 'K i T 6 n g' or priest. The spirit
1 Ellis, "Tshi-Speaking Peoples," pp. 121—122.
which is called into her is mostly that of S a m K o / 'Third
Aunt or Lady/ a mysterious being who is professedly one
*Tsze-Ku,' or *Lady Tsze/ who, according to a valuable
communication from the pen of Ch'en Kwah, was
called and consulted in China many centuries ago." i
Among the natives of Central Australia, the medicine
women, while fewer in number than the shamans, seem
on an equality in other regards. In the matter of initia-
tion, for instance, the method of procedure is precisely
the same in the case of women as in that of men.^
According to Powers, a priestess among the Indians of
Southern California, like her male rival, before being conse-
crated, has great hardships and trials to endure. For she
must lie prostrate on the ground during nine successive
nights, and throughout the entire period Can partake of
nothing but water.^
In East Central Africa, the medicine woman combines
with her functions of healing and prophecy the
office of witch detective. MacDonald writes at
length of her attributes: "She is the most terrible
character met with in village life. It is to her the
gods of ancestral spirits make known their will. This they
do by direct appearance and in dreams and visions . . .
When she sees the gods face to face, which always happens
at the dead hour of. the night, she begins by raving and
screaming. This she continues till the whole village is astir,
1 De Groot, "Religious System of China," VI, pp. 1323-1324.
2 Spencer and Gillen, "Native Tribes of Central Australia," p. 526.
3 Powers, "Tribes of California," Contribut. North Am. Eth., Ill,
pp. 67-68.
and she herself utterly prostrated by her exertions. She
then throws herself on the ground and remains in a state of
catalepsy for some time, while the villagers gather round
her awe-stricken, waiting for her revelations. At last she
speaks, and her words are accepted without question as
the oracles of God . . . She may order human sacrifices and
no one will deny her victims As a detective of wizards
and witches the prophetess is in constant demand. When
travelling on official duty in this capacity, she goes accom-
panied by a strong guard, and when she orders a meeting
of the clan or tribe, attendance is compulsory on pain
of confessed guilt. When all are assembled, our friend,
who is clad with a scanty loin-cloth of leopard skin,
and literally covered from head to foot with rattles and
fantasies, rushes about among the crowd. She shouts, rants,
and raves in the most frantic manner, after which, assum-
ing a calm, judicial aspect, she goes from one to another,
touching the hand of each person. As she touches the hand
of the bewitcher, she starts back with a loud shriek and
yells, 'This is he, the murderer; blood is in his hand.' I am
not certain if the accused has a right to demand the M w a i
[investigation by the elders of the tribe], but it appears
this may be allowed. My impression is that the law does
not require it, and that the verdict of the prophetess is
absolute and final. The condemned man is put to death,
witchcraft being a capital crime in all parts of Africa.
But the accuser is not content with simply discovering the
culprit. She proves his guilt. This she does by 'smelling
out,' — finding — 'the horns' he used in the prosecution of
the unlawrful art. Since she herself has secretly buried these,
it is easy for her to find them. She follows the bank of a
stream, carrying a water vessel and an ordinary hoe.
At intervals she lifts water from the stream which she
pours upon the ground and then stops to listen. She hears
subterranean voices directing her to the hiding place of
the wizard at which, when she arrives, she begins to
dig with her hoe, muttering incantations the while, and
there she finds the horns deposited near the stream to
poison the water drunk by the person to be bewitched.
As they are dug from the ground, should anyone not a
magician touch them even accidentally, the result would be
instant death. Now how does the witch detective find the
horns? By the art of what devil does she hit upon the spot
where they are concealed? The explanation is very simple.
Wherever she is employed she must spend a night in the
village before commencing operations. She does not retire
like the other villagers, but wanders about the live-long
night listening to spirit voices. If she sees a poor wight
outside his house after the usual hour for retiring, she
brings that up against him the next day as evidence of
guilty intention, and that, either on his own account, or
on account of his friend, the wizard, he meant to steal away
and dig up the horns, which the prophetess has taken care
to bury in her night wanderings. The dread of such dire
consequences keeps the villagers within doors, leaving the
sorceress the whole night to arrange for the tableau of the
following day.'^i It would seem from the foregoing that in
1 MacDonald, "East Central African Customs," J. A. I., XXII, pp.105-107.
East Central Africa, the medicine woman has as much power
over life and death, inspires as much fear, and, therefore, has
as great a social position as the medicine man of other tribes.
Among civilized nations, there are cases of women
attaining notable surgical skill, and pursuing with success the
art of healing on an equal footing with men. At Salernum,
in the year 1059, for example, women were occupied in the
preparation of cosmetics and drugs, and engaged in the
practice of medicine among persons of both sexes. Some
notable names are Costanza Calenda, the talented and
beautiful daughter of a brilliant physician with whom she
took studies leading to the doctorate ; Abella, author of two
medical poems ; and Adelmota Maltraversa, Rebecca
Guarna, and Marguerite of Naples, all of whom obtained
royal authority to practice medicine.^ Among most
peoples, however, man has insisted as a general thing
on keeping woman out of the most important and lucrative
positions, and it is only in recent years, and in the most
advanced stages of civilization, that the "weaker vessel"
is given an opportunity to demonstrate her fitness to
engage in the practice of the profession on equal terms
with her male counterpart.
It is not uninteresting, however, to set forth that in
primitive societies medicine women frequently exceed medi-
cine men in importance. This is true of the Carib Tribes
and of the Indians of Northern California. ^ The con-
dition no doubt harks back to the Mother Family, when
* Bolton, "Early Practice of Medicine by Women," Popular
Science Monthly, XVIII, p. 195.
^ Jour. Am. Folk Lore, Jan. 1908, p. 2.
woman was the dominating factor of both the home and
the society, and the chief reason for the existence of man
was to do her bidding. In Korea, the female idea of the
shamanate prevails to such an extent that the men who take
up the profession wear female clothing while performing
their duties, and the whole shaman class in spoken of as
feminine. 1 This is also the case in Patagonia. ^ In Siberia,
writes Sieroshevski, "Thes/rama/zesses have greater power
than the shamans; in general, the feminine element plays a
very prominent role in sorcery among the Yakuts. In the
Kolmyck district the shamans for want of any special
dress put on the dress of women. They wear their hair
long and comb and braid it as women do. According to
the popular belief, any shaman of more than ordinary
power can give birth to children and even to animals and
birds." 3 Among the Dyaks, says Henry Ling Roth, the
"manang ball is a most ordinary character; he is a male
in female costume ... He is treated in every respect like a
woman and occupies himself with feminine pursuits If
he can induce any foolish young man to visit him at night
and sleep with him, his joy is extreme ; he sends him away
at daylight with a handsome present, and then openly
before the women boasts of his conquest, as he is pleased
to call it. He takes good care that his husband finds it out.
The husband makes quite a fuss about it, and pays the
fine of the young fellow with pleasure. As episodes of
» Bishop, "Korea," p. 409.
2 Dixon, "Some Aspects of American Shamanism," Jour.
Am. Folk Lore, Jan. 1908, p. 2.
8 Sumner, "Yakuts," Abridged from the Russian of Sieroshevski,
J. A. I , XXXI, p. 104.
this kind tend to show how successfully the manang
ball has imitated the character of a woman he is highly-
gratified, and rises accordingly in the estimation of the
tribe as a perfect specimen." ^ »
SUMMARY. The position of shaman is not confined to
members of the male sex. Women often succeed in
attaining that desideratum. In all ages, among all peoples,
and in all stages of culture, there have been female
specialists in the science of gynecology, many having
reached eminence in that branch of the medical
profession. The making, the functions, and the con-
secration of medicine women in general do not
differ materially from the making, the functions, and
the consecration of medicine men. In particular instances,
however, men shamans, on the one hand, exorcise spirits
and attend the bedside of male patients ; women shamans,
on the other hand, propitiate spirits and minister to patients
of their own sex. When medicine women combine the
function of prophet with that of witch detective, they be-
come objects of tremendous dread and fear to all persons
in the tribe. As regards social position, that of the female
shaman is sometimes so very low that for a woman to
embrace the profession of medicine is tantamount to re-
nouncing honorable marriage, or, if she be already married,
to forsaking husband and children, and becoming an out-
cast from society. In other instances, although they do not
enjoy the same social privileges as male doctors, yet
Roth,"Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo," I, p. 270.
female practitioners move in a wider circle than do others
of their sex, and occupy a place in the social group superior
to that of ordinary women. In still other cases, medicine
men and medicine women meet on terms of social equality;
while it not infrequently happens that the female idea of
the shamanate prevails to such an extent that the most
powerful shamans are women, and in order to render them-
selves more worthy in the eyes of their constituents
medicine men attire themselves in female habiliments.
Chapter IV
ADVENTITIOUS AIDS; CHARLATANS;
THE SOCIAL POSITION OF THE MEDICINE MAN.
In addition to his physical and mental peculiarities, real
or feigned, to which attention has been directed, i the
medicine man understands how to create between himself
and his patrons other dissimilarities which enhance his
influence and power. These differences are many and
varied. He holds himself aloof from the other members \
of the tribe; he lives in a house different in structure
from those of the common people; as a rule he does no
laborious v/ork, but is supported by his fellows; he
eats a special food; he paints his body, masks
his face, and does many things which would be
considered "sinful" for an ordinary individual to attempt.
He is readily distinguishable from the laity by his taciturn-
ity, his grave and solemn countenance, his dignified step,
and his circumspection. All of these peculiarities tend to
heighten his influence, and, by rendering his appearance
impressive and suggestive of superiority, serve to increase
his control over the people.
Specific accounts, taken from reliable sources, of the
dress, language, and manner of living of the medicine man
will enable the reader to perceive what effect these arti-
1 Vide pp. 32—55.
ficial divergencies from the normal have upon the savage
mind. Among the Andamanese Islanders, the native doctor
has an especial diet — he eats no flesh, but partakes of a
small plant that has the flavor of fish.i The shamans of
the Loango Indians are permitted to drink water only at
certain places and at certain hours of the day or night.
They are not allowed to look at fish and beasts. Their food
anddrinkconsistsof roots and herbs, and blood of animals. ^
In Victoria, the medicine man eats at unseasonable hours,
sleeps while others are awake, and is awake when the
other members of the tribe are asleep. He seldom hunts,
or fishes, or does any kind of work. He makes strange
noises in the night, wanders off in the darkness, seeks to
frighten the people, and turns to advantage his peculiar
manner of living.^ In some countries, priestly celibacy is a
matter of law ; in all it is for many persons a godly practice.*
Among the Dyaks of Borneo, the medicine man is given at
his initiation anew generic name, and is thought to enter
into a new rank of being.^ In ancient Mexico, the shaman
was specially trained in such subjects as ''hymns and
prayers, national traditions, religious doctrine, medicine, ex-
orcism, music and dancing, mixing of colors, painting, draw-
ing and ideographic signs, and phonetic hieroglyphs." ^
The priest class, furthermore, has developed a separate
language. It goes without saying that chants containing
' Bartels. "Med. NaturvQlker," p. 52.
2 Ibid.
3 Ibid.
* Ratzel, "History of Mankind," lU, p. 528.
5 Roth, "Natives of Sarawalc and British North Borneo," I, p. 283.
6 Ratzel, "History of Mankind," I, p. 67.
prayers and legends are in this esoteric dialect; frequently,
too, the religious rites are conducted in a tongue not
known to the worshippers. Thus the songs and incanta-
tions of the Eskimo angakoks are couched in a special
language, which is in part symbolic, and in part merely
obsolete. 1 The Cherokee shamans, in order to preserve in-
violate the secrecy of their sacred speech, keep their writ-
ings from the eyes of laymen and of rival priests, and speak
so softly in conducting ceremonies, that even those nearest
them cannot distinguish the words. ^ Among the Dakotas,
too, there is a sacred as well as a common tongue, and
among the Ojibways, a special sacerdotal language is attain-
ed through abbreviation of the ordinary speech.^ Among the
Algonquins, the incantations of the priests of Powhatan
were not in the vernacular, but in a jargon not understood
by the laity.* In Sarawak and British North Borneo,
according to Henry Ling Roth "the language used by the
manangs in their incantations is unintelligible even to the
Dyaks themselves, and is described by the uninitiated as
^manang' gibberish. . . It may be simply some archaic form
of the ordinary spoken language interspersed with cabalistic
formulas, spells, and charms for different purposes.'* ^
"Special priests' languages," says Ratzel, "recur among the
most different races of the earth." ^ This esoteric use of
\
1 Boas, "Central Eskimo," Bur. Eth., VI, p. 594,
2 Mooney, "Sacred Formulas of the Cherokees,' ' Bur. Eth.,1891 , p. 310,
^ Bourke, "Medicine Men of the Apache," Bur. Eth., IX, p. 464.
Quoting Henry Youle Hind.
* Beverly, "Histoire de la Virginie," p. 266.
5 Roth, "Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo," I, p. 270.
•^ Ratzel, "History of Mankind," I, p. 55.
language survives with the priesthood of barbaric and
even civilized peoples, as is illustrated in the Egyptian
hieroglyphics and the Sanscrit. In both the Roman and
Greek Catholic Churches, divine service is always
conducted, not in the language of the people, but in an
ancient, dignified, and sacred tongue.
Anything that differentiates the medicine man from the
commonalty serves to call attention to that individual above
other persons in his group, and increases his influence.
Among the Klamath Indians of Oregon, the skin of a fox
dangles from an obliquely-placed stick on top of the house
of the shaman. 1 In Western Borneo, before the house of the
medicine man there are commonly heads of serpents
fastened on the ends of two small branches of trees. ^
The houses of the medicine men of the Bechuanas in
distinction from all others have carpets made from the
skin of speckled hyenas. On these they hold their con-
sultations.^ The priest-doctors of the Annamites have in
their houses at least two poorly constructed altars, one
consecrated to the ancestors, the other to the superior
deities of the tribe. The first altar is made of a dish,
over which hangs a tablet with the name of the master of
the state, and an inscription which changes with the year
of the birth of the chief shaman. Before it are dishes with
offerings of flowers and fruit; further off are rattles, a
coal-basin, pipes, drums, torches, arrows, and flags. Behind
the house is a pit representing hell, where the spirits
of which the medicine man is possessed, throw their
Bart els, "Med. NaturvSlker," p. 55. ^ HjH, 3 jbijj.
adversaries.! Either in the house of the Persian doctor
or in the bazaar next to it was a booth for the receiving
of reports. The floor was decked with a felt or a reed mat.
Near the wall stood a number of boxes, pitchers, and
flasks, filled with electuaries, pills, and elixirs. 2 In the
newly-built towns of our great Northwest, the house
of the Roman Catholic priest is generally the most
attractive dwelling to be seen.
Among some tribes, as for example the natives of
Australia and the North American Indians, the medicine
bag is indispensable. The medicine man makes this of the
skin of his totemic animal with the hair on the outside.
He decorates the bag with feathers, beads, and porcupine
quills. Inside he places bones, pebbles of quartz, and
splinters, together with roots and herbs to which he
attaches magical significance. ^ This bag is as inseparable
from the medicine man as were the "saddle-bags" from
the eighteenth century physician, and it acts as a sug-
gestive influence.
It is in his peculiar dress or professional costume that
the medicine man finds his greatest adventitious aid.
This is often strange and unaccountable. Among some
tribes, every article has been devised and constructed
in the wildest fancy imaginable, and is absurd in the
highest degree. Vanity is one of the reasons for this un-
usual apparel. Vanity, in fact, was the primary motive for
the adoption of clothing or dress of any kind. A shell or
an ornament attached to the most convenient parts of the
1 Bartels, "Med. Naturvolker," p. 56. ^ Ibid.
3 Waddle, Am. Jour. Psychology, XX, p. 229.
body, the waist or the neck, for others to see and admire,
constituted the first article of clothing adopted by man.
Wearing apparel afterwards came to be put on from a
sense of shame (which is akin to vanity), and for
protection against the cold.i The medicine man, as the
idea and practice of dress advances in the "folkways,"
desires an attire different from the rabble, that he
may be envied by those who have it not. Hence his
robes of office. In addition to vanity is the striving
after effect. What savage would fail to be impressed by the
appearance of a man, different from all others in so many
respects, in garments the like of which even the wildest
imagination of the ordinary individual could not conceive?
He would feel that he was in the presence of a superior
being whose every movement throbbed with divinity,
whose every look could wither, and whose every behest
must be obeyed. Such is the hold which his peculiar
dress assists the medicine man to acquire and retain upon
his people.
Ethnography abounds in descriptions of the regalia
of the primitive doctor and his incentive to its adoption.
According to Ellis, among the Ewe-speaking peoples, the
shamans are distinguished from the commonalty by special
dress and privileges. They generally wear articles of
clothing forbidden to others, and commit crime with
impunity. No shaman in former times was subject to capital
punishment.2 In Dahomey, the priests wear a pecuUar dress,
' Lippert, "Kulturgeschichte," I, pp. 375 ff.
2 Ellis, "Ewe-Speaking Peoples," p. 147.
and make their persons appear odd and conspicuous. They
shave one half of the hair from their heads, and allow the
other half to grow in long tufts. ^ The head of the Buddhist
priest is entirely shaven. The priest of Tibet is distinguish-
ed by a striking red or yellow robe (varying according to his
sect) and by his yellow helmet.^ Dress, too, was a
conspicuous feature of the medicine men of our Indians,
the shamans of the Creeks, for example, for all their
sombre looks being garbed in gowns of brilliant shades.^
Bartram reported of the same people that their medicine
men dressed in white robes, * and carried on their heads, as
insignias of wisdom and divination, great white owl skins.*
In the northern part of the land occupied by the Yakuts, all
of the medicine men wear their hair long enough to fall
down to their shoulders. They usually tie it into a tuft,
or braid it into a queue. ^ Among the Atnatanas of Alaska,
one can always detect a medicine man by his un-
covered and uncut hair.^ In Africa, the fetich-man in order
to impress the people with his superior powers, dresses
himself in the most astonishing paraphernalia, and when
called upon to officiate on public occasions makes as much
display as possible in order to magnify his office.^ The
dress of the priestesses of the Land Dyaks, says Henry
Ling Roth, "is very gay, over their heads they throw
1 Dowd, "The Negro Races," p. 247.
2 Ratzel, "History of Mankind," III, p. 528. ^ ibid., II, p. 155.
■* Bartram, "Travels in the Carolinas," p. 502.
^ Sumner, "Yakuts," Abridged from the Russian of Sieroshevski,
J. A. I., XXXI, p. 102.
« Smithsonian Reports, 1886, Part One, p. 266.
' Dowd, "The Negro Races," p. 248.
* This contradiction may be explained by the difference of
ceremonies in which these shamans officiated.
a red cloth, on the top of which they place a cylindrical
cap, worked in red, white, and black beads, and their short
petticoats are fringed with hundreds of small, tinkling
hawk-bells. Around their neck is hung a heavy bead neck-
lace, consisting of five or six rows of black, red, and
white opaque beads strongly bound together. In addition,
they hang over their shoulders, belt-fashion, a string of
teeth, large hawk-bells, and opaque beads." i Bourke de-
scribes a medicine hat of an old bhnd shaman named
Nan-ta-do-tash. It was made of buckskin, and was
dirty from age and use. Upon the body of the hat
were figures in pigment, some brownish yellow,
and some a dingy blue, representing the spirits which
aided the wearer. It was adorned with soft feathers,
eagle plumes, bits of abalone shell and chalchihuitl, and
it was surmounted by the rattle of a snake. The old man be-
lieved the hat gave life and strength to him that wore it,
enabling him to peer into the future, to tell who had stolen
ponies from other people, to foresee the approach of an
enemy, and to aid in the cure of the sick.^ in China, says
De Gioot, the priest is wont to ''don a special vestment,
while performing religious work. The principal article of
his attire is a square sheet of silk representing the earth;
for, according to the ancient philosophy, expressed in the
writings of Liu Ngan, 'Heaven is round and earth is
square.' The silk is worn as a gown with a round hole for
the neck, an opening down the front, and no sleeves. The
* Roth, "Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo," I, p. 250.
2 Bourke, "Medicine Men of the Apache," Bur. Eth., IX, p. 589.
back of it is heavily embroidered with gold thread in
various designs. On it are shown a continent, towering
with mountains and beaten by waves; the sun and moon,
personated by a crow and a rabbit, their legendary in-
habitants; animals symbolizing felicity, such as elephants,
lions, unicorns, tigers, phoenixes, and dragons; and the
flaming palaces of the God of Heaven and of the lesser
divinities. At the front of the gown are ribbons em-
broidered with gold to represent the parts of the universe.
The garment is called by the priests the 'gown of Tao'
or gown of the order of the Universe." The wearer of
the gown "is invested by it with the power of the order
of the world itself, and this enables him to restore
that order whenever by means of sacrifices and magical
ceremonies he is averting unseasonable and calamitous
events, such as drought, untimely and superabundant rain-
fall, or eclipses. Besides, since the Tao is the mightiest
power against the daimon world, the vestment endows the
wearer with irresistible: exorcising power." i Among the
Tshi-speaking peoples, the dress of the representatives
of heaven reflects a more primitive stage of culture. Thus
ElHs says, "On the Gold Coast . . . priests and priest-
esses are readily distinguishable from the rest of the com-
munity. They wear their hair long and uncared for, while
other people, exceptthe women in the towns on the sea-
board, have it cut close to the head. They also wear
around the neck a long string of alternate black and white
beads, which descends nearly to the waist. They generally
» De Groot, "Religious System of China," VI, pp. 1264-1266.
carry with them a stick from three to four feet in length,
to which about the middle are bound parallel to it
three short sticks from three to four inches long.
These latter and adjacent parts of the long stick are
daubed with the yolk and albumen of eggs, with pieces
of the shell adhering. Very commonly priests wear a
white Unen cap which completely covers the hair, and a
similar cap is worn by the priestesses, but only when they
are about to communicate with a god. Frequently both
appear with white circles painted round the eyes, or with
various white devices, marks, or lines painted on the
face, neck, shoulders, or arms. While ordinary people
wear, when their means permit, clothes of the brightest
colors and most tasteful patterns, the priesthood may prop-
erly only wear plain clothes of a dull red-brown color,
and which are so dyed with a preparation called abbin,
made from the bark of the mangrove tree (abbin dwia),
with which fishermen tan their nets. On holy days and
festivals, however, they appear arrayed in white clothes,
and on special days with their bodies covered from head to
foot with white clay. The costume of a priest or priest-
ess, when professionally engaged in the dance, consists of a
short skirt reaching to the knee, and made in the interior
districts of woven grass of addor, on the sea-coast of
cotton print. At such times, too, they always carry in the
hand a short brush made of reeds." i
When exercising his function as healer, the medicine
man invests himself with an attire which is calculated to act
1 ElUs, "Tshi-Speaking Peoples," pp. 123—124.
as a suggestive influence upon the minds of his patients. As
will be shown later,i suggestion is his most important
method in the treatment of disease. The sick man is given
the impression that the doctor dresses jn such a manner as
to frighten away the disease daimon. The patient, be-
lieving the words and in the treatment of his physician,
often recovers, for "according to your faith so be it unto
you." 2 <<The head dress of the Zulu witch doctor," as
described by Ratzel, ''is covered with a tall official cap of
plaited straw." In conformity ''to his dignity he is adorned
with a carefully-tended beard, which reaches from his chin
to his breast . . . Round his neck, as priestly adornment,
hang strings of white coral, upon which the fetich" is
thought to "descend during incantations. A silken sheet
of gay colours, fantastically knotted and covered all over
with charms, rolls down over the dress of the priest.
In his hand he carries a wisp of rushes, ai fetich-whisk.
This is here and there exchanged for the tail of a cow or
buffalo, and is always regarded among fetich-men as the
symbol of the priestly office. His naked feet are adorned
with sandals of red leather, and his ankles with chains of
coral ... A more peculiar impression cannot be conceived
than is produced by the unexpected appearance of a
ganga [shaman], rigged out in this way, dancing, singing,
and ventriloquising." ^ The medicine man of the Black
Feet Indian tribes, when exercising his art upon a sick
person, arrayed himself in the most absurd oostume which
1 Vide, pp. 217—222.
2 St. Matthew, 9 : 29.
' Ratzel, "History of Mankind," pp. 365-366.
the mind of man ever conceived. For a coat he wore the
skin of a yellow bear. The skin of the head was formed
into a mask, which entirely hid the features of the en-
chanter. On his person in addition to the skin of the
yellow bear — an article exceedingly rare and, therefore,
in itself a powerful medicine — were the skins of various
wild animals which were also anomalies or deformities
and hence, in the savage estimation, medicine. There
were also skins of snakes, frogs, field mice, snails, the
beaks and tails of birds, hoofs of deer, goats, and ante-
lopes, in a word, the odds and ends, the fag ends
and tips, of everything that swims, flies, or runs. In
one hand he held a magic wand, in the other a fearful
rattle which contained the arcana of his order. On com-
ing into the lodge where a sick man lay, he shook the
rattle and brandished the magic wand, to the clatter, din,
and discord of which he added wild startHng jumps and
Indian yells, and the horrid and appalling grunts, growls
and snarls of the grizzly bear, calling on the bad daimon
to leave the patient. It was necessary to see the dress of
that medicine man before a person could form a just
conception of his frightful appearance. There are some
instances in which the exhausted patient unaccountably
recovered under the application of those absurd forms.^
In civilized nations the priests and ministers of religion
adopt, for the most part, various modes of apparel to typify
their office and the function which they perform. Among
^ Catlin, "North American Indians," I, pp. 39—40; Wood, "Natural
History of Man," II, p. 680.
A Blackfoot Medicine Man in Full Regalia.
(After Catlin). See pp. 101-102.
the Hebrews, the high priest had a peculiar dress which was
passed on to his successor at his death. In some Christian
churches, the stole, the surplice, the cope, the chasuble,
and other vestments serve to differentiate priest from
people, assist in rendering the service awe-inspiring and
impressive, and suggest to the minds of devout worshippers
holy, solemn, and sacred things.
In every tribe and nation there is a tendency on
the part of medicine men to form among themselves an
intimate alliance. Human nature is the same the world
over. Shamans desire to learn secrets and methods be-
longing to others of their class, but at the same time
they wish to prevent their secrets from being shared by
outsiders. Hence an association is formed for the mutual
benefit of the initiated, and for the exclusion of the
uninitiated from all rights and privileges. It comes to
pass, therefore, that society is made up of two classes —
the *'Ins" and the "Outs;"i the "Wes" and the
"Yous;" the profession and the laity. This class distinc-
tion makes for the building up of the learned sect. If the
priest class is the most favored in the nation, the young
men will wish to avail themselves of the benefits and emolu-
ments which issue from membership in the fraternity. The
older medicine men, jealous of the credit of their proi-
fession, are always busy pointing out those advantages to
the youth, and endeavoring to induce them to become mem-
bers. Individuals, therefore, in whose veins flows the best
blood in the nation, being led by the desire to be enrolled
1 Keller, "Societal Evolution," p. 123.
within the ranks of the "Ins," often enter the sacred
profession. Thus it oomes about that the shamanic
brotherhood includes many members of the superior class. ^
Of the existence of secret societies made up entirely
of medicine men, we have direct evidence. Such are the
societies of the Korean pan-su [or shamans] who not
only form guilds but even provide money for the erection
of lodges in which they may meet.^ Among some Ameri-
can Indian tribes, the mide had secret societies, which
extended from the southern states to the northern pro-
vinces. There were four degrees, each having an especial
secret which was kept with great care. Only a few select
shamans received the highest degree.^ Among the Tshi-
speaking peoples, says Ellis, "the medicine men study
sleight-of-hand, and, it is said, ventriloquism; while they
have acquired a knowledge of the medicinal properties of
various herbs which materially assist them in the mainten-
ance of their imposture. All being united to deceive the
people, they are careful to assist each other and to make
known anything that may be generally useful. They send to
one another information of what is taking place, what people
are likely to come to seek their service, and for what purpose
they contemplate coming. Sometimes a priest will inform an
applicant that the god he serves refuses to accord the infor-
mation or assistance required, and will recommend him to go
to another priest, to whom in the meantime he has communi-
cated every particular ; and on consulting this second priest
1 Vide, p. 51.
2 Bishop, "Korea," p. 402.
3 Bartels, "Med. NaturvSlker," pp. 63—64.
the applicant is astonished to find that he knows, without
being told, the purpose for which he has come." ^
It might not be out of place at this point to discuss a
phase of the subject concerning which frequent inquiry is
made, namely, the proportion among primitive medicine men
of quacks and frauds to those who are honest and sincere.
Investigations indicate the fact that the ratio of the false to
the true among the uncivilized is practically the same
as among the civilized. There are black sheep in every
fold. The condition is inevitable. "It must needs be that
offences come." 2 Of the twelve original apostles one
was a traitor. There are many insincere clergymen; there
are many quack doctors; but in either case the greater
number of clergymen and doctors are reliable and trust-
worthy men. So, too, while medicine men are mistaken
in that their major premise is wrong, most of them enter
upon their profession in good faith, and, indeed, succeed in
achieving ends which on the whole make for thte good of
their society. The results of a wide range of reading are
here given in substantiation of what has been said.
The evidence as to the number of quacks may first
be adduced. Among the Tshi-s peaking peoples, "the poss-
essors of ehsuhman ... a sub-order of priests . . . are con-
scious of their own imposture." ^ The same writer states,
"There are some medicine men, who though conscious of
their own fraud and of the mythical nature of the gods
they themselves serve, still implicitly believe in the existence
1 Ellis, "Tshi-Speaklng Peoples," p. 128.
2 St. Matthew, 18 : 7.
3 Ellis, "Tshi-Spealdng Peoples," p. 192.
and power of other gods who are regarded as greater." i
An investigator writes concerning her observation of the
Head-hunters, "For fever, some of these native doctors
have splendid medicine; but on the other hand many of
them are awrful humbugs, and ascribe every kind of magical
power to some absolutely rubbishy concoction, and charge
accordingly/'^ in Tibet, "there are undoubtedly devout
lamas, though the majority are idle and unholy." ^ In
Queensland, there are sharp-witted individuals who arro-
gate to themselves powers similar to thoge of the publicly-
recognized medicine men. An authority states that "to
differentiate between the truly qualified practitioners and
the quacks is often no easy matter — and the difficulty
is only increased when one bears in mind that the effects
produced by either class of individuals are for all practical
purposes identical." '^
According to Laflesche, among the Indians of North
America, in contradistinction to good shamans "there
was another kind of medicine man, who held no
office of public trust, for he lacked one of the
essential qualifications for such a responsibility, and that
was truthfulness; he continually wandered in thought,
word, and deed from the straight path of truth. He was
shrewd, crafty, and devoid of scruples. The intelligent
classes within the tribe held him in contempt, while the
ignorant of the community feared him. His pretentions
1 Ellis, "Tshi-Speaking Peoples," p. 147.
2 Cator, "Everyday Life Among the Head-Hunters," p. 189.
3 Bishop, "Among the Tibetans," p. 88.
* Roth, "Superstition, Magic, and Medicine," North Queensland
Ethnography Bulletin, Number 5, p. 31.
enabled him to carry on successfully his profession
of deception upon the simple. He was a 'Healer/
something similar to the healer known to the civilized
folk now-a-days as 'divine.' He was a keen
observer of nature and human nature, and he used his
acumen solely to his own advantage. If he had possessed
book learning in addition to what he gleaned from ex-
perience, and lived in New York City or Chicago, he would
not have failed of many followers. Or, he might have been
useful in the Weather Bureau at Washington, for when
he said it would rain, it did rain." ^
In proclaiming oracles the medicine man does not
in every instance deliberately set himself to the task
of imposing upon the people. He may often be an earnest
man, so intensely possessed by the thought of a spirit
speaking within him that in good faith he changes the
tones of his voice to suit the spirit utterance. But spirit
utterance there must be, and if the oracle refuses to
speak voluntarily and spontaneously, the medicine man
sometimes resorts to trickery and fraud to facilitate such
utterance. In illustration of this point attention is directed
to Bastian's "Der Mensch in der Geschichte," in which it is
said that among the Congo people the medicine man is
accustomed to use ventriloquism in proclaiming oracles.^
Ratzel writes, "Complete masters of this priestcraft
are versed in animal magnetism, ventriloquism, and
sleight-of-hand." 3 in these instances ventriloquism is not
1 Laflesche, "Who was the Medicine Man?" Thirty-second
Annual Report of the Fairmount Park Art Association, p. 12.
2 Op. cit., II, p. 200. 3 Ratzel, "History of Mankind," II, p. 156.
practiced unconsciously and in the belief that the gods
are speaking through their anointed, but by artificial
stimulation and with the premeditated purpose of deceiv-
ing the people, and beguihng them into the belief that
the will of the gods is thus being revealed. Abominable
co'nduct such as this was no doubt responsible for some
of the strong utterances of Bourke, as for example, "It will
only be after we have thoroughly routed the medicine men
from their intrenchments, and made them the objects
of ridicule, that we can hope to bend and train the minds
of our Indian wards in the direction of civilization. In my
own opinion, the reduction of the medicine men will effect
more for the savages than the giving of land in severalty,
or the instruction in the schools at Carlisle or
Hampton." i
There would seem to be conclusive proof, on the
other hand, that the greater number of medicine men are
honest and sincere. Primitive doctors in the majority of cases
are not consciously and utterly impostors. The shamans
believe that they have spoken to the gods face to face,
have heard their voice, and felt their presence. The faith
of the priest is generally real, and cannot be shaken.
And, "as one thinketh in his heart, soi is he."^ Among
the Yakuts, says Sieroshevski, "some shamans are as
passionately devoted to their calling as drunkards to drink.
One had several times been condemned to punishment; his
professional dress and drum had been burned, his hair had
1 Bourke, "Medicine Men of the Apache," Bur. Eth., IX, p. 594.
2 Proverbs, 23 : 7.
been cut off, and he had been compelled to make a
number of obeisances and to fast. He remarked, *We do
not carry on this calling without paying for it. Our masters
(the spirits] keep a zealous watch over us, and woe betide
us afterwards if we do not satisfy them: but we cannot
quit it; we cannot cease to practice shaman rites. Yet we
do no evil!'"i Of the Eskimos, Boas writes, "Most of
the angakoks believe in their performance, as by continued
shouting and invoking they fall into ecstasy, and really
imagine they accomplish flights and see spirits." 2
Concerning the natives of West Africa, it is said, '4f
you ask me frankly whether I think these African witch
doctors believe in themselves, I think I must say, 'Yes;'
or perhaps it would be better to say they believe in the
theory by which they work, for of that there can be little
doubt. I do not fancy they ever claim invincible power
over disease; they do their best according to their lights.
It would be difficult to see why they should doubt their
own methods, because, remember, all their patients do not
die ; the majority recover . . . Africans of the West Coast . . .
are liable to many nervous disorders. In these nervous
cases the bedside manners of the medicine man may be
really useful." ^ Hoffman quotes an authority to the effect
that the "dreamers" [a class of shamans among the
Menomini Indians] "were evidently thoroughly, even
fanatically, in earnest."* Among the Omahas, four
^ Sumner, "Yakuts," Abridged from the Russian of Sieroshevski,
J. A. I., XXXI, p. 102.
2 Boas, '^ Central Eskimo," Bur. Eth., VI, p. 594.
3 Kingsley, "West African Studies," pp. 217—218.
* Hoffman, "The Menomini Indians," Bur. Eth, 1896, p. 160.
demands were made of the one who *'was to deal with
the mysteries enshrined in the rites and ceremonies of
the tribe: First and foremost, was the recognition of the
sanctity of human life. The man who was to mediate
between the people and Wa-kon-da must stand before his
tribesmen and the Great Spirit with hands unstained with
the blood of his fellow man. Secondly, he must be a man
whose words never deviate from the path of truth, for
the Great Spirit manifests the value placed upon truth
in the regular and orderly movements of the heavenly
bodies, and in the ever-recurring day and night, summer
and winter. Thirdly, he must be slow to anger, for the
patience of the Great Spirit is shown in his forbearance
with the waywardness of man. Fourthly, he must be
deliberate and prudent of speech, lest by haste he should
profane his trust through thoughtless utterance. The man
thus chosen was true to the sacredness of his office." ^
Among the Land Dyaks, the shamanesses "are not neces-
saril)^ impostors; they but practice the ways and recite
the songs which they received from their predecessors,
and the dignity and importance of the office enable them
to enjoy some intervals of pleasurable excitement during
their laborious lives," ^ Nanseri, in his "Eskimo Life,"
says, "The influence of these angakohs of course depended
upon their adroitness ; but they do not seem to have been
mere charlatans. It is probable that they themselves partly
beheved in their own arts, and were convinced that they
^ LaOesche, "Who was the Medicine Man?" Thirty-second
Annual Report of the Fairmount Park Art Association, p. 9.
2 Roth, "Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo," p. 259.
f^' r —
sometimes received actual revelations." ^ That medicine
men in the capacity of physician generally learn their pro-
fession in good faith, and retain their belief until the
last, is evidenced by the fact that when they fall ill or are
in straits, they solicit assistance of others in the same pro-
fession.2 A case in point is the Dieyerie tribes of South
America, whose shamans, when they are themselves sick,
call in other medicine men to wait upon them."^ That would
seem to show their sincerity.
The medicine man, adverse criticism to the contrary
notwithstanding, is not always and everywhere an un-
principled, unmitigated knave. For though it cannot be
denied that many a shaman preys upon the superstitions,
gullibilities, and weaknesses of the ignorant, the savage
doctor is nevertheless often useful in achieving results
which at a primitive stage of culture might not be
wrought in any other way. In sickness the people rely
absolutely on his healing powers. According to^ Mooney,
the Cherokee Indian trusts his medicine man as a child
trusts a more intelligent doctor,^ In Australia, during
sickness "the natives have implicit confidence in their
medicine men, and in serious cases, two or three, if they be
available, are called in consultation."^ Throughout the
Malay Archipelago, and throughout America and Australia,
the people place absolute reliance upon the shamans. ^
1 Op. cit., p. 282.
2 Brinton, "Religion of Primitive Peoples," p. 58.
3 Bartels, "Med- Naturvolker," p. 92.
* Mooney, "Sacred Formulas of theCherokees,"Bur.Eth.,VII,p.323.
^ Spencer and Gillen, "Native Tribes of Central Australia," p. 530.
6 Bartels, "Med. NaturvGlker," p. 50.
The methods used in the hour of sickness are
well calculated to give a feeling of confidence; and the
effect produced on the mind of the patient without doubt
reacts favorably upon his physical organization. Sug-
gestion is the great stock-in-trade of the savage doctor,^
and faith is the sine qua non on the part of the patient.
The divination, magic, prayers, and hocus pocus of the
medicine man all tend to inspire in the mind of the sick
the greatest hope and expectancy for recovery.
With the thought of shamanic sincerity in mind,
instances of remarkable cures effected by aboriginal
healers through suggestion or some other means
may not be uninteresting. Mrs. Allison says of the
Similkameen Indian medicine men, that aside from their
mysteries they have "really valuable medicines. People
apparently in the last stages of consumption have been
cured by them." ^ Bartels, quoting Biittikofer, relates that
in Liberia in certain sicknesses even white people have been
cured by the medicine man, after the European doctors
had confessed their inability to do anything for the
patient. 3 Concerning the success of a medicine man
among the Head-hunters it is related, *'We met a woman
lately who had come from Freetown with a dreadful disease
in her face, and our doctors could do nothing for her; and
so her husband brought her right up here in the interior
1 Vide pp. 217—222.
2 S. S. Allison, "Similkameen Indians of Brit. Columbia," J. A.
I., 1891, p. 311.
3 Bartels, "Med. NaturvOlker," p. 50.
to one of these ^medicine men' to be cured 'country
fashion* and she is getting better every day. Her suffering
was intense, but now she has absolutely no pain, and is
evidently on the high road to recovery." i The following
account of a striking cure is taken from Hearne's
Journal: "During our stay at Anaw'd Lake, as
several of the Indians were sickly, the white doctors
undertook to adminster reUef particularly to one
man who had been hauled on a sledge by his brother
for two months. His disorder was that of the dead palsy,
which affected one side from the crown of his head to the
sole of his foot. Besides this dreadful disorder, he had
some inward complaints with a total loss of appetite,
so that he was reduced to a mere skeleton, and so weak
as scarcely to be capable of speaking. In this deplorable
condition, he was laid in the center of a large conjuring-
house, and that nothing might be wanting towards his
recovery, the medicine man swallowed, or feigned to
swallow a large piece of board about the size of a barrel
stave. Then six of his co-workers, stripped naked, followed
him into the conjuring house, where they soon began to
blow, suck, sing and dance around the paralytic, and
continued to do so for four nights and three days . . . and it
was truly wonderful, though the strictest truth, that when
the sick man was taken from the conjuring-house he
had not only recovered his appetite to an amazing degree,
but was able to move all the fingers and toes of the side
that had been so long dead. In three weeks he had
1 Cator, "Every day Life among the Head-Hunters," p. 189.
recovered so far as to be capable of walking, and at the
end of six weeks he went hunting with his family," ^
In view of such achievements how could savage doctors do
otherwise than believe in the theory by which they work?
One other aspect of the subject remains to be
discussed in this chapter, and that is the social position
of the medicine man. This depends upon the respect and
fear which he is able to inspire by this attitude of
aloofness and by the strength of personali!;y, as well as upon
the popular belief in his influence and power with the
gods. The conviction of his supernatural origin, the effect
of his adventitious aids, his superior mental and moral
qualities, in addition to the exhibition of truly wonderful
powers, cause in the savage mind a feeling of
veneration and awe which does not fail to assist in extend-
ing the temporal and spiritual sway of the shaman over
all classes throughout the land. By many individuals and
peoples, therefore, his power is thought to be without
limit, extending to the raising of the dead and the control
of the laws of nature. ^ The Eskimo medicine men
are clever, but they are also crafty. They proclaim
their ability in no moderate terms. To speak with
spirits, to travel to the underworld or the heavens,
to invoke such mighty beings as the tornarssuk and
obtain information from them — ^^all these tasks are
thought to lie within their power to perform. ^ In
Victoria, the native doctors maintain that they know all
1 Hearne, "Voyage a l'0c6an Nord," I, pp. 333—336.
^ Schoolcraft, "Information Respecting the Indian Tribes of the
United States," V, p. 423. » Nansen, "Eskimo Life," p. 281.
things over and under the earth. i Among the Indians
of Southern California, it is believed that the shaman can
command the elements, read the future, and change him-
self into whatever form he wishes. ^ In the New Hebrides,
the savage doctor was regarded with fear and veneration
by the people; he could bring rain or drive it away, he
could cause sickness or banish disease. The people be-
lieved that he was able to make thunder and lightning and
to cause hurricanes. It was also thought that he could
make different kinds of food grow, and give or withhold
fish from the sea.^ Among the Mexicans, the medicine man
was credited with having the power to transform him-
self into an animal.^ The natives of Victoria relate that a
medicine man restored the "kidney-fat" of a patient, and so
effected a cure after the white doctor had given the
man over to die.^ The priest physicians of the Sea Dyaks
try to heighten their prestige among gullible laymen by
asserting after every event which takes place, that they
knew of it beforehand. Even when a sick person seeks their
help, they will say that they foresaw his attack.^ In Central
Queensland, an authority writes, it was believed that "a
medicine man could make an individual sick, even when he
was miles away, and 'doom him,' so to speak. This 'doom-
ing'meant being cut up into small pieces and put together
again; the spear, or other visible cause, was not to blame —
1 Bartels, "Med. Naturvolker," p. 50. 2 ibid., p. 51.
^ J. Laurie, "Aneityum," Aust. Ass. for Adv. Science, 1892, p. 711.
* Mendieta, "Historia Eclesiastica Indiana," p. 109.
s Bartels, "Med. Naturvolker," p. 50.
* Roth, "Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo," I,
p. 267. (Note).
it only completed the deed. . . When [a white man named]
Petrie once chaffed the natives about one of their medicine
man being locked up in a prison cell, and taunted them
about his not being able to get out, he was informed that
the prisoner only refrained from escaping through the
key-hole, because he did not like to disappoint and insult
his European captors; the blacks were quite satisfied that
the individual in question could easily have secured his
own liberty if he had wanted to." i In Central Australia,
it is believed that medicine men can assume the form
of eagle-hawks, and when thus disguised, travel long
distances during the night, visiting the camps of other
tribes, where they are responsible for much suffering and
even death by their habit of digging their sharp claws
into the sleepers. ^ Among the Tshi-speaking peoples,
the shaman is considered able to work miracles. People
go to him for information and assistance in almost
every concern of life — to expose the thief, the slanderer,
and the adulteress, to procure good luck or to avert mis-
fortune, and to detect murderers. In their anxiety to secure
his aid, men have been known to enslave themselves in order
to obtain the requisite sum for the services of the doctor.^
The Mi-Wok of Southern CaHfornia declared that their
medicine men could sit on the top of a mountain fifty miles
away from the person whom they wished to destroy, and
bring about his death by flipping poison towards him with
* Roth, "Superstition, Magic, and Medicine," North Queensland,
Ethnography, Bulletin, No. 5, p. 30.
2 Spencer and Gillen, "Native Tribes of Central Australia," p. 533.
8 Ellis, "Tshi-Speaking Peoples," p. 124.
their finger-ends. ^ Miss Kingsley writes that the adherents
of the West African Ju-ju priests believe those worthies
capable of disguising "a person so that his own mother
would not recognize him, this without the assistance of
any make-up, but simply by their devilish science; they
think that they could cause a tree on the banks of a river
to bend its stem and imbibe water through its topmost
branches; that they could change themselves into birds
and fly away; and that they could make themselves in-
visible before your eyes and so suddenly that you could
not tell when they had done so." 2 i^ Northwest Queens-
land, the power of the medicine man is held to be so great
that the natives say, without him "the effects of the charm
would be harmless, sickness and death would gradually
disappear, and there would be a likelihood of the abo-
riginals living forever." ^ The Algonquin tribes, and
the Sacs and Foxes, thought the soul could not leave
the body until released at the great annual feast by the
efforts of the shaman.* According to the belief of some
tribal groups, neither death, nor hell, nor the grave offers
any escape from the omnipotent power of the medicine man.
It is not difficult to understand that in any community
a person wielding a power so enormous in its possibilities
as does the shaman, must of necessity occupy a place of
great prominence. The position of the medicine man in the
societ}^ is, therefore, one of tremendous importance. He
1 Powers, "Tribes of California," Contrib. North Am. Eth., Ill, p.354.
2 Kingsley, "West African Studies," p. 499.
^ Roth, "Superstition, Magic, and Medicine," North Queensland,
Ethnography, Bulletin No. 5, p. 30.
* J. M. Stanley, Smithsonian Contributions, II, p. 38.
must be treated with reverence, and his wishes consulted,
lest in anger he consume the recalcitrants. No in-
dividual is honored in any social aggregation unless
he commands respect. When a herd of steers re-
ceives an additional member, the new comer must
at once lock horns with the leader. If he is successful in
the conflict, he is treated with such deference that he
becomes the corypheus of the herd. If, on the other
hand, he is worsted in the combat, he must contest with
a less and less able antagonist, until at length the "water
finds its level." When a "tenderfoot" arrives at the scene
of his future "cow punching," his first task is to meet
the bully of the crowd in physical encounter. In case he
proves superior to his antagonist, he is respected by the
"gang" and his status is assured. But if he goes down
in the struggle, he must deal with a successively weaker
foe until he finds his stratum. In primitive society the
medicine man, even though sometimes a dwarf, is
respected because the weapons of his warfare for the
most part are not carnal but spiritual. He has a great
advantage, therefore, in combat because to the mind of
the savage a spirit is the most terrible foe imaginable.
It is asserted, for example, that among the tribes of Siberia
and the Dyaks of Borneo, the non-sacerdotal physician is
far less esteemed than the shaman, who depends upon
the possession of mysterious powers which give him
control over daimons.^ Concerning the standing of the
shaman in West Africa Miss Kingsley says, "The medicine
1 Roth, "Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo," I, p. 271.
man is known to possess witch power, and knowledge of
how to employ it; but instead of this making him an object
of aversion to his fellow men, it secures for him esteem
and honor, and the more terrifically powerful his person is
known to be, the more respect he gains." ^ According to
Bartels, the position of the shaman among all savage tribes
is especially honorable and dignified. By the Dakotas he
was treated with veneration and provided with the best
things in the land.^ ''On the TuUy River," says an
authority, "the medicine men are respected, and the other
blacks will not play any tricks or larks on them, as they
often do with others in the camp." ^
Not only does the mystical influence of the shaman
secure for him the respect of his people, but it also
inspires them with fear of his dreaded person, of his ill will,
and of his anger. Nansen says of the Eskimos, "By reason
of their connexion with the supernatural world, the most
esteemed angakoks have considerable authority over their
countrymen, who are afraid of the evil results which may
follow any act of disobedience."* The dread which the
medicine man excites among the Thlinkeets can easily be
imagined when it is known that in their land the supreme
feat of the power of a conjuror is to throw one of his
liege spirits into the body of a person who refuses to be-
Ueve in his might, "upon which the possessed is taken with
1 Kingsley, "West African Studies," p. 212.
2 Bartels, "Med. Naturvolker," p. 49.
^ Roth, "Superstition, Magic, and Medicine," North Queensland,
Ethnography, Bulletin No. 5, p. 30.
* Nansen, "Eskimo Life," p. 283.
swooning and fits." ^ Among the Andamanese the
oko'paiad must be propitiated with frequent, handsome
gifts, lest they visit those at whom they are angry
with disease and even death. ^
In addition to his alleged intimacy with the gods,
the medicine man of some tribes does not hesitate in
cases of incorrigibility to employ another expedient,
which never fails to smite terror into the heart
of both friend and foe. This may be called his
detective function. ^ Savage peoples cannot conceive of bad
luck, sickness, and death apart from agency.^ The agents
may be visible or invisible. In either case the question
arises: Who prevailed upon the spirits to despoil the
crops or slay the cattle? Who caused the daimon to enter
into the patient and bring about his sickness and death?
For "proper" answers those questions are always submitted
to the specialist of the imaginary environment. Then woe
unto those unfortunate individuals against whom the
medicine man entertains a grudge; for upon them will
fall the accusation of witchcraft, which is usually followed
by death. 5 This detective function gives the medicine
man an opportunity to gratify his private malice, to punish
the recreant, to whip with perfect safety the disobedient into
line, and at the same time to intensify to a superlative
degree the dread with which popular superstition
enshrouds his own person. In order to show the truth
* Spencer, "Principles of Sociology," II, p. 339.
2 J. A. L, XI, p. 289.
3 Vide pp. 84-87.
* Vide, pp. 4—5; 14; 167.
5 Kingsley, " Travels in West Africa," p. 463.
of what has just been said the following examples arc pre-
sented. Spencer and Gillen write concerning the Central
Australians, "No such a thing as natural death is realized
by the natives. A man who dies has of necessity
been killed by some other man or woman, and sooner
or later some one will be accused by the medicine
man, his life thereby being forfeited." ''Sometimes
when a man is dying, he will whisper in the ear
of the medicine man the name of the qulprit, but even if
he does not do so, the medicine man will often state as
soon as death has taken place, the direction in which the
culprit lives and very probably the group to which he be-
longs. It may be perhaps two or three years before he dis-
covers the actual man, but sooner or later he does so." ^ It
is needless to point out what a potent element this custom
has been in cowing the masses. In some of parts Africa,
the medicine man may "mark" the person who is causing
the sickness, and commonly the "marked" individual is put
to death as a sacrifice.^ In Central Africa, a stranger as
well as a member of the tribe may be accused of causing
a sudden death, and in such cases the medicine man has
the right both to judge and to order his victim to speedy
execution. 3 Among the Tshi-speaking peoples, the priests
"are frequently employed to procure the death of
persons who have injured or offended the applicants.
It is not supposed, however, that the priests have
this power of themselves, but rather that, being
^ Spencer and Gillen, "Native Tribes of Central Australia," pp. 48
and 533. - J. A. I., XXII, p. 104.
3 Ibid.
in high favor with the gods, they are able to
induce them to adopt their quarrels." i The persons
against whom the priests exert their powers sometimes
really die, and in such coincidences the power of the
servants of the gods is greatly enhanced. When the
doomed individual does not die from disease or accident,
"if the priest be sufficiently interested in the case he
causes poison to be administered to the man 'pointed out' . .
He is careful not to let the applicant know what means
he has used to procure the desired end, and the latter attri-
butes the death of his enemy solely to the hocus pocus of
the priest . . . Although a priest who may thus use his
influence with a god to destroy life does not appear to be
held blameworthy, the applicant who carries out the in-
structions of the priest, and who is thus believed to have
caused the death is, if discovered, himself put to death ; and,
as it is supposed that the members of his family have been
privy to his proceedings, even if they did not instigate the
crime, or aid and abet the murderer, they are sold as slaves
except in extreme cases, when they are put to
death How do savage peoples discover the procurer
of the death of another? Through the priest. He does
not betray a man who has made application to him ; such a
course would be fatal to his own interests. But if some
one has not shown him the proper reverence, that is the
individual whom he indicates as the guilty person. Thus
many innocent men and women are made to suffer, and
the priest can gratify his private malice with impunity." ^
1 Ellis, "Tshi-Speaking Peoples," pp. 142—146. ^ ibid.
It is to the advantage, therefore, of every tribal
member to ingratiate himself with the medicine man. If
there be a person who can so influence the spirits that they
will do his behest, it is obvious that everybody will want
to make friends with him. Even if he has no mystical
power, if by using his detective function he can throw the
blame of evil fortune on the insubordinate, every person
in the group will dread him to the extent of showing him
respect, reverence, and even worship. All will fear to
offend him lest he use the weight of his tremendous power
against them. Thus we are told that among the Papuans,
the common people live in great terror of the wizard.
Remnants of food are carefully collected after a meal
and buried or burned lest he get possession of them and
so exercise his supposed power of sorcery.^ The men of
Victoria fear to touch the medicine man and, therefore,
yield to all his demands ; the women quake before him
because they believe him able to rob them of their "kidney-
fat." A greater reason for these women to fear a shaman
is the belief that he is able to make them unfruitful and to
kill their children. ^ In some districts "everyone fails down
before the medicine man with face to the ground; he
commands and all obey in terror lest he should smite
them to the earth Children have fallen into convulsions,
women have dropped dead in the forest from coming upon
him unawares." 3 The Sahaptain Indians frequently die
1 S. Ella, "Samoa" Aust. Ass. for Adv. Science, 1892, p. 638.
2 Bartels, "Med. NaturvOlker," p. 51.
8 Lehmann, " Aberglaube und Zauberei," p. 19; Reclus, "Primitive
Folk," p. 235.
from fright on beholding the evil eye of the shaman, and
the Wascow Indians believe that death is certain when he
casts his terrible glance at any person. i Among the Yakuts,
says Sieroshevski, shamans and shamanesses are buried
without "ecclesiastical ceremonies in grave or forest. On a
tree near the grave they hang up the paraphernalia of the
deceased. Such persons are buried with great haste by
night, or in the evening, and the places where they are
buried are always carefully avoided." ^ Among some
peoples, when a man becomes obsessed with the idea that
the awful eye of the medicine man has been fixed upon
him, he often sickens, wastes away, refuses food, and dies
of hunger and melancholia.^
The special regard and fear aroused by the medicine
man unite in making for him a unique place in the tribal
group. In some instances he enjoys special immunity from
punishment, no matter how great the offence. Connolly
relates an illustrative incident which occured in Fanti-
Land. The account reads as follows: "A certain Kvva-
mina Dorko was at enmity with two friends named
Kujo Atta and Kweku Dyen, and to take revenge
on them applied to a fetich-priest named Kofi Paka
to inflict some injury on the two friends. At the
inquiry, the fetich-priest . . . made a very free confession
of his part in the matter and seemed desirous to impress
the natives with a consciousness of his skill. He on
payment of twenty-eight shillings, a present of rum and
* Bartels, "Med. NaturvOlker," pp. 51 and 57.
2 Sumner, "Yakuts," Abridged from the Russian of Sieroshevski
J. A. I., XXXI, p. 99.
3 Bartels, "Med. NaturvOlker," p. 51.
Another Device of the Medicine Man
for Frightening Daimons.
fowls, went with Kwamina Dorko to a path near the town
where Kiijo Atta and Kweku Dyen lived, dug a hole in the
pathway, and laid therein a large red crab, with cowries
tied to it, and sprinkled rum over it. The invocation he
made, which he. repeated at the inquiry, was, 'O crab-
fetich, when Kiijo Atta and Kweku Dyen walk over you,
may you take life from them,' that is to say, power,
strength, health, or vitality. As soon as this became known,
Kiijo Atta and Kweku Dyen dug up the crab-fetich, and
in their anger, nearly took the life out of Kwamina Dorko
and some of his friends. In their defence, the crab-fetich
was produced in court as quite a sufficient provocation
for any assault. It is remarkable that no violence was
offered to the fetich-priest, and that he came as willingly to
give evidence to prove the malice of Kwamina Dorko as he
went to gratify that malice by 'making fetich' against the
others." ^
The medicine man is naturally keen in turning to
advantage the unusual esteem and privileges which come
to him by virtue of his office. Among the Sioux he was
the most powerful and influential man in the tribe. ^ The
shaman of the Fuegians excels the laymen in cunning
and deceit, and, therefore, in influence. ^ In Australia, too,
the most influential person in any social group is the
medicine man.^ According to Catlin, among the tribes of
his acquaintance, the medicine man had a seat in all the
councils of war, he was regularly consulted before any public
1 Connolly, "Social Life in Fanti-Land," J. A. L, XXVI, p. 151.
2 Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. 1, p. 269.
^ Spencer, "Principles of Sociology," p. 339.
* Bartels, "Med. Naturvolker," p. 49.
step was taken, and the greatest respect was paid to his
opinion.! Spencer says that ^'though the Tasmanians
were free from the despotism of rulers, they were swayed
by the counsels, governed by the arts, or terrified by the
fears of certain wise men or doctors. These could not
only mitigate suffering, but inflict it."^ The medicine
man of the Abipones taught his people "'the place, time
and manner proper for attacking wild beasts or the enemy.
On an approaching combat, he rode round the ranks,
striking the air with a palm bough, and with a fierce
countenance, threatening eyes, and affected gesticulations,
imprecated evil on all enemies.'" ^ Among the primitive
Germans, '"the maintenance of discipHne in the field as in
the council was left in great measure to the priests: they
took the auguries and gave the signal for the onset, they
alone had power to visit with legal punishment, to bind
or to beat.'" *
An interesting monograph could be written on "The
Parasites of Human Society." Parasites are those who live
at the expense of others. They exist among insects. The
bee family consists of the queen, the workers, and the
drones. The workers are always busy extracting nectar
from plant and flower, making it into honey for
present use, and storing the manufactured product
against the day of need. The drones make no contri-
bution to the common store. They do not even earn their
own living, but are sustained by the workers. They are para-
^ Catlin, "North American Indians," I, p. 41.
* Spencer, "Principles of Sociology," II, p. 339.
3 Ibid., Ill, p. Ill, Quotincr Dobrizhoffer's "Account of the
Abipones," II, p. 76. * Ibid., III. p. 112, Quoting Stubbs'
"Constitutional History of England," I, p. 34,
sites. 1 Human society has always had its parasites. As far
back as the reach of knowledge extends, it is found that
there have been individuals who lived at the expense of
others. The productive class, by labor, intellectual or manual,
procure the means of subsistence. The parasitic class have
no share in the supplying of , material needs, but are
furnished by the working class with the means of livelihood.
In some regards the medicine man is a human parasite.
He and his fellows make up a class which is non-productive
of material goods. Their necessities and even luxuries are
provided by those who toil. Their non-participation in the
competition for life, their superabundance of leisure time,
and the wide range of pleasure available to them are made
possible at the expense of "the forgotten man."
To take a few cases in point, it is said that
among the aborigines of Victoria the medicine men
do not hunt, fish, or do any kind of labor. They expect
gifts from their people, and, in fact, prey on the super-
stitions of their tribal companions. By their wits and
cunning, they preserve an ascendency over their supporters,
and live on the profits of their crafty practices.^
In Dahomey "when a man is once admitted into the
ranks of the fetiches, his subsistence is provided for,
whether he be one of the 'regulars,' who have no other
calling, and who live entirely upon the presents which they
obtain from those who consult them, or whether he retains
some secular trade and only acts the fetich-man when the fit
happens to come on him." ^ Among the Atnatanas of
1 Maeterlink, "The Life of the Bee," pp. 246 ff. ^ Brough
Smith, "Aborigines of Victoria," p. 467. ^ Wood," Natural Hist,
of Man," I, p. 656.
Alaska, the shamans are merely primitive priests and
prophets, they produce nothing. i
But despite the strong convictions of many persons
as to the balefulness of the medicine man, and despite
his imposition upon society in the capacity of parasite,
his influence has not been wholly for bad. He has,
indeed, given to society more than he has received, and
has rendered a social service unique in its significance.
Even the parasite has its place. Among bees, were it not
for the drones, the society would perish. The medicine man
and his associates, supplied by other classes with bodily
sustenance, constitute a leisure class. ^ Without a leisure
class it would seem impossible among savage as well as
among civilized peoples for any intellectual progress or
culture to be attained. For the leisure class the struggle for
existence is eliminated. Their physical wants being supplied
by the "toiling millions," they have necessarily a large
surplus of mental energy which must be expended, and
a large amount of time which must be consumed. That this
time and energy has not been wasted we have direct
evidence. The priests of New Zealand, for exajnple, turned
to account their leisure time by acquiring skill in wood-
carving and other arts.^ Among the Mexicans and
Peruvians, the shamans "learned how to mix colors, to
paint, to draw hieroglyphics, to practice medicine, music,
and also astrology, and the reckoning of time."* Under
1 Smithsonian Report, 1886, Part, I, p. 266.
2 Spencer, "Principles of Sociology," III, p. 184.
3 Wood, "Natural History of Man," II. p. 178.
4 Ratzel, "History of Mankind," II, p. 155.
primitive conditions the intellectual force of the group
centers chiefly in the priest class. The medicine men
hence become the depositaries of the tribal legends. In
many cases they not only are the sole members of the tribe
who are acquainted with its history, but are careful to
keep this history secret so that they amaze with their
knowledge those who come to consult them.i Since the
medicine men are the preservers of the legends and
traditions of the tribe, and of the art of writing, they
either actively or passively become teachers of tribal lore
and wisdom to the younger generation. In Mexico, in
Oceania, and in Central California, the shamans gave
long and careful instruction, physical, mental, and moral,
to the boys and young men of their respective peoples. ^
The observation of the heavenly bodies, the adjustment of
the calendar, and the pseudo-science of astrology are
indebted for their beginnings to the regulation by the
priest class of reUgious festivals. From the study and
practice of astrology came the real science of astronomy.
That the astronomers of ancient Egypt and Chaldea were
priests, and that the study of the science of astronomy,
in which considerable advance was made by those peoples,
was due to the existence of a hierarchy wholly exempt
from the struggle for existence, is estabUshed by the fact
that the results of that study were employed in religious
ceremonies. In ancient China a tribunal of mathematicians,
which prepared a calendar of eclipses and made calcula-
^ Ratzel, "History of Mankind," I, p. 55.
2 Jour. Am. Folk Lore, Jan. 1908, p. 10.
tions cf the movements of heavenly bodies, v^as supervised
by the priesthood. i Hence, in the last analysis, science had
its origin v^ith this parasitic body of men.
SUMMARY. This chapter has served a threefold purpose.
It was shown in the first place, that distinctiveness in diet,
dwelHng, dress, language, and organization has the effect
of intensifying the dissimilarities between the medicine man
and his people, and so of increasing popular esteem
for the representative of the gods. The interesting
question of the sincerity of the shaman was next
discussed. And while many cases of flagrant imposture
were found, yet the conclusion was reached that quackery
and charlatanism are no more prevalent in primitive than
in civihzed societies. The many remarkable cases of heal-
ing, indeed, which must be set down to the credit of the
medicine man, together with his extraordinary societal ^
control, indicate that it would be difficult for primitive
society to survive apart from his activity. This led, in the
third place, to a consideration of the social status of the
medicine man. Owing to the respect, reverence, awe, and
fear inspired by his attitude of superiority, by his so-called
detective function, and by his supposed influence and
relationship with the divinities, the social standing of the
representative of the gods was found to be very high. He is
the most influential man of primitive times. As to the use
which he makes of his possibilities for good or evil, it was
1 Dealey and Ward, "Sociology," pp. 280-281.
^ Societal = of society. Synonymous with "social."
learned to be beyond controversy that the medicine man to
some extent has been a reactionary influence in society.
But that is not surprising. Since any man or institution
possessing capacity for great good possesses also
capacity for great evil, it is inevitable that this
important personage should at times cast the weight of
his influence in the wrong direction. On the whole,
the priest class, however, has been of inestimable benefit
to mankind, for otherwise societies which harbored the
institution must of necessity have given place to other
groups not thus trammelled and hindered.
10*
Chapter V
THE FUNCTIONS OF THE MEDICINE MAN;
PERILS OF FAILURE; REWARDS OF SUCCESS, INCLUDING FEES.
Having considered the means by which the medicine
man attains and retains his position, his belief in his own
methods, and his social status, inquiry may next be
made into the functions of this most important element
of primitive life. From his capacity of mediator between
gods and men, those activities are necessarily complex,
developing along the various lines in which he may be of
service to his social group. Though in barbaric just as in
civilized culture there is frequent specialization, as a result
of which each function of the medicine man is exercised by
a different person, in primitive society the shaman combines
in himself the offices of sorcerer, diviner, rain-maker,
educator, prophet, priest, and king. In the discussion of the
social standing of the exponent of the gods some allusion
was made to his professional functions, but for the sake
^f completeness, this subject must now be taken up in
detail..
Among the Indians of this country, says Laflesche,
"the entire life of the medicine man, both pubHc and
private, was devoted to his calling. His solitary fasts vv ere
frequent, and his mind was apt to be occupied in contem-
plating the supernatural. His public duties were many
and often onerous. His services were needed when children
were dedicated to the Great Spirit; he must conduct the
installation of chiefs; when dangers threatened, he must
call these leaders to the council of war; and he was the one
to confer upon the warrior military honors; the appoint-
ment of officers to enforce order during- the buffalo hunt ^
was his duty; and he it was who must designate the time
for the planting of the maize. Apart from the tribal rites,
he officiated at ceremonials which more directly concerned
the individual; as on the introduction to the cosmos of
a newly born babe." i
In view of his social prominence, it is not surprising
that this personage makes use of his power to elevate
himself to the highest position in the land — that of chief.
Why should he not do so? It is characteristic of human
nature to acquire all that can be obtained ; and the medicine
man is no exception to this rule. In Liberia, therefore, he
is the leading counsellor and reigning chief in war and
peace. 2 Among the Australians, the gomera [medicine
man] commands and is obeyed. He is master of all the
people of the group to which he belongs. He is wizard and
headman combined. 3 In Madagascar, the king is the high
priest of the realm.* The kings of Mangia were the priests
of Rongo.5 The chief in Tauna, according to Turner, was
also the high priest of the tribe. ^ Among the Sea Dyaks,
the medicine men yielded precedence only to the chiefs,
and frequently one man would combine the two offices.
' Laflesche, "Who was the Medicine Man?" Thirty-second Annual
Report of the Fairmount Park Art Association, p. 10-
- Bartels, "Med. Naturvolker," p. 49.
^ Howitt, "Australian Medicine Men," J. A. I., XVI, p. 43.
4 Ellis, "History of Madagascar," I, p. 359.
■• Gill, " Myths and Songs from the South Pacific," pp. 298—294.
'' Turner, "Nineteen Years in Polynesia," p. 88.
134 THE MEDICINE^ MAN
The only requisite for obtaining that dual power was
popularity, and the foundation of popularity was skill
in interpreting dreams and in expelling spirits. ^^ In New
Zealand, the priest was generally at the same time chief
of his tribe, 2 Among the Amazulu, says Spencer, "a
chief practices magic on another chief before fighting with
him, and his followers have great confidence in him if he
has much repute as a magician." ^' Among the Dakotas,
the chief who led the party to war was always a medicine
man. It was believed that he had the power to guide the
party to success and to save it from defeat.* In Humphrey's
Island, the king and high priest were one and the same
person.'' Spencer quotes Bishop Colensa to the effect
that the sway of Langalibalele, an African ruler, was
due to his knowing the composition of the intelezi
(used for controlling the weather), together with the fact
that he was doctor.^ Among the Incas, the functions of war
chief and high priest were blended.^ The priests of the
Chinooks and of the Bolivian Indians were also chiefs.^
Hitzilopochtil, the founder of the Mexican power, is re-
puted to have been a great wizard and a sorcerer. 9 Odin,
the Scandinavian chief, and Niort and Frey, who suc-
ceeded him in power, appear in the Heims-Kringla saga
* Roth, "Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo," I, p. 265.
2 Thompson, "The Story of New Zealand," I, p. 114.
^ Spencer, "Principles of Sociology," II, p. 339.
'' Schoolcraft, "Information Respecting the Indian Tribes of the
United States," IV, p. 495.
^ Turner, "Samoa, A Hundred Years and Long Before," p. 278.
" Spencer, "Principles of Sociology," II, p. 339.
' Ratzel, "History of Mankind," II, p. 203.
s Spencer, "Principles of Sociology," III, p. 56.
^ Ibid., II, p. 340.
to have been medicine men.i "In Peru, the Inca power
was in some degree a theocracy, in which the priest-king,
once presumably elective, had become virtually a hered-
itary ruler at once head of church and state, claiming
divine origin and receiving divine honors." ^
The last statement leads to the assertion that
the medicine man in some cases exercises not only
kingly power, but pretends divinity. On the prin-
ciple of "get all you can," that is to be expected.
The shaman "goes from strength to strength." He
uses his power to make himself greater and greater
in the eyes of the people. According to Bourke, when an
Apache medicine man is in full regalia, he is no longer
a man, but becomes, or tries to become in the eyes of his
followers the power for which he stands.'^ In Loango, the
shaman is also king. The people ascribe to him divinity,
and think that he can control the elements.^ In Southern
India, the advice of the medicine man is sought on every
occasion, trivial or important, and he is worshipped as
though he were a god.^ Among the Polynesians, the
priests were called "god-boxes" — usually abbreviated
to "gods," — that is to say, living embodiments of the
gods.*^ So it is that superstitious dread of his magic power,
of his alliance with the spirits, and of his innate or acquired
capacity for states of ecstasy, augmented by that credulity
' Spencer, "Principles of Sociology," II, p. 340.
2 Jour. Am Folk Lore, Jan. 1908, p. 11.
3 Bourke, "Medicine Men of the Apache," Bur. Eth., IX, p. 581.
* Astley, "New General Collections of Voyages and Travels,"
III, p. 223.
^ J. A. Society of Bombay, I, p. 102.
'' Gill, "Myths and Songs from the South Pacific," p. 35.
which leads to respect and reverence for the capable
individual, raises the medicine man in the eyes of his
adherents to heights of might and power which terminate
finally in his claims to to be a god.
In all nations and in all ages there have been indi-
viduals sensitive to atmospheric changes and, therefore,
able to make accurate forecasts of the weather. It is
asserted that animals of every kind — pigs, fish, dogs,
grouse, sheep and the like, — can perceive these changes.
Mr. C. W. G. St. John, who is said to be an accurate
observer of animal life, contends that there are few animals
which do not afford timely and accurate prognostications
of atmospheric disturbances. i In man, however, this
meteorological sense is not universal. Civilized peoples,
indeed, for the most part have become insensible to the elec-
tric, barometric, thermometric, hygrometric, and magnetic
conditions which announce in advance these atmospheric
changes. But at the present stage of culture there are
occasionally individuals sensitive especially to the approach
of storms. This sensibility may be felt in various ways —
through vague pains, a sense of oppression, general dis-
comfort, or heaviness in the head. Thus persons afflicted
with rheumatism often before a storm experience pains in
the joints with almost barometric certainty. Or a snow storm
may be preceded by nervous irritability, derangement of
the stomach, and general depression. ^ Among savage
peoples this prognosticating ability is regarded as a gift of
' St. John, "Short Sketches of the Wild Sports and History of
the Highlands," Chapter 33.
- Reference lost.
the gods. The medicine man uses the faculty to increase his
power. It is not difficult to understand that in primitive
societies, the man who has the gift of foretelling the
approach of storm and calm, fair weather and foul, comes
to be regarded as possessing supernatural power.
Not only can many medicine men make forecasts
of the weather, but they have the power of pre-
dicting other events with a skill, and accuracy which
Tifipfess civilized folk. Among the Kelta of Southern
California, Powers writes, "the shamans profess to be
spiritualists, not merely having visions in dreams,
which is common to these Indians, but pretending to hold
in their waking hours converse with spirits by clairvoyance.
An instance is related of a certain Indian who had
murdered Mr. Stockton, an Indian agent, besides three
other persons at various times, and was a hunted
fugitive. The matter created much excitement and specu-
lation among the tattle-loving Indians, and one day a Kelta
shaman cried out suddenly that he saw the murderer at
that moment with his spiritual eyes. He described minutely
the place where he was concealed, told how long he
had been there, and many other details. Subsequent events
revealed the fact that the shaman was substantially
correct." i
The medicine man is not slow in making the most of
whatever prophetic powers he may possess. How is the
shaman able accurately to predict the place in which game is
to be found, to forecast the weather, future events, and other
1 Powers, "Tribes of California," Contrib. NorthAm.Eth., III,p.91.
occurrences? According to primitive belief, by reason of his
intimacy with the gods. It is from them that he gains the
desired information, be it the location of lost articles, or
game, or the advent of bad luck. The prophet, therefore,
is a very convenient person for a tribe or community to
possess. For, by consulting the aleatory element, he can
tell precisely when the ills of life are coming, so that bad
luck may be avoided. There is direct evidence that in the
lower stages of culture the medicine man and the prophet
are one and the same person. Among the Gan-
guella negroes of Caquingue, the same individual is
medicine man, prophet, and magician. i Among the Ojib-
ways, says Hoffman, "The jessakkid is a seer and
prophet .... The Indians define him as a 'revealer
of hidden truths.' He is said to possess the
power to look into futurity; to become acquainted with
the affairs and intentions of men; to prognosticate the
success or misfortune of hunters and warriors, as well as
other affairs of various individuals, and to call from any
living human being the soul, or more strictly speaking, the
shadow, thus depriving the victim of reason, and even of
life." 2
If Nature has not endowed the medicine man with
the gift of prophecy, he often counterfeits it by cultivating
the art of divination. As a diviner he learns the
signs and the omens which will be auspicious or
inauspicious to any undertaking, and specializes in
' Bartels, "Med. Naturvolker," p. 49.
- Hoffman, "The Midewiwin of the Ojibway," Bur, Eth., VII, p. 157
the art of augury. Among the Central Eskimos,
a curious method of divination applied by the anga-
kok is that of head-lifting, described by Boas. "An
individual with a thong placed around his head lies
down beside a sick person. The thong is fastened to the end
of a stick which is held in hand by the angahok. The
angakok then makes interrogations as to the nature and
issue of the disease. These questions are supposed to be
answered by the soul of a dead person, in such a manner
as to make it impossible for the head to be lifted if the
answer is affirmative, while the head is raised easily if
the answer is negative. It is thought that as soon
as the soul of the departed leaves, the head can
be moved without difficulty." i In East Central Africa,
when exercising his art, the diviner rattles his gourd
(medicine bag), and examines the pebbles, teeth, and claws
inside it. From these he receives his oracles, and gives his
answers according to their position. Generally the advice
given is shrewd in spite of the fact that it is somewhat
ambiguous. 2
The preparation of love charms and hunting charms,
the control of the supply of game, the regulation of the
weather, especially the bringing of rain necessary to the
growth of crops, constitute other features of the employ-
ment of the medicine man. The chief raison d'etre of
the specialist of the imaginary environment is the
warding off of bad luck and the bringing of good luck.^
' Boas, "Central Eskimo," Popular Science Monthly, LVII, p. 631.
2 J. A. I., XXII, p. 105.
^ Bartels, "Med. Naturvolker," p. 48.
The worst luck possible to an agricultural people is a
season of drought; the best luck imaginable an abundance
of rain. In the one case there is famine; in the other,
food in plenty. When vegetation is dying, when animals
have no nourishment, and when there is no water to
drink,! the man who can make the heavens open and give
forth rain is an important member of society. Rain-making
is one of the great methods by which the medicine man
seeks to establish his reputation as a superior being. If his
"power stands the test here, he can rest, assured of going
through life with fame untarnished and place secure. But if
he fails in this important particular, he might better hang
his harp upon the willows. In many cases, indeed,
after failure, both harp and player are destroyed.
The identity of shaman and rainmaker is estabUshed
by authoritative evidence. Among the Amazulus, for
example, at a time of great drought, a celebrated
medicine man said, "Let the people look at the heavens
at such a time; [then] it will rain." When rain came
the people said, "Truly, he is a doctor." ^ Of Hap-od-no,
a famous shaman of the Indians of California, Powers
writes: Hap-od-no, "by his personal presence, his elo-
quence and his cunning jugglery, has made his fame and
authority recognized for two hundred miles north of his
home... In 1870, the first of two successive years of
drought, he made a pilgrimage, . . . and at every centrally-
located village he made a pause, and . . . would . . . promise
' Lehmann, "Aberglaube und Zauberei," p. 18.
- Callaway, "The Religous System of the Amazulu," p. 391.
the people to bring rain on the dried-up earth, if they
contributed liberally of their substance. But he was yet
an unknown prophet. They were incredulous, and mostly
laughed him to scorn, whereupon he would leave the
village in high dudgeon, . . . threatening them with a
continuance of drought another year far worse than before.
Sure enough, the enraged Hap-od-no brought drought a
second year, and . . . when next year he made a second
pilgrimage, offerings were showered upon him in
abundance, and men heard him with trembling. He com-
pelled them to pay fifty cents apiece, American money, and
many gladly gave more. And he made rain." ^ The assertion
that the power of opening the heavens is committed into
the hands of the medicine man finds further confirmation.
Ratzel says, ''The shaman of northern Asia, the African
rain-maker, the American medicine man, and the Australian
sorcerer are alike in their nature, their aims, and to some
extent in their expedients." ^ The priests and exorcists
of China possess in themselves, it is thought, the so-called
"Yang power" of good, through which they are expected
to avert droughts and other troubles by rendering harmless
the evil force of darkness or "Yin." ^ In the New Hebrides,
the medicine men were wont to use their power for good
or evil, but in most cases for such good ends as the
causing of rain.* The prophet Samuel is alluded to as a
1 Powers, "Tribes of California," Contrib. to North Am. Eth., Ill,
pp. 372 - 373.
2 Ratzel, "History of Mankind," I, p. 58.
^ De Groot, "Religious System of China," I, p. 41.
* Leggatt, "Malekula," Aust. Ass. for Adv. of Science," 1892, p. 700.
rain-maker.i Among the Menomini Indians, the shaman
juggler might become a rain-maker if he showed the
requisite power, and it would be his double function to
bring rains, when crops or streams required it, or to
cause it to cease, when the storm grew too heavy. ^ It is
averred that the Huns believed their shamans possessed
power to bring down wind, snow, hail, and rain.^
The rain-maker often pretends to make rain by the use
of sympathetic magic. One of the principles of this so-
called sympathetic magic is that any effect may be
produced by imitation. Thus, along the Bloomfield
River, Queensland, the rain-maker dives into the
water, and stirs up and squeezes the leaves deposit-
ed at the bottom, so as to cause bubbles to rise to
the surface. Rain can also be produced, according to
popular belief in that country, when one of the "initiated"
dips into the stream his *'wommers."* Among the North
American Indians, it was the custom of the medicine man
to mount to the roof of his hut, to rattle vigorously a dried
gourd containing pebbles in representation of thunder, and
to scatter water through a reed on the ground in order to
prevail upon the gods to send rain.^ Among the Pima
Indians, "during the rain making ceremonies, one
of the most impressive acts was to pour dry earth
out of a reed until it was half empty, and it would be
1 I. Sam. 12:17, 18.
2 JHoffman, "The Menomini Indians," Bur. Eth., 1896 p. 150.
' Max Miiller, "Science of Religion," p. 88.
* Roth, "Superstition, Magic, and Medicine," North Queensland
Ethnography, Bulletin No. 5, p. 9.
2 Brinton, "Myths of the New World," p. 17.
seen that the remainder was filled with water. *Then it
rained right away.' If the /na/ca/ [rain-maker] put one of the
magic slates in a cup of water at the time the rain songs
were being sung, and also dug a shallow trench to show
the rivulets how they should cut their way, it would rain
in four days. Another device of the makai was to conceal
reeds filled with water and then, while standing on a
house-top to direct the singers to form a close circle
below him. Exhibiting a handful of eagle down or
eagle tail feathers, and throwing dust on them to show
how dry they were, he would sweep his hand about
and scatter water over the spectators and singers,
apparently from feathers but in reality from the reeds." ^
Howitt writes that the rain-makers of Australia were said to
obtain their powers during dreams. One of the well-re-
membered rain-doctors of the Bratava clan "used to call up
storms of wind and rain by filling his mouth with water,
and squirting it towards the west. This he did to aid the
charms which he sang." ^ Jhe Shuli medicine man takes
the horn of an antelope and by a method of hocus pocus
makes it into a charm which he asserts never fails to bring
rain. 3 When the medicine man of the Lemnig-Lennape
wished to break up a season of drought, he was accustomed
to retire to a secluded place, and draw upon the earth the
figure of a cross. He would place upon the cross a piece
of tobacco, a gourd, and a bit of some red material, and
1 Russel, "Pima Indians," Bur. Eth., XXVI, p. 259.
2 Howitt, "Australian Medicine Men," J. A. I., XVI, p. 35.
^ Ratzel, "History of Mankind," III, p. 42.
then cry aloud to the spirits of the rains.i In the
Caucasian province of Georgia, when the drought has
lasted long, the priests yoke marriageable girls in couples
with an ox-yoke on their shoulders, and drive them through
puddles, marshes, and rivers, both drivers and driven in the
meanwhile screaming, weeping, laughing and praying. ^ In
the Tully River regions, North Queensland, rain
is personified, and it is thought that men and
women named in his honor can always prevail on
him to come. This is usually attempted by hanging
a ''whirler" into pools of water. Even if rain does not
follow for several weeks, when it does come it is always
considered to be due to the efforts of the rainmaker.^ At
Boulia, according to the same authority, the rain-makers
dance around a secluded water-hole, singing and stamping
their feet. This over, the central man dives into the
water and fixes into a hollow log, previously placed there,
the kumurando or ^^rain-stick," an instrument strangely
compounded of wood, gum, quartz-crystals or rain stones,
hair, and string. The men then go back to camp, singing
and scratching their heads and shins with twigs. On their
arrival, they paint themselves with gypsum, and continue
singing and scratching. When the rain finally comes,
the kumurando is removed.* Continuing, Roth says, "At
BouHa, during the heavy floods and rains in January and
February 1895, I was assured on native authority that
1 Brinton, "Myths of the New World," Edition 1896, p. 115.
2 Reinegg, "Beschreibung des Kaukasus," II, p. 114. After
Frazer, "Golden Bough," I, p. 524.
^ Roth, "Superstition, Magic, and Medicine," North Queensland
Ethnography, Bulletin No. 5, pp. 9 ff. * Ibid.
all the rain and water had as usual been produced by the
mai-orli men; when I begged them to stay proceedings
immediately, the reply came that as the flood had risen
too quickly to allow of the removal of the rain-stick from
out of its submerged position, the rain would have to run
its course," i
Another function of the medicine man is that of healer.
It was established in another chapter that the primitive
theory of disease is one of ghost possession.- Since
sickness is due to spirit agency, the proper means of
cure is manifestly the eviction of the spirits. But the
ordinary individual is unacquainted with the spirit world,
and, therefore, has no knowledge of how to deal with the
daimons. The shaman, however, gives unquestionable
proof of theurgic power. He himself is possessed by
spirits. Consequently nothing is more fitting than that he
should be summoned in times of sickness to deal with the
daimon in such a manner as to bring about the recovery
of the patient. There is abundant evidence that among
savage tribes shamans act as physicians. In Guiana, the
priests are called 'Te-i-men." In addition to their services
at the altar, they act in the capacity of conjurors, judges,
and doctors. 3 In the Hawaiian Islands, according to
Ellis, priests, sorcerers, and doctors were for the most
part identical persons.* Among the Saoras of Madras, the
kudang first learns what particular daimon or ancestral
^ Roth, "Superstition, Magic, and Medicine," North Queens-
land Ethnography, Bulletin No. 5, pp. 9—10. - Vide Chapter I,
pp. 7—17. 3 Dalton, "History of British Guiana," I, p. 87.
4 Ellis, "Polynesian Researches," IV, p. 334.
spirit is responsible for sickness, and then directs what
sacrifice is necessary to compel the spirit to take its
departure.! In Patagonia, the priests and magicians are
also doctors. 2 "The piais [medicine men] of South
America are in the first place magic-doctors who charm
away illnesses with incantations and convulsive movements,
or cure them with infusions of herbs. The Pima priests shoot
painted arrows into the air from painted bows to kill
sickness." ^ Allen and Thomson say that in the interior
of Africa the same man is at once priest, witch-finder, and
doctor.* MoUien makes the same assertion.^ According to
MacCurdy, "the angakoks are or rather were the national
priests and doctors of the Eskimos. These two callings
are indissoluble, inasmuch as the people of Ammassalik
look upon sickness as a defect of the soul ; their notion is
that in every part, in every member of the human body, there
is a soul which under certain circumstances may be lost;
that part of the body from which it has been lost falls ill,
and only the angakok is able by the aid of his spirits
to restore the soul and thereby health to the sick body." ^
Boas writes of the same people, "The principal office of the
angakok is to find out the reason of sickness and death, or
of any other misfortune visiting the natives. The Eskimo
believes that he is obliged to answer the questions of the
1 J. A. Soc. Bombay, I, p. 247.
2 Fitzroy, "Narrative of the Expedition and Surveying Voyage
of the Beagle," II, p. 152.
3 Ratzel, "History of Mankind," II, p. 155.
* Allen and Thomson, "Narrative of the Expedition to the River
Niger," I, p. 327.
* Mollien, "Travels in the Interior of Africa," p. 52.
' MacCurdy, Sixteenth International Congress of Americanists,
p. 652. After Sumner'^ Notes.
angakok truthfully. The lamps being lowered, the angakok
sits down in the back part of the hut facing the wall. He
claps his hands, and shaking his whole body, utters sounds
which one would hardly recognize as human . . . Thus he
invokes his tornaq, singing and shouting alternately, the
listeners, who sit on the edge of the bed, joining the chorus
and answering the questions. Then he asks the sick
person: 'Did you work when it was forbidden? Did you
eat when you were not allowed to eat?' And if the poor
fellow happens to remember any transgression of such
laws, he cries, 'Yes, I have worked! Yes, I have eaten!'
And the angakok rejoins, 'I thought so,' and issues his
commands as to the manner of atonement." i Among the
Samoans, an old man is regarded as the incarnation of the
god TaisumaUe, and acts as medicine man. He anoints
his patients with oil, pronounces the word "TaisumaUe"
five times at the top of his voice, and expects the
sick to recover.2 In Southern India, among the Badagas,
the same functionaries — the kurumbas — heal the sick
and officiate at marriages and funerals. ^ The Tahitian
doctors, according to Ellis, almost invariably belonged
to the sacerdotal class.* The doctors among the
Tupis of Brazil were called "pages." In addition
to their healing function, they served as jugglers,
quacks, and priests.^ The Yakut shamans, accord-
1 Boas, "Central Eskimo," Bur. Eth., VI, p. 692.
2 Bartels, "Med. Naturvolker," pp. 49—50.
3 Shortt, "Hill Ranges of Southern India," Part I, p. 51. Cited
from Spencer's "Principles of Sociology," III, p. 185.
* Ellis, "Polynesian Researches," IV, p. 295.
•' Southey, "History of Brazil," I, p. 237.
11*
ing to Sieroshevski, pretend to cure many ailments, in-
cluding mental derangement, sterility, diseases of the
internal organs, wounds, and broken bones. They look
upon consumption, however, as incurable, and, "refuse to
treat diarrhoea, scarlet fever, measles, small-pox, syphilis,
scrofula, and leprosy, which they call the 'great disease.'
They are especially afraid of small-pox, and take care
not to perform their rites in a house where a case of it has
recently occurred." ^ Catlin says of our Indians, that the
same persons practiced conjury, magic, soothsaying, and
performed the function of priest.^ It is remarked of the
Carriers that their knowledge of medicinal roots and herbs
was very limited, and that their doctors were also priests. ^
Similarly the Dakota priest, prophet, and doctor were
one.* Mooney writes of the American Indians, "The doctor
is always a priest, and the priest is always a doctor," and
"the professions of medicine and religion are insepa-
rable." 5
While it is true that the function of the medicine man
as healer is seen most clearly in those societies whose
culture is lowest and least differentiated, yet it is found
that in civilization down to comparatively recent times
the connexion between the priest class and the treatment of
the sick has always been very intimate. In ancient Egypt,
^ Sumner, "Yakuts," Abridged from the Russian of Sieroshevski,
J. A. I., XXXI, pp. 104—105.
^ Catlin, "North American Indians," I, p. 41.
3 Bancroft, "Native Races of the Pacific States of North America,"
I, p. 124
* Schoolcraft, "History of the Indian Tribes of the United States,"
II, p. 198.
5 Mooney, "Ghost-Dance Religion," Bur. Eth., 1896, p. 980.
says Maspero, "the cure workers were divided into
several categories. Some inclined towards sorcery, and
had faith only in formulas and talismans; others ex-
tolled the use of drugs; they studied the qualities
of plants and minerals, and settled the ex.-^.ct time
when [spells] must be pronounced and remedies
applied. The best doctors carefully avoided binding
themselves exclusively to either method, their treatment
was a mixture of remedies and exorcism which varied from
patient to patient. They were usually priests and derived
their knowledge from the source of all sciences — the works
of Thoth and Imhoptou, composed on this subject soon
after the Creation." i In ancient Chaldea, according to
the same author, "consultations and medical treatment
were religious offices in which were involved purifications,
offerings, and the whole ritual of mysterious words and
gestures. 2 From the national worship of ancient India, there
sprang the sciences of medicine and astronomy. ^ Spencer,
quoting Gauthier, says '"Among the Hebrews medicine
was for a long time sacerdotal, as among other ancient
peoples: the Levites were the only doctors."'* In the early
history of Greece, medicine was believed to have been
initiated by the gods, and those who practiced it desired
to be accounted the offspring of Aesculapius.^ Among the
Chinese, according to De Groot, "exorcists were of a
certain class of priests or priestesses, entirely possessed
1 Maspero, "Life in Egypt and Assyria," pp. 119 — 120.
2 Maspero, "The Dawn of Civilization in Egypt and Assyria/' p. 780.
3 Hunter, "Indian Empire," p. 148.
* Spencer, "Principles of Sociology," III, p. 189.
5 Grote, "History of Greece," I, pp. 249—250.
by the spirits of Yang, and as such, were deemed especially
fitted to perform chiefly three functions," one of which
was to "expel diseases and evil in general. "^ The Druids
were both priests and doctors, and were accustomed to
cut the mistletoe, which was considered an antidote for
poisons, with a golden knife. 2 A like connexion between
religion and medicine continued throughout the Middle
Ages, and in England, as late as 1858, the Archbishop of
Canterbur}^ granted medical diplomas. ^
It is thus seen that medicine men, despite their
selfish aims and ambitions, despite their oppression of the
the masses, and despite the multitudinous faults and even
crimes that have been laid to their charge, must be credited
with initiating, fathering, fostering, andjtor^centuries, with
preserving the art of healing.
The advantages accruing to the occupant of the
/ sacerdotal office have so far received attention. Those
benefits have been found to be many. Under normal
circumstances the shaman is feared, reverenced, and
even worshipped. As representative of the gods, he
is not amenable to the laws which bind other members
of the society, but is a law unto himself. He feeds upon
the fat of the land, and occupies more commodious and
more comfortable quarters than any other member of the
tribe. He is the most important person of primitive times,
and often attains the office of secular as well as spiritual
ruler. He, moreover, is sometimes regarded as the embodi-
1 De Groot, "Religious System of Ciiina," I, pp. 40—41.
2 Pliny, "Natural History," B. XVI, C. 95.
3 Spencer, "Principles of Sociology," III, p. 193.
ment of the power which he represents, and divine honors
are accorded to him.
All of this is most desirable, but there is another side
to the question. No path is continually strewn with roses;
it is impossible under conditions of the survival of the
fitter for any man to be "carried to the skies on flowery beds
of ease." The life of the medicine man is not altogether
one of sunshine. In some cases the practice of his pro-
fession is attended with great dangers. Russell, for example,
in his account of the Pima Indians writes, '^A_plagjyte,
which killed many victims in a single day^ once prevailed
throughout the villages. Three medicine men who were
^uspected of causing the disease by their magic were killed,
and nobody was sick ariy more/'i And again from the
samie author are the words, "An epidemic during this year,
(1884), among the Kwahadks, caused the execution of two
medicine men who were suspected of bringing the
visitation upon the tribe." ^
It is needless to say that as long as the medicine man
succeeds as rain-maker all is well, and he receives great
honors. As a matter of fact, he must succeed part of the
time by mere chance, but it is impossible to be successful
in every instance. What happens in case of failure?
Sometimes it means not only the ruin of reputation, but
execution to the shaman. Callaway states that in Zululand,
when it rained according to the word of a medicine man,
the people said, "Truly he is a doctor." But the next
» Russell, "Pima Indians," Bur., Eth., XXVI, p. 48.
2 Ibid., p. 59.
year, when he predicted rain, the heavens refused to open.
The people then persecuted him beyond measure, and it
is even said that they put him to death. ^ Among the Bari
people, the doctor who does not succeed in bringing rain
when it is needed, loses not only his reputation and
practice, but also his head. In 1859, the people ex-
perienced a terrible famine, and they demanded of the
rain doctor that he bring rain at once. He exerted all his
powers but in vain. The drought continued. Thereupon
the indignant people killed him. 2
Not only failures in rain-making, but frequently other
failures are punishable by death. Ellis says of the
Tshi-speaking peoples, "If the priests fail to per-
form the wonders for which they have been paid,
they are put to death. For example, during the
British-Ashanti war of 1873 — 1874, a priest was
required to inform the public on which day the British
gunboat lying at anchor would put out to sea. After the
proper conjuration, he announced that it would depart
on the next day. At sunrise the next morning, however,
instead of the departure of the gunboat, two others hove
ominously upon the horizon. The result was that the priest
was beheaded." ^
Failure to effect cures in cases of sickness may result
in loss of life to the primitive healer. In Patagonia,
the wizards were sometimes killed when unsuccessful in
' Callaway, "Religious Systems of the Amazulu," p. 391.
2 Ratzel, "History of Mankind," III, p. 26.
3 Ellis, "Tshi-Speaking Peoples," p. 124.
the treatment of disease. ^ Among the Mohave, the relatives
of a dead man consult a spirit doctor, and ascertain whether
their kinsman died from ignorance or neglect on the part
of his physician. If the physician was to blame, he must
either flee for his liberty and life, or throw the blame upon
some witch, 2 A native healer among the Apache, according
to Bourke, was in danger, if he let even one patient die,
provided the spirit doctor gave out that he was culpably
negligent or ignorant. In such a case the unsuccessful
healer could escape destruction at the hands of the relatives
of the dead man only by flight, or by proving to their satis-
faction that the death was due to witchcraft.^ Among the
Mi-Wok of Southern California, the patient must pay
well for the service of a medicine man. But if he dies,
his friends may kill the doctor.^ Although the Negritos
of Zambales, Philippine Islands, treat their mediquillos with
respect and awe, the profession is not popular, since, if the
efforts of a medicine man toward curing a patient prove
unsuccessful, he is held blameworthy, and even runs the risk
of being killed for his failure.^ It is not merely among the
Tshi-speaking peoples that in the event of failure the
populace sometimes proclaims the priest an impostor,
and frequently puts him to death. Roth says of the
Dyaks, "On the Lingga once, a Dyak doctor was engaged
to attend a sick man, and in the event of his remaining
1 Falkner, "Description of Patagonia," p. 117.
2 Bourke, "Medicine Men of the Apache," Bur. Eth., IX, p. 454.
3 Ibid., p. 466.
4 Powers,"Tribes of California," Contrib. to North Am. Eth ., Ill, p. 354.
5 Reed, "Negritos of Zambales," p. 66.
alive three days, a payment in jars was to be made as a
fee. The three days expired, and the payment was made,
when the patient died; upon which the son of the dead
man, an impetuous young lad, demanded the restoration of
the' jars — a request the doctor refused to accede to. The
son drew his parang, and exclaiming, 'My name may
return to the skies!' cut down the doctor, and severely
wounded his son." "Spencer St. John," continues
Roth, "mentions the case of a Bukar father who on the
death of his child accused the medicine man of wilfully
causing its death, and killed him on the spot." i Among
the Persians, when a patient dies under treatment,
the doctor not only loses his fee, but incurs blame, for the
opinion prevails that sick persons would not die but for
the influence of the physician. As soon as it is
evident that the end is at hand, the doctor is accustomed
to withdraw, and by this means the patient and his family
are officially notified, so to speak, that there is no hope.
If a doctor unwittingly visits a sick chamber where the
patient has passed away, he is subjected to shameful
treatment by the women and servants. For this reason the
doctor usually sends out scouts, who inform him of the
houses where disease has been fatal, and by this means
he knows which places to avoid. 2 By the Indians of
Oregon, all homicides were attributed to medicine men,
who were put to death when any one was murdered.
Among that people, therefore, while the position of
* Roth, "Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo," I, p. 285.
2 Bartels, "Med. Naturvolker," pp. 59—60.
doctor was honorable and fraught with great power,
novices, realizing the dangers attendant upon it, sometimes
forsook that vocation for the military profession.^
With all his special prerogatives, therefore, it is evident
that in case of non-success the status of the medicine man
is at times far from enviable.
As a means of self-protection, however, it is the
business of the shaman to keep his failures from counting,
and no one is better able than he to explain away his ill-
success. Among the Tshi-speaking peoples, when predicting
the future, the priests speak in ambiguous phrases, so that
whatever may happen they may claim to have prophesied
correctly. When their predictions are falsified by future
events, they usually succeed in exculpating themselves
by asserting that the spirits were angry because of some
offence on the part of the people;, and consequently
in order to punish the recalcitrants led their servants
to predict falsely. Another kind of excuse given is that
gods more powerful than the one consulted have been
propitiated by the adversary, and that these have nullified
all the efforts of the priest first engaged. When on account
of a false prophecy the people become suspicious of the
genuineness of one priest, and seek out another, they are at
a disadvantage, for the priests are in league against them,
and in order that no two priests may make contradictory
statements, they generally inform one another of every
prediction. 2 Among the Apache, in nearly every boast of
1 Battels, "Med. Naturvolker," pp. 59—60.
2 Ellis, "Tshi-Speaking Peoples," pp. 126—127.
power which the medicine man makes, there is "usually
a saving clause to the effect that no witchcraft must be
made or the spell will not work, no women shall be near
in a delicate state," there must be no neglect or dis-
obedience on the part of the patient, and there must be no
other medicine man at work with counter-charms. ^ Among
sundry Australian tribes, if the medicine man fails, the
failure is due to the power of some hostile wizard. ^ The
following description by Howitt of the failure of a rain-
making performance in Australia is given in order to
illustrate the facility with which the rain-maker sometimes I
gets himself out of an uncomfortable situation. *Tar
removed from the camp and without any assistance the
rain-maker collected a number of nests of the white ant
which he shaped into an oblong mound He
next made a trench, . . . continually repeating the word
Mo-re' throughout the whole procedure which he finally
brought to a close by sprinkling some water in all
directions of the compass. Before going away he took
two sticks about eighteen inches long, rolled them up in
reeds, and fixed them into either end of the mound, upon
which, as he walked away, he threw some water behind
him. No one was allowed to go near the spot where
rain-making was practiced. So much so that when rain
did not subsequently fall, on this present occasion (a white
man having promised him in the presence of the whole
camp a bag of flour if rain came within twenty four hours),
1 Bourke, "Medicine Men of the Apache," Bur. Eth., IX, p. 459.
2 Howitt, "Australian Medicine Men," J. A. I., XVI., p. 25.
the rain-maker explained his non-success to the other
natives as due to the presence of a white missionary. On
other occasions when rain does not fall, failure is explained
by some one having visited the forbidden spot." i
If his patient dies, or if the heavens remain cloudless
in spite of his efforts to bring rain, the medicine man is
usually clever enough to assure the people that had
it not been for his efforts, conditions would have been
much worse, and that for a larger fee he will put forth
greater exertions on behalf of his clients. Thus Spencer
says that in Obbo, when the country needs rain, the rain-
maker explains to his clients "how much he regrets that
their conduct has compelled him to afflict them with un-
favorable weather, but that it is their own fault He
must have goats and corn. 'No goats, no rain; that's our
contract, my friends,' says Katchiba , , . Should his people
complain of too much rain, he threatens to pour storms
of lightning upon them forever, unless they bring him so
many hundred baskets of corn," and other presents
"His subjects have the most thorough confidence in his
power." 2
The primitive medicine man, furthermore, is fortunate
that his constituents are at the stage of intellectual develop-
ment in which they cannot appreciate negative evidence, and,
therefore, allow one success to outweigh many failures. Of
the inabilitytoestimatetheworthof negative evidence. Lord
Bacon writes, "The human understanding, when it has once
* Roth, "Superstition, Magic, and Medicine," North Qeensland
Ethnography, Bulletin No. 5, p. 9.
2 Spencer, "Principles of Sociology," II, pp. 339—340-
adopted an opinion, (either as being the received opinion
or as being agreeable to itself), draws all things to support
and agree with it. And though there be a greater number
and weight of instances to be found on the other side, yet
these it either neglects and despises, or else by some
distinction sets aside and rejects ; in order that by this great
and pernicious pre-determination the authority of its former
conclusions may remain inviolate. And, therefore, it was
a good answer that was made by one, who, when they
showed him hanging in the temple a picture of those who
had paid their vows as having escaped shipwreck, and
would have him say whether he did not now acknowledge
the power of the gods, 'Aye,' asked he again, 'but where
are they painted that were drowned after their vows?'"^
As to the actual fees which the medicine man expects
and receives for his services, while in some instance they
are small,^ in the greater number of cases they are
handsome. Thus in the New Hebrides, the native doctor
used to prepare and eat the greater portion of food given
by the natives to propitiate the spirits. ^ Among the Mi-
Wok of Southern California, the shaman had to be paid in
advance. Hence, a person desirous of his services always
brought an offering, and flung it down on the ground,
without saying a word, thereby indicating that he wished
its equivalent in medical treatment.* Thurston writes that
* Bacon, "Novum Organum," Modern Classical Philosophers by
Rand, p. 33.
2 Bartels, "Med. Naturvolker," pp. 56 ff.
' J. Laurie, "Aneityum," Aust. Ass. for Adv. Science, 1892, p. 711.
* Powers, "Tribes of California," Contrib. North Am. Eth., III.
p. 354.
the people of South India, on recjovering from illness,
bring to the priest thanksgiving offerings of silver and
gold. These are deposited in a vessel kept for that purpose
in the temple. Children in addition to the silver articles
have to place in the vessels one or two handfuls of
coins for the benefit of the priests. i Henry Ling Roth
says of the inhabitants of Sarawak, "For getting back
the soul of a man, the medicine man receives six gallons
of uncleaned rice; for extracting a spirit from a humaii
body, the same fee, and for getting the soul of the rice at
harvest feasts, he receives three cups from every family
in whose apartment he obtains it. The value of six gallons
of uncleaned rice is the sixtieth part of the amount obtained
by an able bodied man for his annual farm labor." ^ of
the Indians of Southern California, Powers relates that
when a man is sick he is "wrapped tight in skins and
blankets, deposited with his feet to the fire, a stake driven
down near his head, and strings of shell-beads stretched
from it to his ankles, knees, wrists, and elbows. These
strings of money exercise the same magical effect on the
valetudinary savage that a gold 'twenty,' placed in the
hand of the doctor, does upon the dyspeptic pale-face.
The cunning Aesculapian adjusts the distance to the stake,
and the consequent length of the strings according to the
wealth of the invalid. If he is rich, then by the best divining
and scrutiny of his art, the stake ought to be planted
about five feet distant; if poor, only one or two. After
1 Thurston, "Ethnographic Notes on South India," p. 353.
2 Roth, "Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo," p. 267.
he has 'powwowed' sufficiently around the unfortunate
person to make a sound man sick or deaf at least, he
appropriates the money." ^ According to Hoffman, a suc-
cessful Ojibway hunter will, if he ascribes his good luck to
the wabeno, give him out of gratitude a portion of the
game. 2 Concerning the Peruvians, Balboa says that the
medicine men refused to help persons who were not
able to pay the fee which they demanded. ^ A Yakut
shaman, if successful, is paid a sum varying from one
ruble to twenty-five rubles or more, besides being entitled
to his entertainment and to a portion of the sacrificial
animal. If the shaman be unsuccessful, however, he
receives nothing.* It would seem that those unable to
pay the medicine man are in a bad way in Guiana, for
it is said that those unfortunates have no names.^ In
East Central Africa, the headman gets his income chiefly
from voluntary offerings, but the medicine man levies his
fees rigidly.6 In West Africa, says Miss Kingsley, "If
you want a favor from the medicine man you must give
him a present — a fowl, a goat, a blanket, or a basket
of vegetables. If you want a big thing, and want it badly,
you had better give him a slave, because the slave is
alike more intrinsically valuable and more useful." '^ When
1 Powers, "Tribes of California," Contribut. to North Am. Eth.,
Ill, p. 217.
2 Hoffman, "The Midewiwin of the Ojibway," Bur. Eth., VII, p. 157.
3 Balboa, "History of Peru." After Bourke, Bur. Eth., IX, p 467.
^ Sumner, " Yakuts," Abridged from the Russian of Sieroshevski,
J. A. I., XXXI. p 102.
^ Bourke, "Medicine Meii of the Apache," Bur. Eth., IX, p. 468.
« J. A. I., XXII, p. 105.
' Kingsley, "West African Studies," p. 176.
the Dyaks are questioned as to their belief in the easily-
exposed deceits of their priests, they say they have no
faith either in the men or in their pretensions; but the
custom has descended to them from father to son, and they
still pay those priests heavy sums to perform the ancient
rites. 1 "As the services of the manang bali," [medicine
man dressed in female attire] Henry Ling Roth goes on to
say, "are in great demand, and he is well paid for his
trouble, he soon grows rich, and when he is able to afford
it, he takes to himself a husband But as long as he
is poor he cannot even dream of marriage, as nothing but
the prospect of inheriting his wealth would ever induce
a man to become his husband, and thus incur the ridicule
of the whole tribe . . . The only pleasure of the husband
must be in seeing his quasi wife accumulate wealth, and
wishing her a speedy demise, so that he may inherit the
property." - In Nubra, Tibet, the rewards of the lamas
consist of fees, tips (chang), and in general the best that
the land affords. ^ Among the Saoras of Madras, the
fees of the medicine man are fixed, and include parts
of the animal sacrificed, such as the head and a leg, and
portions of the food and drink, tobacco and goods, pre-
sented to the gods as offerings.* The efficacy of the arts
of the Eskimo angakok is supposed to depend on the
amount of his recompense.^ Bourke quotes Spencer to
the effect that the Eskimo priest receives his fee
1 Roth, "Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo," I, p. 266.
2 Ibid., I, p. 270.
3 Bishop, "Among the Tibetans," p. 91.
* J. A. Soc. Bombay, I, p. 247.
5 Nansen, "Eskimo Life," p. 283.
beforehand,^ and Boas says, that the angakok who
cures his patient is paid immediately and liberally.^
Among the Pima Indians, the fee may consist of a
basjcet, some wheat, a cow, a horse, or some similar
gift. Il-t4i€ medicine man sings three nights he will get a
horse. If the sick man dies, however, after the native doctor
has sung two nights he will receive some compensation,
though not a horse. ^ Among the Land Dyaks, Henry Ling
Roth writes, "whether the patient Uves or dies the manang
is rewarded for his pains; he makes sure of that before
he undertakes the case, for he is put to considerable
inconvenience, being fetched away from his own home, and
obliged to take up his abode with the patient; he can
therefore undertake only one case at a time, but to it he
devotes his whole attention. He takes his meals with the
family, and in other ways makes himself quite at home.
If a cure be effected, he receives a valuable present in
addition to his ordinary expenses." * Among the Karok, if a
patient dies, the medicine man loses his fee. If he refuses
to visit a sick person and that individual dies, the medicine
man must pay the relatives a sum equivalent to the fee
offered him. A famous medicine man, when summoned to
go twenty or thirty miles, is well paid — sometimes receiving
a horse and often, if the patient is rich, two horses.'^ The
Ventura Indian tribes had the following custom, as reported
by Yates: "When people were desirous of obtaining favor
^ Bouike, "Medicine Men of the Apache," Bur. Eth., IX, p. 467.
2 Boas, "Central Eskimo," Bur. Eth., VI, p. 594.
3 Russell, "Pima Indians," Bur. Eth., XXVI, p. 261.
* Roth, "Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo," I, p. 266.
5 Powers, "Tribes of California," Contrib. North Am. Eth., Ill, p. 27.
from the spirits, they went to the house of the medicine
man, where an idol was kept in a basket or other re-
ceptacle, and threw offerings into the receptacle until the
idol was covered up. The gifts were appropiated by
the medicine man." i In British Victoria, the medicine man
does not share in the work, but is supported by the gifts
of the other members of the tribe. ^ Hoffman quotes
Marquette to the effect that the Miami, Mascotin, and
Kickapoo Indians were very liberal towards their physicians,
on the assumption that the more they paid, the more potent
would the remedies prove. ^ Among the Kirghiz, the shaman
receives as a reward the best part of the sacrificial offering,
and the carcasses of the slain animals. Rich people make
extra gifts, a live sheep or a new gown.'^ The Navaho
medicine man may own property, but his living comes
largely from practicing his ceremonies, since for these
his fees are excellent.^ Of the Omahas, it is related that
after a company of medicine men had succeeded in effect-
ing a cure, "the fees were distributed. These were horses,
robes, bear-claw necklaces, eagle feathers, embroidered
leggings, and other articles of value." ^ In Nias, sickness is
so costly a thing that one often meets people who have
sold themselves into slavery in order to get the necessary
funds with which to purchase the services of the medicine
^ Yates, "Notes on the Plummets or Sinkers," Smithsonian
Report, 1886, p. 305.
2 Bartels, "Med. Naturvolker," p. 56.
3 Hoffman, "TheMidewiwin of theOjibway," Bur.Eth., 1891, p. 152.
* Bartels, "Med. Naturvolker," p. 57.
'° Matthews, "The Night Chant, A Navaho Ceremony," Memoirs
Am. Museum of Nat. Hist., p. 3.
« Fletcher-Laflesche, "The Omaha Tribe," Bur. Eth., 1911, p 489.
12,
man.i The same is true of the Tshi-speaking peoples,
whose priests require recompense before the first consul-
tation, and make such ejctortionate demands afterwards
that people, in order to secure their valuable aid, have been
reduced to poverty and in some cases to slavery.^ The
missionaries Ramseyer and Kiihne, ElHs goes on to say,
have left on record "that a fee was paid byKwoffi
Kari-Kari to the priests, for consulting the gods concerning
the probable result of a contemplated expedition to the
Gold Coast. This fee consisted of four hundred dollars
in gold dust, twenty loads of salt, twenty goats, twenty
sheep, seventy bottles of rum, and fifty slaves. If the
gods granted victory, one thousand additional slaves were
promised.'' ^ A medicine man of the negroes of the Loango
coast first has to determine what nail has caused the
sickness, and for this he receives pay Then the nail
must be drawn out. For this he receives more pay.
When he turns his attention to the patient, he
receives additional pay,* The Dakota Indians often gave
a horse for the service of the medicine man, and were ready
to give all they possessed and even to go into debt, in
order to procure the aid of the servant of the gods.^
In Korea, the sums demanded by the shamans are
so great that they are estimated to aggregate annually two
million five hundred thousand dollars.^
^ Bartels, "Med. Naturvolker," p. 59.
2 Ellis, "Tshi-Speaking Peoples," pp. 124—125.
3 Ibid.
* Bartels, "Med. Naturvolker," p. 58.
5 Ibid.
« Bishop, "Korea," p. 403.
SUMMARY. It has been shown that while in well-
developed societies there is specialization, as a result of
which different activities are exercised by different persons,
in the lowest stages of culture the medicine man sums
up in himself the various functions of prophet, priest,
king, rain-maker, and healerV A person, therefore, of
such importance is certain to occupy a position of great
dignity. And yet the man who is successful in attaining the
much coveted place often does so at his own peril.
Sometimes the people will brook no such thing as failure. The
attitude of man in religious matters is strangely inconsist-
ent He sometimes regards the gods as powerful enough to
give him any material blessing he asks ; but when they fail
to grant his requests, he considers them so weak that he
destroys them and takes unto himself other gods. The
medicine man goes up and down in popular estimation
with his gods. He sometimes is feared to such
an extent that people upon seeing him occasionally
die from fright. But when he fails to make a true
prophecy, or when he fails in rain-making, or in healing
the sick, he is often subjected to violent abuse, and is
sometimes put to death. The shaman, however, is generally
shrewd enough to have no failures, or if he has them, not
to allow them to count. In rain-making, for example, he
prolongs his operations until rain conies^, which sooner or
later is inevitable. He then takes the credit to himself.
The people are so grateful for the rain that they readily
attribute it to the powers of the rain-maker, and accord
him magnificent material rewards. For foretelling the
future, for acting as mediator with the spirits, and for
exercising his powers as healer, the recompense likewise
is often great — so great that the recipient, by means of
wealth thus attained, sometimes becomes chief of the
\ tribe or head of the nation.
Chapter VI
THE METHODS OF THE MEDICINE MAN.
Since the methods of the medicine man in dealing with
spirits are substantially the same in every case, regardless
of the function he is exercising, an example of his
efforts in the celestial sphere on behalf of men is to be
found in the behavior of the primitive doctor in the
chamber of sickness. To this end the daimonistic theory
of disease, and the savage conception of other-worldliness
must be recalled. The reader will remember that among
primitive peoples ignorant of the actual cause of sickness,
there is no notion of such a thing as death apart from
agency.i They attribute the results of , what a civilized man
would call accident to the baleful influence of evil spirits.
Many cases of death by violence come under the obser-
vation of nature folk, but even in these they be-
lieve, as among the tribal groups about Maryborough,
Queensland, that when a warrior is speared in a ceremonial
fight his skill in warding off or evading thrusts has been
lost because of the maUgnance of an ill-disposed daimon.^
It is not difficult, therefore, to see, as has been abundantly
shown,3 that the innumerable cases of sickness and death
from invisible causes are ascribed by man at this un-
developed stage of culture to the evil doing of unseen
adversaries.
1 Vide pp. 4—5, 14, 120.
2 Howitt, "Native Tribes of Southeastern Australia," p. 357.
3 Vide pp. 7—19.
If it be borne in mind that in primitive belief the
other world repeats this world,i and that its inhabitants
repeat the thoughts, sensations, emotions, and ideals of
their originals, it will readily be perceived that, according
to savage notions, the ghosts and spirits may be dealt with
in the same way as men, and may, therefore, either by
threats and coercion or by bribes and praise, be induced
to grant blessings or to desist from inflicting evils. Hence
the methods of the individual set apart for the special
purpose of dealing with the invisible powers are broadly
contrasted as antagonistic and sympathetic. In other words,
in his treatment of disease, the medicine man employs a
positive and a negative method— depending on the notion
entertained as to the character of the god, whether he is
benevolent and only temporarily angry, or malevolent and
venting his spite. In the former case, the method is that
of propitiation ; in the latter that of avoidance, coercion, or
exorc'sm. According to Lippert, man first conceives the
attitude of the deities to be unfriendly,^ and not until much
later does he think of them as entertaining beneficent
thoughts towards the children of earth. ^ For the sake of
convenience, the two methods will be considered in the
inverse order to that stated above, first, the positive
and secondly, the negative method.
The medicine man, like the practitioner of today,
when called to the bedside of a sufferer, first makes his
diagnosis. The twentieth centur}^ physician, however,
1 Vide, pp. 6 ff; pp. 22 ff. 2 vide p. 23. « Lippert, "Kultur-
gescliichte," I, pp. 108 ff.
would say that his predecessor in practice does not conduct
his diagnosis along scientific lines. For the primitive
doctor first makes an effort to discover whether the sickness
is due to the anger of an enraged daimon, the loss of
the ''kidney fat/' the absence of the soul, orto the presence
of bones, quartz, crystals, or other foreign substances,
introduced into the body of the patient by the magical
power of some adverse wizard or medicine man. In the
second place, the shaman must discover how to restore
the lost part, or how to break the evil spell under which the
sick man is suffering; or how to extract the extraneous
substance, or by what means he can expel the evil spirit
from the body of the person whom it is afflicting. i As
long as ghosts and spirits are thought of as inimical, the
medicine man resorts to avoidance or exorcism.
As time goes on, however, the manner of thinking on
the part of man advances. He ceases to regard the gods as
antagonistic to his welfare, aims, and ambitions, and comes
to think of them as friendly powers, concerned in his
happiness and well-being, and sympathetic when he comes
into collision with the aleatory element.^ ^ With this change
in thought as to the attitude of the superior powers, the
method of the medicine man in dealing with them experiences
a change. He no longer opposes, antagonizes, or strives
to compel the disease daimon to take its flight, but begins
to flatter, to coddle, to wheedle, and to bribe the inhabitants
of the imaginary environment in order to enlist their
support in his efforts on behalf of his patient.^ For since
^ Lippert, " Kulturgeschichte," II, p. 412.
2 Ibid., I, p. 220. 3 Ibid., II, p. 413.
the gods are anthropomorphic i beings, possessing the
same characteristics which they had while living, only in an
intensified degree, they can be flattered, coaxed,- and
cajoled into doing what no amount of violent and abusive
treatment could compel them to do. Attention is, therefore,
directed to the way in which the positive method works
itself out and to the results.
It would seem that desire on the part of the weak
to propitiate the strong is to be traced among the higher
animals. As Spencer says, "On the approach of a formi-
dable Newfoundland or mastiff, a small spaniel in the
extremity of its terror will throw itself on its back with
legs in air. Instead of threatening resistance by growls
and showing of teeth, as it might have done had not
resistance been hopeless, it spontaneously assumes the
attitude that would result from its defeat in battle; tacitly
saying, 'I am conquered and at your mercy.'" " The efforts
of the dog at propitiation are especially^ shown after he has
come to regard his master as entertaining towards him
feelings not unmixed with kindness. When beaten, instead
of showing retaliation by sinking his teeth into the calf
of the leg, the dog will lick the hand of his masler, or
put up a paw, clearly manifesting a wish to conciliate the
one possessed of the power to work him further ill.
It is to be observed from the foregoing that the act of
propitiation is made up of two parts. First, there is a
manifestation of submission to a superior, and secondly,
1 Keller, "Societal Evolution," pp. 60 and 260.
2 Spencer, "Principles of Sociology," II, pp. 3—4.
there is the performance of some act implying a liking
on the part of the weak for the strong, and indicating a
desire to please. It is interesting to remark that in dealings
as between man and man, these two elements of pro-
pitiation are in evidence. The slave expresses submission
to his master, and the subject to his lord, by falling on
his face, putting the foot of the chief on his neck, crawling
on all fours, and by raising his body to a simple kneeling
position.!
The means of propitiating the gods are the same as
those used for getting into the good graces of the mighty
of the earth — the manifestation of submission on the part
of man, the exaltation of the gods, and the expression
of a desire of man to render himself pleasing in
the sight of the deities by attitudes, actions, and words
signifying attachment. For when alive the gods were
pleased by such a display, and now (though they are in-
visible to man, man is not invisible to them) they will
be pleased as gods with the same things that pleased them
on earth as men.
If, for example, before their apotheosis the spirits were
gratified by applause and expressions of subordination
rendered them by their servants, the divinities are still sus-
ceptible to the same flattery. This is evidently the inter-
pretation to be placed upon the actions of the Amazulu,
who, according to Callaway, praise the dead in order to
gain favors and escape punishment.^ In all religions the
1 Spencer "Principles of Sociology," II, pp. 117 ff.
2 Callaway, "Religious Systems of the Amazulu," pp. 145—147.
prevailing custom is to preface petitions to the higher
powers with propitiatory utterances.
This form of propitiation suggests a remedy for
sickness to which resort has been made from the earliest
to the latest times, and often with startling effects.
That is prayer. The idea in this connexion is to
flatter the deity by expressions of submission and terms of
endearment, in order if possible to secure his assistance.
Thus among the Amazulu, if sickness breaks out in a
village, the eldest son of the patient will offer eulogies to
all the Amatongo, especially to the ancestral spirit, whom
he will praise with the epithets of honor gained by that
ancestor in battle. ^ In the Book of Ecclesiasticus this
direction is given, "My son, in thy sickness be not negli-
gent; but pray unto the Lord, and he will make thee
whole." 2 After the sixth century of the Christian era, the
practice of medicine was almost exclusively in the hands
of the monks. Their cures were performed by holy water,
by relics of the martyrs, and by prayers. ^
There is much evidence that prayer is still regarded, and
with good results, as mightily potent in cases of sickness.
As one of many examples in support of this statement,
attention is directed to the devotion of worshippers
at the shrine of Sainte Anne de Beaupre, near the city
of Quebec, Canada. It is said that many years ago, a small
company of Breton sailors, during a violent storm at sea,
made a vow to Sainte Anne de Beaupre that if she would
* Callaway, "Religious Systems of the Amazulu," p. 145.
- Ecclesiasticus, chapter 38, v. 9.
^ Sprengle, "Histoire de la Medicine," II, p. 345.
save them from the waves, they would build, and dedicate
to her service, a chapel on the spot where their vessel
touched land. They were deUvered and kept their promise.
About 1670, a relic of Sainte Anne was brought from
Carcassonne. 1 Monsignore de Laval, of the cathedral of
Carcassonne, asserts that this reHc came indeed from
a finger of Sainte Anne.^ Pilgrimages are made throughout
the year to the shrine, the sick and those who have received
benefits going by trainloads either to be cured or to give
thanks, and the words, '^Sainte Anne, Mere de la Vierge-
Marie, priez pour nous," are breathed by every soul.^
Often the sick are cured in absentia in answer to their own
prayers, or to those of their friends. The shrine is now
in charge of the Redemptorist Fathers, who issue a monthly
publication, "Annales de la Bonne Sainte Anne de
Beaupre," in which the various cures of the last few
months are recorded. In order to show that it is not
necessary to go to the old world, and to the Middle Ages,
for instances of cures by prayer, quotations are here made
from several copies of the '^Annales" of a comparatively
recent date.
"Ironwood, Mich., July 28 th., 1911. — For nearly two
years I had suffered from ataxia and the doctors had pro-
nounced my case incurable. But on my first visit to the shrine,
July 24th., I was partly cured and left one crutch; and on
July 25th., I ceased to use the other. Heartfelt thanks to Ste.
Anne. Mrs. A. McMillen."
^ Waddle, "Miracles of Healing," Am. Jour, of Psych., XX, pp.
232 253.
2 Catholic World, XXXVL, p. 87.
3 Waddle, "Miracles of Healing," Am. Jour. Psych., XX, pp.
252—253.
"Fort Wayne, Ind., May 18th, 1912. — In compliance with
a promise, I hereby state that, through the intercession of Ste.
Anne, I was greatly benefited and have practically regained
my health after an unfavorable prognosis by all my professional
colleagues. I hereby give you permission to pubhsh the above
in the Annals. Doctor Geo. J. Studer."
"HaUfax, N. S., June 4th., 1912. — Eight years ago, I de-
veloped a 'varicose' ulcer Just above my left ankle through a
broken vein. I was treated at intervals for four years by two
doctors; but could not get any relief. About two years ago,
they told me they could do no more for me. 1 then made a
pilgrimage to the shrine of Ste. Anne de Beaupre and promised,
if my ankle were cured, to go to monthly communion for the
rest of my hfe ; to make another pilgrimage, even if I were
not cured, but if I were cured to make a pilgrimage in
thanksgiving. After coming home, I put aside the ointments
of the doctor and used nothing but Ste. Anne oil. For two
months, the pain in my ankle was intense whenever I set my
feet upon the floor. Just when the pain was almost unbear-
able there appeared to be an improvement in the sore and it
began to heal steadily. Just a month before I made my second
pilgrimage the cure was perfect. Now, out of gratitude to
Good Ste. Anne, I am pleased to publish my cure, and inclose
the certificate of my doctor. Mrs. E. P. Condon." "Halifax,
N. S., June 4th., 1912, — This is to certify that, in July and
August 1909, and subsequently at intervals, Mrs. E. P. Condon
was under my care, suffering from a varicose ulcer situated
just above the left ankle; and that from June 1911, up to the
present date a healthy scar has occupied the site of the ulcer.
J. P. Corston, M. D."
"Houston, Texas, March 22, 1913. — My son was afflicted
with a malady that affected his mind. He was in this
condition for eighteen months, and did not seem to
improve under medical treatment. I made a promise to
Ste. Anne that, if he was cured, I would publish his recovery
in the Annals. He has entirely recovered and I now pubUsh
this with many thanks to dear Ste. Anne. Mrs. Lama
DeFrance Fraser."
"Detroit, Mich., Feb. 18th, 1913. — Last October, a child of
nine years was taken down with typhoid, was sick for about a
month, when he got spinal meningitis. For eighteen days he was
unconscious, received the rites of the Church, and the priest
prayed over him. The doctors had given him up, and had
said that nothing could save him but a miracle. For a week
he lay like a hoop, head and heels meeting; he moaned and
groaned so that passers-by were attracted. We all prayed
to Ste. Anne for him ; he held the little statue in his hand,
and the httle rosary of Ste. Anne around his wrist hke a
bracelet, when we did not pray on it for him. He also had the
Uttle paper pictures of Ste. Anne put on him, and the spring
water of Ste. Anne was used. The doctors said he would
lose his hearing and sight and perhaps his mind, if he ever
should get over it. But now we are happy to say that Ste.
Anne has made him well. He is just as he used to be. His
hearing, mind, and sight are just as good as ever. We are
very thankful to Good Ste. Anne. Miss Theresa Gebhard."
In former times, many cures as results of prayer w^ere
thought to be miraculous because the laws under which
they were effected were not well understood. Science
now explains such recoveries from sickness not by inter-
vention of spirits, but by reflex action according to the
law of suggestion. 1
Since the divinities are conceived to be as sensitive as
the living to cold, hunger, thirst, and pain, it is supposed that
they can be propitiated by gifts of food, drink, clothing,
and similar gifts. Turner writes that among the New
Caledonians a chief says to the ghosts of his fathers,
''Compassionate fathers! here is some food for you; eat it;
^ Lippert, "Kulturgeschichte," II, p. 413.
be kind to us on account of it." ^ The Veddah says to a
deceased relative, as the food offering is presented, '*Come
and partake of this. Give us maintenance as you did
when Hving." ^ Shooter says that the Kaffirs attribute
every unlucky event to the ghost of a dead person, and
slay an animal to gain his favor.^ Among the Karens, when
a person is ill, the medicine man, if he is well paid,
will tell what spirit has produced the sickness, and by what
offering it is to be propitiated.* The Yakuts believe that all
diseases are due to spirit possession. Methods of cure
consist in propitiating or exorcising the uninvited guest. ^
\X/;hen the supernatural being becomes more developed
in human thought, both the gifts and the motives for
offering them become more worthy of respect. The gifts
and the motives are the same, but the name of the gifts is
changed to oblation. The reason for presenting oblations
to the divinities is shown in an old Greek Proverb which
says, "Gifts determine the acts of gods and kings."*'
When the ideas of men concerning the deity become
more exalted, offerings, which before were propitiatory
from their intrinsic value, are regarded as making the
giver acceptable in the sight of heaven because they imply
loyalty and obedience.
In order to understand the employment of the positive
method of the shaman in his capacity of healer, it is
1 Turner, "Nineteen Years in Polynesia," p. 88.
2 Transactions of the Ethnological Society, New Series, II, p. 302.
3 Shooter," The Kaffirs of Natal and the Zulu Country," pp.1 63— 164.
4 Mason, J. A. Soc. Bengal, XXXIV, p. 230.
5 Sumner, " Yakuts," Abridged from the Russian of Sieroshevski,
J. A. L, XXXI, p. 105.
^ Guhl and Koner, "Life of the Greeks and Romans," p. 283.
necessary to keep constantly in mind the anthropomorphic
conception of the savage regarding the divinities — that
they have the same Hkes and dislikes, wants, needs,
pleasures, disappointments as when in the body, and are
therefore to be flattered, bribed, coaxed, in the same way
as before their deification. In Tartary, for example, illness
is believed to be due to the visitation of a tchutgour, or
daimon. If the sick man is poor, it is evident that the
tchutgour visiting him is an inferior tchutgour, and re-
quires nothing but a short, extemporaneous prayer, or at
most an interjectional exorcism. If the sick person is
very poor, the lama will have nothing to do with the case,
but advises the friends to possess themselves in patience
until the patient improves or dies, according to the decrees
of the gods. But if the sick man is rich, the lama takes
more notice of his misfortune. Since it is reasonable
to suppose that a daimon who would deign to visit
a person of such consequence must be a powerful daimon,
it would not be becoming for a great tchutgour to travel
Hke an inferior daimon. The friends of the patient, accord-
ingly, must prepare for the tchutgour many fine clothes,
and, in case of extreme riches, many fine horses, for the
daimon may be a very great prince, attended by a retinue
of courtiers, all of whom must be provided with means of
conveyance.! The daimon here is evidently thought to be
bribed by offerings, which, consisting of clothing and
horses, of course materially benefit the lama, but the spirits
of which, he persuades the patient and his friends, are
^ Hue, "Travels in Tartary," I. chapter 3.
required by the daimon as the price of the recovery of
the sick man.
The gods are propitiated, likewise, by offerings of
food, the spirit of which, the savage thinks, contributes to
the sustenance of the inhabitants of the unseen world.
Thus among the Tahitians, if a man is taken violently ill,
the fruits of entire plantain fields or over one hundred
pigs, are taken to the medicine man; it frequently happens
that human victims are presented to the idol in the hope that
the sight of them might appease his anger.i Among the
Northern Chins, a sick man, believing his bad luck due
to the agency of an angry deity, offers a young fowl or
small dog in sacrifice. If he recovers, it is a sign that the
divinities are propitiated. ^ In L'ien-chow, in the province
of Kwang-si, China, if a man stumbles over a stone, and
afterwards is taken ill, his sickness is believed to be
due to the fact that there was a daimon in the stone. His
friends, therefore, go to the spot where the misfortune
took place, and make an effort to propitiate the daimon by
offerings of rice, wine, incense, and worship. Then it is
thought that the sick man will get well.^ The offerings
made for propitiating the gods, it is here repeated, con-
tribute to the maintenance of the sacerdotal class; as, for
example, among the Koskis, the priest, to appease the
angry divinity who has made some person sick, takes per-
haps a fowl, which he tells the people the deity requires,
and pours out its blood on the ground as an offering.
^ Farrer, "Primitive Manners and Customs," p. 61.
2 Hutchinson, "Living Races of Mankind," I, p. 114.
* Dennys, "Folklore of China," p. 96.
Therr he proceeds to roast and eat the fowl, and, after
throwing away the bones, goes back to his home.i
The following instances, among many others, illustrate
the fact that when man comes to regard the gods as bene-
ficent beings, the method of the medicine man of dealing
with them changes from compulsion to propitiation. Ac-
cording to Bancroft, the Nootka Sound People think that
pains and maladies are due to the absence or irregular
conduct of the soul (which must be recalled by the arts of the
medicine man), or to the malignance of spirits, which must
be placated. 2 The Dyaks of Borneo believe that every
sort of trouble is caused by spirits; their entire medical
science consequently consists of a knowledge of charms,
which may avert evil, and of a knowledge of the offering
of sacrifices, which may appease the wrath of the spirit
that has caused the harm. 3 McCullock writes of the Kon-
pooee, "'Whilst the Konpooee enjoys good health, he has
little anxiety, but if struck by sickness for any length
of time, the chances are he is ruined. To medicine he
does not look for a cure of disease, but to sacrifices
offered as directed by the priests to certain deities. All
his goods and chattels may be expended unavailingly,
and when nothing more is left for the inexorable gods,
I have seen wives and children sold as slaves to provide
means of propitiating the deities."'^
1 J. As. Soc. Bengal, XXIV, p. 631.
" Bancroft, "The Native Races of the Pacific States of North
America," I, p. 204.
2 Tylor, Art. " Denaonology," Encyc. Brit , Ninth Edition, IV, p. 58.
■* McCullock, "Selections from the Records of the Government of
India," p. 87. Quoted by Spencer in "Principles of Sociology," III,
p. 470.
13*
Among all primitive peoples, the most unfailing means
of securing the favor of the gods, or of appeasing them
when angry, is thought to be the offering of blood.
Here, too, it is impossible to understand the original
motive for this practice unless the anthropomorphic con-
ception of the savage concerning the divinities be borne in
mind. If the deities relished the taste of blood when living,
they have not changed since their apotheosis. Burton says
that the blood offerings which the inhabitants of Dahomey
present to the dead are drink for the deceased. ^ Odysseus
describes the ghosts in the Greek Hades as drinking the
sacrificial blood which he offers them, and as being rein-
vigorated by it.^ Among the ancient Mexicans, the ruling
houses descended from conquering cannibals. Their gods
were cannibals. Their idols were fed with human hearts.
When the priests represented to the kings that the idols
were starving, war was waged, prisoners taken, "because
the gods demanded something to eat," and for that reason
many human lives were sacrificed every year.^ Herrera
says further that the coast-people of Peru offered blood to
idols, and that the Indians gave the idols blood to drink,
while the priests and dignified persons abstracted blood
from their legs and smeared it on their temples.^
If the gods are pleased at the sight of blood, why not,
when divine wrath is indicated by sickness, make an offer-
ing of that precious fluid to appease the dreaded ghosts,
^ Burton, "Mission to Gelele King of Dahomey," II, p. 164.
2 "Odyssey," Book XI, line 35 if.
^ Herrera, "General History of the Continent and Isles of
America," III, p. 207.
4 Ibid., pp. 210-213.
or to enlist their aid in thwarting the malicious attacks of
the spirits of darkness? This is precisely what man in the
state of savagery often does. For it is said that in British
Nigeria, if misfortune or disease fall upon the people, their
chief divinity must be conciliated by a sacrifice of slaves. i
A woman living in the Madras Presidency was barren. This
was said to be due to daimon possession. Her father
consulted an exorciser, who declared a human sacrifice
necessary. One night her father, the exorcist, and six
companions met at an appointed place, and after religious
exercises sent for the victim. Without suspecting any
danger he came, and was given so much alcoholic drink
that he became intoxicated. His head was then cut off,
and his blood mingled with rice was offered to the gods
as a sacrifice. 2
It is not necessary that an individual be killed in order
to obtain blood to offer to the spirits. Sometimes the skin
of the head is cut with the shell of a snail, and the blood
caught in rags and laid beside a corpse as a substitute for
a victim. The ears and shoulders are sometimes pierced,
and the blood gathered with a sponge, and squeezed out
above a sacrificial vessel. The Aztecs used to sprinkle
their altars with blood drawn from their own bodies.
The Inca-Peruvians bled young boys, and mixed the
blood with bread. Where such blood-bread left a
mark behind, there was thought to be protection from the
spirits. 3
^ Mockler-Ferryman, "British Nigeria," p. 259.
- Strack, "The Jew and Human Sacrifice," p. 422.
3 Lippert, " Kulturgeschichte," II, p. 328.
The special method of blood-letting in various local-
ities, especially in Polynesia, Africa, and Central America,
has led in one place to circumcision, in another to
lopping, or piercing the ears, and in a third, to maiming the
fingers by removing one or two joints. ^ In the Tonga
Islands, the natives, in case of illness, cut off a portion
of the little finger with a view to recovery.-
The case of ear-boring, referred to above, is interest-
ing. In the house of the Incas all children had to pass
through a ceremony before they were really sons of the
Incas. Along with the usual fasting a sort of test of
abihty to carry arms was made; then the king pierced the
ears of those who were found worthy.^ As an initiation
into life and arm-bearing, the Mohammedans observ^e
the practice of baptism, cutting of the hair, and
ear-boring, or circumcision in the narrow sense.*
Nearly all the forms that distinguish the real Arab are
to be found among the Jews. Among the latter, how-
ever, circumcision is used to mark officially the compact
with the state god, while ear-boring has fallen to the use
of binding the slave to his master. The Jewish servant,
if he was to belong to the house forever, was bound over
to the household gods by means of ear-boring, and, there-
fore, by blood-sacrifice. 5 That was the older law. The
newer law, in repeating the same reference, has weeded out
all connexion with religious ceremonial, has even left out
^ Lippert, "Kulturgeschichte," II, p. 329.
2 Mariner, "Account of the Natives of the Tonga Islands," II, p.222.
^ Lippert, "Kulturgeschichte," II, p. 343.
^ Ibid., II, p. 345.
■^ Exodus, 21 : 6.
mention of the household gods, and has given the ear-pierc-
ing the significance of symbolically fastening the servant
to the house: "Take an awl, and stick it into his ear, and
into the door: then he is thy servant forever." i Here it is
evident that ear-piercing was still used as a sign of com-
pact.- The old religious compact, with the sign of the ear-
boring, survived in Christianity, despite the efforts of some
of the Church Fathers against the introduction of heathen
customs into its system. Even in the nineteenth century,
people were accustomed, for certain illnesses, to make vows
to a saint, and, as a sign of their vows, to wear an ear^-
ring.3 Before the custom entirely disappeared, it was
rationalized. Then it came to be believed that piercing the
ear was a remedy for trouble with the eyes.'^ This remedy
for eye-trouble has been resorted to within the memory of
persons living at the present time. These good people are
not aware, however, that it had its beginning in the efforts
of the medicine man to propitiate disease daimons by
means of blood-letting.
Pliny says that the hippopotamus, having become fat
and unwieldy through over-eating, bled himself with a
sharp-pointed reed, and when he had abstracted sufficient
blood, closed the wound with clay. Men, he asserts, have
imitated the operation,^ and hence the origin of the practice
of venesection. How much more simple, satisfactory, and
credible an explanation of the beginning of this
expedient is made by referring it to the blind efforts of the
^ Deuteronomy, 15 : 17.
2 Lippert, "Kulturgeschichte," II, p. 345. 3 ibid. II, p. 346. * Ibid.
5 Pliny, "Natural History," B. VIII, C. 26.
medicine man in casting about for sacrifices with which
to appease the angry spirits! Not to any medical beast
story, but to childish notions of the shaman as to the
cause of disease and the proper means of cure is to be
traced the initiation of venesection — the panacea of the
seventeenth century physician, and the well-recognized
therapeutic agent in the practice of the medical profession
of the present time. All animal stories purporting to account
for the origin of treatment of sickness are to be relegated
to the realm of fable and myth, rather than regarded as
affording a basis for scientific explanation.
A more rational ground for blood-letting followed
the first rude experience. In the course of evolution, some
individual with more intelligence than his companions
observed that the abstraction of blood was often followed
by beneficial results. He applied it in certain cases. His
action was imitated. The practice was transmitted to
later generations, and, therefore, instances are on record in
which savages and barbaric peoples resorted to blood-
letting for well-defined reasons. i The Omahas, for
example, who advocated bleeding in treating disease, used
flint knives with which to gash the flesh between the
eyebrows. 2 "The Apache scouts when tired were in the
habit," Bourke writes, "of sitting down and lashing their
legs with branches of nettles until the blood flowed.
This, according to their belief, relieved exhaustion." ^ (it
is interesting to note in passing that a form of transfusion
^ Lippert, "Kulturgeschichte," II, p. 327.
2 Fletcher-Laflesche, "The Omaha Tribe," Bur. Eth., 1911, p. 582.
3 Bourke, "Medicine Men of the Apache," Bur. Eth., IX, p. 471.
of blood was known more than three centuries ago. ''In
the age of Queen Elizabeth/' says Southey, "there was a
new invention whereof some princes had very great
esteem, and used it for to remain thereby in this force, and,
as they thought, to live long. They chose a strong young
man of twenty-five, dieted him for a month on the best
of meats, wines, and spices, and at the end of the month
they bled him in both arms as much as he could tolerate
and abide. They added a handful of salt to six pounds
of this blood, and distilled it seven times, pouring water
upon the residuum after every distillation. An ounce of
this was to be taken three or four times a year. As
the life was thought to be in the blood, it was believed
that it could be thus transferred"). ^ In cases of dropsy,
it is said that Asclepiades practiced scarification of the
ankles. 2 Hippocrates is reputed to have been the first
medical writer to speak of bleeding. He advised that blood
be abstracted from the arm, from the temporal vessels,
from the leg, and from other parts of the body in some
instances to the point of fainting. ^ Among the nature
people of the River DarHng, New South Wales, the very
sick and weak patients are fed upon blood abstracted from
the bodies of their male friends. As a general thing it is
taken as soon as it is drawn. But sometimes hot ashes
are put into the blood, thus cooking it to a slight extent.*
Granted that this practice is disgusting, it is scarcely more
so than that of nineteenth century physicians who pre-
1 Southey, "The Doctor," p. 59. ^ Baas, "History of Medicine," p. 137.
' Le Clerc, "Histoire de la Medicine," Part I, Book I, Chap. 18.
♦ J. A. I., 1884, p. 132.
scribed fresh animal blood for tubercular and anemic
patients.
The striking thing about sacrificial blood-letting is
that the medicine man, in his efforts to propitiate the angry
spirits by offering up the blood of the patient, uncon-
sciously initiated a therapeutic agency which has never
been abandoned — that of venesection. In the seventeenth
and early part of the eighteenth centuries, it w^as applied
in every form of sickness. In cases of over-indulgence, the
strong and healthy resorted to it for relief vv^ith much the
same freedom and confidence as in these days they resort
to epsom salts. During the last half of the eighteenth century,
how^ever, there vv^as a reaction against the excessive use
of blood-letting, and the practice to a great extent was
discontinued. Within the last few years there has been
a revival in its favor.i Among its generally recognized
advantages, it may be noted that venesection "acts by
diminishing the force of the action of the heart, and by
diminishing the quantity of blood in the body. It is useful
in cases of pneumonia, where from the amount of lung
inflamed there is great impediment to the flow of blood,
and the veins of the head and neck become turgid from
over-distress of the right cavities of the heart. It is useful
in apoplexy where the veins are distended, or where there
is a full, hard pulse. Local blood-letting is seldom wrong
in inflammation of external parts, or of the pleura, or
peritoneum." - Another authority states that, ^'during the
first years of this century, Roux demonstrated that the
^ New Sydenham Society Lexicon of Medicine, Art, "Blood-
letting." 2 Ibid.
abstraction of blood from animals produced a rapid
formation and increase of antitoxins, and where a condition
existed that caused a decline of these bodies, bleeding
at once checked" [this decline], ^'and there followed
a re-formation" [of antitoxins]. **A few years later,
Schroder of Copenhagen published observations on
typhoid and allied fevers in man, showing that
bleeding up to twenty ounces also here increased
the specific agglutinating properties of serum, and,
as in animals, under certain conditions where the agglutin-
ating properties had begun to decline, blood-letting checked
such a decline and produced a marked increase in this
power." 1 It is remarkable, indeed, that a therapeutic
measure, employed with beneficial results by twentieth
century physicians, should have had its origin in cultural
blood-letting. Good out of evil ! Saul among the prophets,
and Herbert Spencer among the mystics ! And this despite
the teachings of Zeno.
So much for the method of propitiation. As to the
negative method of the medicine man, perhaps the best
way of approach is by the imagination. Putting oneself in
the place of the savage, and thinking his thoughts, how
evident it is to one that, since the entrance of malicious
spirits into the body of the patient is the cause of sickness,
expulsion of those spirits is the only remedy! Exorcism
is, therefore, a part of the stock in trade of the medicine
man, and, among the Goras of Northwestern India, any
person can become a medicine man who will learn the
1 Reference Handbook of Medical Sciences, II, p. 199.
formulas which compel the daimons to obey.i Of the
Mishmis it is said that when a man is sick a priest
is summoned to banish the evil spirit.2 Miss Kingsley
says that sickness and death in West Africa are believed to
be caused by the body-soul of a deceased person before
it has taken its final departure for dead-land, or by various
agencies, differing according to the locality. But of all
the spirits the "sisa" is perhaps the most annoying.
Sometimes it wanders about, and, taking advantage of an
open mouth and the absence of a "kra" or dream-soul, enters
into a person and causes rheumatism, colic, or other painful
ailments. The medicine man has to be summoned at once
to get it out. The methods employed to meet this are
characteristic of men incapable of the most advanced think-
ing. All the people in the village, particularly babies and
old people — persons whose souls are delicate — must be
kept away during the operation, having a piece of cloth
over the nose and mouth, and everyone must be howling so ,
as to scare the ''sisa" off them if by any chance it should^'
escape from the witch doctor. An efficient practitioner
thinks it a disgrace to allow a ''sisa" to get away from him ;
such an accident would be a blow to his practice, for the
people would not care to call a man who could allow this to
happen. 3 The Chippeways, in treating disease, concerned
themselves more about the spells they used to banish the
spirits than about the remedies they applied.* Among the
» Dalton, "Ethnology of Bengal," p. 60.
2 Rowlatt, "Mishmis," Journal of As. Soc. Bengal, XIV, Part. 2,p.487.
^ Kingsley, "West African Studies," p. 172.
* Keating, "Expedition to the Source of St. Peter's River," 11, p. 158.
New Zealanders, when any person falls ill, the medicine
man resorts to incantations, either to propitiate the angry"',
spirit or, through threats and abuse, to drive it away.^ I
The native doctors of the Visayans, with whom the author ,
became acquainted while living in the Philippine Islands,
used to place a light under the nipa house in which a .
child was being born for the purpose, as they averred, of |
frightning away the ''asuangs" [spirits] which otherwise
would devour the infant as soon as it was delivered.
One method of exorcism is that of causing the \
body of the patient to become such a disagreeable |
habitat that the disease spirit will not remain in
it. In some instances this is accomplished in a
very heroic manner. The natives of Sumatra, for example,
try to banish the daimon from an insane person
by putting the patient into a hut and setting fire to the
building, leaving the wretch to escape if he can.^ The sick
person, among various savage tribes, is fumigated, made to
swallow horrible things, drenched with foul concoctions
which only the savage imagination could conceive — all for
the distinct purpose of disgusting the unseen intruder. ^
The savage doctor often tries to expel the evil spirit
by physical force. Among the Columbian Indians, he
attempts to compel the disease daimon to leave a patient
by pressing his clenched fists with all his might in the
pit of the stomach of the unfortunate man.^ Many
' Lubbock, "Origin of Civilization," p. 132.
2 Marsden, "History of Sumatra," p. 191.
^ Bancroft, "Native Races of the Pacific States of North
America," I, p. 286.
innocent old men and old women of the Tagalog people,
Philippine Islands, when thought to be possessed by
vicious spirits, are known to have been cruelly beaten and
otherwise maltreated because the pagan shamans believed
that in this maner the daimons could be exorcised. Herrera
writes of the Indians ofCumana, "If the disease increased,"
[the medicine men] "said the patient was possessed with
spirits, stroked the body all over, used words of enchant-
ment, licked some joints, and sucked, saying they drew out
the spirit; took a twig of a certain root, the virtue
whereof none but the physicians knew, .tickled their own
throats with it till they vomited, and bled, sighed, roared,
quaked, stamped, made a thousand faces, sweated for two
hours, and at last brought up a sort of thick phlegm, with
a little hard black ball in the middle of it, which the re-
lations of the sick person carried to the field, saying —
'Go thy way. Devil/" i
The medicine men of the Algonkin, the Ojib-
ways, the Sioux, and other Indian tribes had a
method of exorcism known as the sucking method.
They sucked that part of the body where the pain was
most intense, thinking by so doing to extract the daimon.
Among the Florida Indians, the shamans sucked and
blew on the sick man, and put hot stones on his abdomen
to remove the pain. The medicine men of the Navaho and
Chippeway Indians had a bony tube similar to a stetho-
scope, which they placed over the diseased spot and sucked
in order to give relief.^ In Australia, says Howitt,
' Herrera, "General History of the Continent and Islands of
America," HI, p. 310. ^ Bartels, "Med- Naturvolker," p. 270.
''cures are effected by sucking the afflicted part and
exhibiting, as having been extracted therefrom, some
foreign body which has caused the ill, or by sucking
the place, and expelling the evil influence, or by
various manipulations, pinchings, squeezings, to allay
the pain. In some cases the 'poison,' as they call
it now, is supposed to be extracted through a string, or
a stick, from the patient to the doctor, who spits it out
in the form of blood." i Howitt Hkewise speaks of the
Kernai and relates that one of these, being ill, con-
sulted a Murring doctor, who, after manipulating the
patient, sucked the afflicted place, and exhibited a
quartz crystal as being the cause of the illness. He
also told the patient that it had been thrown at him by
another Murring doctor. The man got well, and the
reputation of the medicine man was greater than ever. ^
Bourke says that the Apache shaman, in the case of deep-
seated pains, sucked the place affected, putting so much
energy into his work that he raised blisters. ^ Among
the California Indians, the medicine men had a tube called
the "chacuaco," made from a very hard, black stone, which
they used in sucking such parts of the body of the patient
as were subject to great pain.* The medicine man of the
Shingu Indians wafts clouds of tobacco smoke over his
patient, and kneads him vigorously, groaning meanwhile as
if he were his own victim, although the sick man
1 Howitt, "Australian Medicine Men," J. A. I., XVI, p. 39.
2 Howitt, "Australian Medicine Men," J. A. I., XVI, p. 57.
^ Bourlie, "Medicine Men of the Apache," Bur. Eth., IX, p. 471
* Venigas, "History of California," I, p. 126.
remains quiet. After resorting to suction, he appears
to spit out the source of the trouble. i
To modern man both the ghost theory of disease and
suction as a means of exorcism are alike absurd. But the
therapeutical expedient so much in vogue today, especially
in country districts, known as ''cupping," had its beginning
in the sucking method of the medicine man. In Alaska,
the native doctor used for a sucking instrument the bone
of the wing of an eagle. The transition from sucking with
the mouth to a real cupping instrument is here seen.^ By
use of a cupping glass in the case of a boil, for example,
the blood is drawn to the surface of the body where the
boil is located. The phagocytes combat and destroy the
cocci bacilli that have gained access to the tissue spaces,
and the patient is relieved. What is of interest here is the
fact that the procedure of cupping, which is today recog-
nized as a scientific measure, was discovered unwittingly
and unawares by the medicine man, whose intention was
not to bring blood to the periphery, but to abstract an evil
spirit.3 In many cases he, of necessity, succeeded in
effecting a cure. As Bartels says, "At bottom the idea
of this procedure [suction] was to draw out the evil spirit
that was responsible for the disease or pain, but this
process really worked as dry clipping and in some cases
was beneficial." * The method was passed on to succeeding
generations until at length the principles of scientific
cupping were grasped.
1 Steinen, "Shingu Tribes," p. 345. After Sumner's Notes.
2 Bartels, "Med Naturvolker," p. 270. 3 Mason, "Origins of
Invention," p. 203. * Bartels, "Med. Naturvolker," p. 266.
Another method of exorcism is by kneading and massag-
ing the body. Spencer and Oillan describe as follows the
process as practiced in Central Australia: "A middle aged
man fell ill. His illness was at once attributed to the fact
that he had deliberately done what he perfectly well knew
was contrary to the custom, and no one was in the least
surprised. Among the men in the camp were five doctors,
and, as the case was evidently a serious one, they were
called into consultation. One of them — a celebrated medi-
cine man from a neighbouring tribe — gave it as his
opinion that the bone of a dead man, attracted by the camp
fire, or through the influence of a wizard, had entered the
body of the patient and was causing the trouble. The
others agreed with this opinion, but, not to be outdone
by a stranger, the oldest doctor of the tribe in question
decided that, in addition to the bone, an arabillia, or wart
of a gum tree, had somehow got inside the body of the
man. The three less experienced men looked very grave,
but said nothing beyond the fact that they fully concurred
in the diagnosis of their older colleagues. At all events
it was decided that both the bone and the wart must
be removed, and under cover of darkness, they were in
part supposed to be removed after much sucking and
rubbing of the body of the patient.'' ^ Howitt thus
writes of the treatment of an Austrahan doctor: "His
method of cure was to stroke the affected part with his
hands until, as he said, he could 'feel the thing under the
skin.' Then, covering the place with a piece of cloth, he
* Spencer and Gillan, "Native Tribes of Central Australia," p. 516.
drew it together with one hand, and unfolding it he
exhibited within its folds a piece of quartz, bone, bark,
charcoal, even in one case a glass marble, placed there,
as he said, by a wizard, as the cause of the disease." ^
Matthews describes the method of a medicine man of
the Navahoes in his treatment of a sick woman. She 'Svas
lifted by two other women and laid on her side, . . . with
her face to the east. While she lay there, the medicine
man, amid much singing, walked around her, inscribed
on the earth at her feet a straight line with his finger,
and erased it with his foot, inscribed at her head a cross,
and rubbed it out in the same manner, traced radiating
lines in all directions from her body, and obliterated them,
gave her a light massage, whistled over her from head to
foot and all around her, and whistled towards the smoke
hole, as if whistling something away. These acts were per-
formed in the order in which they are recorded. His
last operation was a severe massage, in which he kneaded
every part of her body forcibly, and pulled her joints hard,
whereat she groaned and made demonstrations of suffer-
ing." 2 Among the Omahas, the treatment of sickness was
especially painful, since it consisted not only of bleeding,
sucking, and of kneading the body, but of pulling the flesh
below the ribs.^
A survival of the rubbing or massaging process is to be
observed in the practice of osteopathy. The osteopath, be it
1 Howitt, "Australian Medicine Men," J. A. I., XVI, p. 39.
2 Matthews, "The Mountain Chant," Bur. Eth., 1888, p. 423.
3 Fletcher-Laflesche, " The Omaha Tribe," Bur. Eth., 1911, p. 567.
understood, does not pretend to remove a spirit or any
other disturbing object by his operations. His idea is
to restore healthy action in a dormant organ. Massaging
is recognized by the best physicians as a therapeutic
agency in case of sprains, bruises, indigestion, and many
other ailments. There is no doubt that both the medicine
man and the osteopath produce results; although no evil
spirit or foreign object is cast out, as the savage thinks,
neither does disease have its origin in the spine, according
to the theory of the osteopath and the chiropractor. In
both instances cures are effected in spite of an illusory
major premise. The reason for the success of the
application of massage is that bodily organs are often
stimulated to renewed activity by friction through which
the blood is brought to those organs, in addition to the fact
that certain patients are particularly amenable to suggestion.
In what is conceived to be the more difficult form of
exorcism, one daimon is employed to expel another. The
medicine man pretends to subdue the daimon in the patient
by virtue of the spirit with which he himself is possessed;
or he creates the impression that he is able to enlist the aid
of friendly supernatural powers. This method of exorcism
known as ''dualism" continues among civilized peoples. An
ancient Egyptian inscription relates that Princess Bint-resh,
sister of Queen Noferu-ra, recovered from a serious sickness
when the image of the god Khon-su was brought to her
bedside. Although the "learned expert" Thutenhit was
unable to do her any good, her recovery was immediate
when the god appeared in the sick chamber of the princess,
14*
the evil spirit of the disease acknowledging the superior
power of Khon-su, and leaving at once his usurped abode. ^
Fire is regarded as a powerful means of spirit ex-
pulsion. Whence came fire? How in the beginning did
man obtain possession of it? In volcanic regions its dis-
covery is easily explained. It was belched up from the
bowels of the earth. To the savage there is but one ex-
planation of volcanic eruption — it is mysterious, and,
therefore, due to spirit activity. Hence the resulting fire
either contains a spirit or is itself a spirit. But while
fire is ubiquitous, crater disturbances are not found in
many parts of the earth. In the light of this knowledge,
how is the presence of fire to be explained? Electrical
storms have always occurred all over the world. Fire,
then, must have come from bolts of lightning ^ which
ignited trees of the forests and grass of the stepps. But
since the lightning comes out of the skies it must in savage
thought have been sent by the spirits who abide in the
heavenly regions. The fire, therefore, enkindled by
the lightning must be possessed by, or be one or more
of those celestial inhabitants. Fire crackles, sputters, and
inflicts pain when one comes too near it. The
savage ascribes these properties to spirit possession.
Since fire itself is a spirit, or contains a spirit, may
it not be instrumental in frightening away spirits?
This the savage believes. He finds fire serviceable
in ridding: himself of his mundane foes. Insects fear it; if
'to
1 Brugsch-Bey, "Egypt under the Pharaohs," II, pp. 192—193.
2 Lippert, "Kulturgeschichte," I, p. 253 ff.
they chance to come within its reach they are destroyed.
The most savage and ferocious animals will not approach
it; the blaze dazzles their eyes, the heat burns them. They
are easily subdued or put to flight by the brandishing of
a burning stick or lighted torch. Since fire is an effective
means of vanquishing earthly enemies, it follows that it
will be equally advantageous in driving off invisible and
spiritual foes. Concerning the Yakuts Sieroshevski says,
"The most trustworthy agency to drive out daimons which
torment people in sleep is fire, placed between the victim
and his tormentor. An expiring fire-brand cast down
by the threshold of the house-door is often used by the
Yakuts to prevent evil spirits from getting into the house.
Often when they first bring into the stable beasts which
they have newly obtained, they lead them through fire." i
A Yakut '^boy," he continues, "whose finger became in-
flamed came to the conclusion, which the bystanders shar-
ed, that a 'yor' [spirit] had established itself in the finger.
Desiring to drive it out the boy took a burning coal and
began to apply it around the place while blowing upon it.
When the burned flesh began to blister, and then burst
with a little crackle, the curious group which had crowded
around him flew back with a cry of terror, and the
wounded boy, with a smile of self-satisfaction, said: ^You
saw how he jumped out!"'^ <<a man who had the rheuma-
tism,'' he again says, "had his body marked all over with
deep burnings. As soon as he had any pain, he
applied fire to the seat of it." ^ in ancient Chaldea, the
' Sumner, "Yakuts," Abridged from the Russian of Sieroshevski,
J. A. I., XXXI, p. 105. 2 Ibid. 3 i5i(j.
exorcists were expert in expelling daimons which caused
disease. The priests sometimes made a fire of herbs,
the flame of which was thought to frighten away the
daimons, and the evils for which they were responsible.!
Leland gives a Russian gypsy incantation by which fire
was invoked to cure illness. It is as follows: '"Great Fire,
my defender and protector, son of the celestial fire, equal of
the sun who cleanses the earth of foulness, deliver this man
from the evil sickness that torments him day and night !'" ^
It is striking to note in this connexion that uncon-
sciously, accidentally, unintentionally, and in spite of him-
self, the medicine man by his use of fire initiated a scientific
method of procedure. Fire is the only infallible germicide
known to the scientific world. By it water is purified,
surgical instruments are sterilized, and by the cooking of
food, germs of disease have been destroyed, thus preventing
many a period of sickness. And the therapeutic use of
fire had its beginning in the efforts of the medicine man,
searching for ghost-banning influences. One may read that
among the Araucanians a cautery of burning pitch was
used 3 ; while Grinnell declares that among the Indians of
his acquaintance "cauterizing with red hot irons was not
infrequently employed.'' * In Gilbert Island cauterization is
accomplished by means of small pieces of hot cocoanut
shell.s The California Indians for the initial stage of
syphilis applied a hot coal to the indurated chancre.^
^ Maspero, "Dawn of Civilization in Egypt and Chaldea," p. 780.
- Leland, " Gypsy Sorcery," p. 40. ^ Smith, "Araucanians," p. 233.
* Grinnell, "The Healing Art as practised by the Indians of the
Plains," Cincinnati Lancet and Observer, VII, 1874, pp. 145 — 147.
•' Bartels, "Med. Naturvolker," p. 287. 6 ibid.
Among primitive peoples water is considered a power-
ful means of influencing the spirits. The sea rolls, the
breakers roar, the waves lash the shore. Rivers flow
ceaselessly, the currents now slow, now swift, now falling
over cataracts, eroding earth and stones, causing rapids
to wear gulches — all this calls for explanation. After heavy
rains freshets are formed, fields are overflowed, trees and
rocks are washed away, and often men and beasts are vic-
tims of the flood. An ill-fated canoe, laden with human
freight, is sometimes lost in a whirlpool; springs bubble
up out of the ground; water veins are struck underneath
the surface of the earth. It is impossible to project
developed ideas of civilized man back into the un-
developed mind of the savage, and say that the latter
attributes those phenomena to natural causes. The best
he can do with his untrained intellect and limited
fund of knowledge, is to ascribe those extraordinary
occurences to spirit influences. One hears, therefore, of
the ''God of storm and calm, the vexed sea and the quiet
harbor," of water sprites, fairies, and elves. Since water
manifests such convincing proof of spirit possession,
why should it not be useful as a means of banishing
spirits? Primitive man believes in its ghost compelling
power. The savage is not slow to observe that water can
be made to cleanse material substances. With it he removes
the dirt from his bow and arrow, cleanses his garments,
and renders his person more attractive. Since water is a
means of purifying visible and tangible things, the primitive
man reasons that it can banish those invisible and intangible
influences that inflict both corporeal and spiritual evil.
It is stated, for example, that the "Malagasy, con-
sidering all diseases as inflicted by an evil spirit,
consult a medicine man whose method is to re-
move the daimon by means of a little grass, or
the water with which the patient has rinsed his mouth." ^
Animals fear water. By it dogs can be made to stop
fighting, a mad dog can be swerved from his course, a
mad bull can be put to flight. If to the savage mind this
element has the power, by virtue of indwelling spirits, to
drive away animals, it can surely keep at a distance the in-
visible enemies of the spirit world, some of which are
metamorphosed animals. In the Jewish Hades, therefore, it
will be remembered, a great gulf separated the spirits of
the unjust from the spirits of the just^ ; and in the Greek
belief the soul had to cross the river Styx before it could
reach the spirit world. In this connexion, it is told that the
Omahas believed ghosts would never cross a stream, and,
therefore, if pursued by these unwelcome apparitions, a
man would go post-haste to the nearest rivulet and cross it.
The extent of the barrier made no difference to the ghost;
it was unable to cross any running water.^
Tylor writes: ''With all the obscurity and intricacy
due to age-long modification, the primitive thought that
overrules water ceremonies in vogue among many civilized
peoples is still open to view. There has been a transition
from practical to symbolic cleansing, from the removal of
» Ellis, "Madagascar," I, pp. 221—232.
2 St. Luke, 16 : 26.
3 Fletcher-Laflesche, "The Omaha Tribe," Bur. Eth., 1911, p. 591.
i
\
bodily impurity to deliverance from moral and spiritual
impurity. But there is a survival in all water rites of the
savage idea of spirit-banning. Holy water is in full use in
the Greek and Roman Churches. It bathes the worshipper
as he enters the temple, it cures diseases, it averts sorcery
from men and animals, it drives daimons from the possessed,
it stops the pen of the spirit-writer, it drives the spirit-
moved table as it is sprinkled upon it to dash itself
against the wall; at least these are among the powers
attributed to it and vouched for by ecclesiastical author-
ity." ^ Why does all this power reside in water? The
reason may not have been expressed, but the explana-
tion goes back to the savage idea of spirit possession.
In the use of water to expel the disease daimon, the
medicine man unconsciously, accidentally, and without
purpose, hit upon a remedy, the therapeutic value of which,
although not comprehended either by himself or by any-
body in his class, is now generally recognized. In 1702,
Sir John Floyer referred the water cure system to
baptism, and assigned as a reason for rachitis the fact that
"children in baptism were no longer plunged in water in
pious England, but simply had their heads wet." ^ in 1829,
Vincenz Priessnitz, of Grafenherd, Austria, inaugurated
' hydrotherapy as a system. ^ Hydrotherapy was introduced
into England by Captain Claridge, and to John Smedley is
given the credit for popularizing the system among English-
speaking peoples. In this century hydrotherapy is advocated
1 Tylor, "Prim. Cult.," II, pp. 440-441.
2 Baas, "History of Medicine," p. 722.
3 R. Metcalf, "Life of Vincenz Priessnitz," pp. 77 ff.
by reputable physicians as a rational method of procedure
in certain cases of sickness. In the treatment of hyper-
pyrexia the cooling bath holds a recognized position; in
certain diseases all physicians recommend the wet sheet
pack; the Turkish bath, it would seem, has come to stay;
the morning "dip," "shower," "tub," or "sponge," — these
are only a few ways in which hydrotherapy has contributed
to public health. And hydrotherapy harks back to the
efforts of the shaman to banish spirits by means of water.
In pointing out the methods of the medicine man in
ministering to the sick, mention should be made of amulets
and charms. An amulet is something hung around the neck,
or otherwise attached to the body, and worn in order to
ward off the attacks of spirits. A charm is used for the
same purpose, but it is not always suspended from the
body. Amulets and charms are supposed to have spirits
residing in the materials out of which they are made.
Hence they are fetiches. Since to the savage mind, charms
and amulets are the abodes of spirits, it is thought that
they are efficacious in vanquishing evil spirits. But the
material object is not responsible for the cures referred to
the healing agency of amulets and charms. The spirit
residing in the outward form has driven out the daimon of
disease — that is the reason assigned for the recovery of
the patient. Sometimes a charm is made of an herb or root
and taken internally. The primitive man, however, never
looks for the physiological effect of what would now be
called the medicine. The shaman thinks that the spirit, which
xiwells in the root or herb, enters into the body of the
patient, and, searching through the vitals, discovers and
drives out the disease daimon, which is the cause of the
sickness. 1 Among modern Egyptians, when a man is sick,
he is made to swallow pieces of paper on which are written
texts from the Koran. 2 It is not difficult to perceive
that the notion here is that the spirit dwelling in the
inspired words is supposed to expel the spirit of disease.
Another reason for this method of exorcism is the fact
that the materials out of which charms and amulets are
fashioned are often portions of the bodies of dead animals
and dead men. The ghosts and spirits have the same fears
and sensibilities as when in the flesh. The savage thihks
that the possession of a part of a living man gives power
over him because by some mysterious means the soul of
the man is identified with that part. Reasoning from
analogy, it is clearly seen that the possession of a portion
of a dead man will likewise give power over him. Some
peoples believe that a dead man, even as a live man, has
need of every part of his body. Of the Israelites we read
that '^Joseph gave commandment concerning his bones," ^
that is, that they might be preserved against the day of
resurrection. The Peruvians and the inland negroes of
Ardra preserve the hair and nails of their dead, apparently
for the same reason.* The inference, then, would seem
justified that in the belief of these peoples, if one
possesses the relics of a dead man or dead animal, he has
^ Nassau, "Fetichism in West Africa," pp. 97 ff.
2 Ebers, "Egypt," II, p. 61.
^ Hebrews, 11 : 22. * Garcilasso de la Vega, "The Royal Commen-
taries of thelncas," I, p. 127; Bastian, "Der Mensch," II, p. 357.
a means of hurting the dead owner. In order, therefore, to
drive away the spirits which cause sickness, the medicine
man has only to obtain some part, real or supposed, of
the body of a dead man or animal. In other words, since
the ghosts of the dead are responsible for sickness, and
since they have need of all their parts, the shaman, by
means of amulets and charms made of those parts,
can coerce the spirits into doing his bidding.
Disease being sometimes believed to be due to an
animal, or to the spirit of an animal, amulets and charms
are often made from relics of animals. Among the Dvaks
of Borneo, the charms belonging to a medicine man con-
sist of some teeth of alligators and honey-bears, several
tusks of boars, chips of deer horn, and claws of animals. i
In Afghanistan, it was believed that the graves of the dead
had power to cure disease. ^ The inhabitants of North Hants,
England, used to wear a tooth taken from a dead body
suspended from the neck, as a cure for toothache.^ Accord-
ing to the same authority, bones taken from graveyards,
from time immemorial, have been used as charms against
disease.* Often a root or herb, which really has medicinal
value, is used for a charm. Some one of the predecessors
of the medicine man, in casting about for a means to ex-
orcise disease daimons, happened to blunder upon a
leaf, bark, or root, which, when given internally, proved
efficient. Not knowing the "modus operandi'^ of the drug,
^ Boyle, "Adventures Among the Dyaks of Borneo," p. 207.
2 Simpson, "Ancient or Buddhist Remains in Afghanistan,"
Frazer's Magazine, Feb., 1880, pp. 197—198.
= Black, "Folk Medicioe," pp. 98—99. * Ibid.
the savage doctor jumped to the conclusion that he had
discovered either a fetich more powerful than the spirit of
the sickness, or a herb by means of which the malicious
spirit finally was propitiated. This root or herb was passed on
to later generations, until some individual arose who
possessed sufficient intelligence to observe that it had a
physiological rather than a magical effect,^ and in that
manner a valuable medicinal agent was discovered.
In the use of amulets and charms for the purpose of ex-
orcism, the medicine man practices what is known among
primitive peoples as the "white art." The ''white art''
is distinguished from the "black art" in the fact that
while the former is passively defensive, the latter is
, actively offensive. The "black art" exists for the purpose
of injuring or killing somebody; the "white art" exists for
the reason that one by its use can defend himself from
adversaries. To the savage manner of thinking, the de-
fensive use of "white magic" is analogous to the defensive
use of a gun. If a thief breaks into a house, the natural
thing is to drive him out by the firing of a pistol, and even,
in case of necessity, to kill him. If, in Hke manner, a
malignant spirit gets into the body of a primitive man and
makes him sick, the medicine man by the use of a charm,
which contains an exceedingly potent spirit, pretends to
compel the ill-disposed daimon to take its departure. "White
magic" to the savage mind is very powerful. It is able to
suspend the law of destiny, it can defend against the wither-
ing glance of the "evil eye," it can render the spell of
1 Nassau, "Fetichism in West Africa," pp. 106 ff .
L.-
the magician of no effect.^ Thus in Borneo, the Dyak
medicine man waves and jingles charms over the affected
part of the sici< man, and pretends to remove the
spirits. 2 The shaman of Sumatra practices medicine chiefly
by charms ; when called to treat a patient, he usually asks
for "something on account" with which to purchase the
appropriate charms. ^ The medicine of the Abyssinians
to a large extent consists of the use of amulets and charms.
That is the method of treating even leprosy and syphilis.*
The Magi recommended that a species of beetle, taken up
with the left hand, be worn as a charm against quartan
fevers.^ For tertian fever the Magi and the Pythagoreans
prescribed the gathering of the '^pseudo-anchusa," during
which the one who plucked it was to utter the name
of the individual to be cured, after which the plant was to
be fastened to the patient.*^ In ancient Egypt, both men
and, as averred, gods wore amulets and charms for
protection, and used magical formulas to coerce each
other.^ The Bezoar stone in former times was used against
melancholia. It was reputed to remove sadness, and to
make him merry vv^ho resorted to it.s The Fumaria'
Capreolata, it is said, derives its name from the Latin
fumus, smoke, because the smoke of this plant was claimed
by exorcists to possess the power of banishing spirits.^
1 Nassau, "Fetichism in West Africa," pp. 100—112.
2 St. John, "Life in the Forests of the Far East," I, p. 201.
^ Marsden, "History of Sumatra," p. 189.
* Baas, "History of Medicine," p. 68.
* Pliny, "Natural History," B. XXH, C 24; B. XXX, C. 30.
« Ibid.
' Erman, "Life in Ancient Egypt," p. 353.
8 Burton, "Anatomy of Melancholy," II, p. 131.
9 C. A. John, "Flowers of the Field," p. 32.
Sometimes knots are used as charms. The following
example is taken from Cockayne's ''Saxon Leechdoms":
''As soon as a man gets pain in his eyes, tie in unwrought
flax as many knots as there are letters in his name,
pronouncing them as you go, and tie it around his neck." '
A common cure for warts is to tie as many knots of hair
as there are warts and throw the hair-knots away.^ In
the Popular Antiquities of Brand is this remedy: "If
in the month of October, a little before the full of the
moon, you pluck a sprig of elder, and cut the case that
is betwixt two of its knots into nine pieces, and these pieces
be bound in a piece of linen, and by a thread so hung
about the neck that they touch the spoon of the heart or
the sword-form cartilage, you have a sovereign cure for
epilepsy." ^ Brand records also a Devonshire cure for
warts: "Take a piece of twine, tie it in as many knots as
you have warts, touch each wart with a knot, and throw
the twine behind your back in some place where it will
soon decay — but tell no one what you have done. When
the twine is decayed, your warts will disappear without any
pain or trouble, being in fact charmed away."* In
Lancashire, England, people commonly wear charmed belts
for the cure of rheumatism. ^ In some parts of England a
cord is worn about the waist to ward off toothache.^ Black
gives a New England charm for an obstinate ague: "The
* Cockayne, "Saxon Leechdoms," I, Preface, p. XXIX.
2 Black, "Folk Medicine," p. 185.
^ Brand, "Popular Antiquities," III, p. 285.
* Ibid., p. 276.
5 Black, "Folk Medicine," p. 176.
« Ibid., p. 177.
patient must take a string made of woolen yarn, and go
by himself to an apple tree; there he must tie his left
hand loosely with the right to the tree by a tri-colored
string. Then he must slip his hand out of the knot, and
run into the house without looking behind him." i A
popular folk remedy for fever in the time of Pliny was to
take the dust in which a hawk had bathed herself, tie it
up in a linen cloth, and attach it to the body with a red
string. 2 Pliny gives another remedy for the same disease:
"Some put a caterpillar in a piece of linen, and pass a thread
three times around it, and then tie three knots, repeating
at each knot why it is that the operation is performed." ^
It not infrequently happens that individuals sufficiently
protected by amulets and charms believe themselves to be
invulnerable to diseases, mishaps, plagues, and pestilences.
Thus "the Badaga folk," says Reclus, "mountaineers of
the Neilgherries, insure their children against accident and
sickness by talismans made of the earth and ashes of
funeral pyres."* "At Christmas tide, in Christian coun-
tries," as Nassau remarks, "decorations with the holly bush
are made without the thought that the December festival
was originally a heathen feast, and that superstitious fore-
fathers spread the holly as a guard against evil fairies.
The superstitious African negro does the same thing today.
As the holly bush does not grow in his tropical air, he has
substituted the cayenne pepper bush. The spirits which he
1 Black, "Folk Medicine," p. 38.
2 Pliny, "Natural History," B. XXX, C. 30.
3 Ibid.
* Reclus, "Primitive Folk," p. 232.
fears can no more pass over that pepper leaf with its red
pods than the Irish fairy can dare to pass the holly leaf with
its red berries." i The ancient Egyptians were buried with
their amulets in order that the spirits of those amulets might
protect their owners against the evil spirits of the other
world. A great number of charms were found on the
body of Horuta, at the time of excavations at the pyramid
of Hawara. They were the most magnificent series of
amulets that have ever been seen.^ For a protection
against epilepsy, Alexander Trallianus prescribed bits of
sail cloth taken from a ship-wrecked vessel. These were to
be tied to the right arm and worn for seven weeks. ^
According to Brand, if a boy were beaten with an elder
stick his growth would be hindered; but an elder-bush on
which the sun never shone was esteemed a protection against
erysipelas.* Cornelius Agrippa used to say that the
"cinquefoil," or five-leafed grass, resists poison, and expels
evil spirits by virtue of the number five.^ The Negritos
of Zambales, Philippine Islands, believe in the efficacy of
certain kinds of wood. Worn on the limbs, those pieces of
wood are supposed to cure rheumatism ; worn around the
neck, they are thought to be remedies for colds and sore
throat.^ It is a common occurrence to meet men who
carry in their pockets horse-chestnuts as a protection
against rheumatism.
1 Nassau, "Fetichism in West Africa," p. 101.
2 Petrie, "Ten Years' Digging in Egypt," p. 94.
* Smith, " Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities," Articles,
"Therapeutics," and "Amulets," p. 91.
* Brand, "Observations," III, p. 284.
^ Moriey, "Life of Cornelius Agrippa," I, p. 165.
^ Reed, "Negritos of Zambales," p. 66.
It must not be omitted, in passing, to remark upon
the use of some dangling or fluttering object, which by
attracting the "evil eye" is believed to protect the wearer
from its malignant influence. Everybody is cognizant of the
strange power which one mind has of working on another
through the eye. If the eye of man can have this strange,
mysterious power over an individual with weaker
will, how much greater will be the effect of the eyes of
spirits! So came about the notion that the "evil eye" lies
in wait for the fortunate and prosperous to work them
harm. One reason, therefore, for bad luck is the fact that
spirits, jealous of the good fortune and happiness of man,
trip him up, and send loss, pain, and calamity.^ Whatever
dangles or flutters, however, will attract the attention of
the "evil eye" to itself and away from the individual who
is to be protected. 2 Among the Semites, therefore, rags or
dirty clothing used to be hung on children to protect them
from the "evil eye."^ For the same reason, the Moslems
decorated themselves and their horses with shining, waving
articles, and adorned their houses with streamers on which
were printed texts of the Koran." * The Anodyne necklace,
which consisted of beads turned out of the root
of the white Bryony, and which was hung around the necks
of infants in order to assist their teething, and to ward off
convulsions, was placed there to distract the attention of
the "evil eye." ^ Quartz, coral, and precious stones are
» Bartels, "Med. Naturvolker," pp. 43 ff.
2 Monier- Williams, "Brahmanism and Hindooism," p. 254.
3 W. R. Smith, "Religion of the Semites," p. 448.
♦ Sumner, "Folkways," p. 517.
5 Salverte, "Philosophy of Magic," I, p. 195.
much in use as charms and amulets, because it is thought
that those minerals are effective in warding off the glance
of "evil eye.''
Among the many notions entertained by the savage
concerning the soul is the identification of the name with
its possessor.! From this identification arises the idea that
possession of the name of a person is equivalent to getting
hold of his throat. The possessor thus has the possessed
at such a disadvantage that he can coerce him into doing
his will. Bancroft says of the native races of the Pacific
States of North America, ''With them the name assumes
a personality; it is the shadow or spirit, or other self of
the flesh and blood person." 2 Mooney writes: ''The
Indian regards his name not as a mere label, but as a
distinct part of his personality, just as much as his eyes
or his teeth, and believes that injury will result as surely
from the malicious handling of his name as from a wound
inflicted on any part of his physical organism." ^ This
may account for the manifestation, on the part of primitive
man, of a desire to keep his name a secret. For it is
said of the Land Dyaks, that they "often change the
names of their children, especially if they are sickly, there
being an idea that they will deceive the inimical spirits by
following this practice." ^ It may be for the same reason
"that both Powhatan and Pocahontas are known in history
under assumed appellations, their true names having been
concealed from the whites until the pseudonyms were too
1 Vide p. 16. 2 Bancroft, "The Native Races of the Pacific States
of North America," I, p. 245. ^ Mooney, "Sacred Formulas of the
Cherokees," Bur. Eth., 1891, p. 343. * St. John, "Life in the
Forests of the Far East," I, p. 197.
15*
firmly established to be supplanted." ^ Since to the mind
of primitive man there is little difference between the dead
and the living, pronouncing the names of ghosts and
spirits gives power over those most dreaded enemies.
This explains why nature people dislike to utter
the names of the gods, for by so doing it is
believed their anger is kindled. Thus the Chinese,
thinking it wrong to use the name of their supreme Ruler
on ordinary occasions, use instead the name of his
home, 'Tien,' Heaven. 2 According to Exodus, the third
chapter, Javeh is not to be spoken of by his true name.^
Again it is written, "Thou shalt not take the name of
Javeh thy God in vain,"* that is, thou shalt not use the
name, thou art permitted to mention, in a light or frivolous
manner. The savage identification of the name with the soul,
together with the derivative idea that calling the names
of the ghosts and spirits gives power over them, and
may kindle their anger, is responsible for the practice
of the necromancer when he makes his invocations.
In I Samuel, 28: 15, the shadow of the prophet asks
why he has been disturbed by the calling of his
name. Spencer notes that "an Icelandic saga describes
ghosts severally summoned . by name as answering
to the summons ; and the alleged effect of calling the
name is implied in the still-ex:tant, though now jocose say-
ing,— 'Talk of the devil, and he is sure to appear."' ^
Thus the savage idea of other-worldliness, implying
^ Mooney, "Sacred Formulas of the Cherokees," Bur. Eth.,1891, p. 343.
2 Edkins, "Religon in China." p. 71. 3 Exodus, 3:13-15.
* Ibid., 20:7. & Spencer, "Principles of Sociology," I, p. 249.
that the spirit world repeats this world, fosters the notion
that the spirits can be acted on by arts similar to those
which act on the living — that possession of the name gives
over the gods an influence and power like that which it is
supposed to give over ancestors and rulers before their
apotheosis.
It is not surprising, therefore, to find the medicine
man directing his activities along lines suggested by
these notions. Since to possess the name of a god is to have
power over him, why not make use of this advantage to
exorcise the daimon of sickness? Why not enlist the aid
of other spirits, more powerful than those responsible for
the mischief, to assist in driving away the daimon of
darkness? This method, already refered to as dualism,^
is resorted to b)?^ the medicine man, as well as by his
successors in practice, the priest-doctors. Thus among
the Indians of Acadia, it was the custom of the
medicine man to work himself up into an ecstatic
condition, at the same time invoking the names
of his gods. When fully inspired by what modem
spiritualists would call his "control" he, appearing more
like a devil than like a heavenly being, would assert in
firm tones what the condition of the patient was, and
sometimes make a fairly accurate guess. 2 The Homeric
Greeks held to the savage notion of the inherent
connexion between the name or word, and the soul.
Odysseus, for example, after depriving the Cyclops
1 Vide pp. 195 ff.
2 Hoffmann, Quoting Charlevoix "Journal of a Voyage to North
America," 11, p. 177, Bur. Eth., 1896, p. 139.
of his sight, refused to tell his name, lest the giant
should curse him. Shortly afterwards the Cyclops learned
the name of the wily Ithacan, and, therefore, was able
to call down upon him a powerful imprecation. ^ The in-
ference is plain that getting possession of the name in this
case was regarded as equivalent to getting possession of
the soul, and, consequently, of being able to invoke male-
dictions. Even the cultured among the Greeks never wholly
rid themselves of this idea.^
Since the name of a man is identical with his soul or
spirit, it readily follows that the written name or word is a
spirit, or contains a spirit, and, therefore, is a fetich. In his
treatment of disease, consequently, the medicine man often
pretends to subsidize the spirit dwelling in the written
or spoken word, and by the means of this more powerful
being to ward off, or expel, the malignant spirits of disease.
Survivals of this practice have continued throughout the
ages. Sir John Lubbock says that ''the use of writing as
medicine prevails largely in Africa, where the priests or
wizards write a prayer on a piece of board, wash it off,
and make the patient drink it."^ Of the Kirghiz, Atkinson
says that the miilLas [shamans] sell amulets at the rate of a
sheep for each piece of written paper.* According to
Erman, the belief that there are words and actions by
which men could produce an effect upon the powers of
nature, upon every living being, upon animals, and even
' Odyssey, Book IX, 11. 425 ff.
■^ Spencer, "Principles of Sociology," I, p. 245.
^ Lubbock, "Origin of Civilization," p. 16.
^ Atkinson, "Siberia," p. 310.
upon gods, was indissolubly connected with all the actions
of the Egyptians. The formulas used by the magicians
were believed to be revelations from the gods themselves.
They were made up wholly or in part from some foreign
tongue or a meaningless jargon, and the more mysterious
and difficult of understanding they were, the greater
their power was thought to be.i Cockayne, in his preface
to "Saxon Leechdoms," gives one of the charms
of Marcellus against inflamed eyes. It is as follows: "Write
on a clean sheet of paper ou^aix, and hang this round the
neck of the patient with a thread from the loom. In a
state of purity and chastity write on a clean sheet of paper
cpupcpapav, and hang it round the neck of the man. The
following will stop inflammation coming on, written on a
clean sheet of paper: pouj^oi;, pvovetpa?, pYjeXto?, w?, xavxei^opa,
■A.CLI uavxe? 7]axoT£t; it must be hung to the neck by a
thread ; and if both the patient and operator are in a state
of chastity, it will stop inveterate inflammation Blood
may be staunched by the words sicgcuma, cucuma, ucuma,
cuma, uma, ma, a." ^ Alexander Trallianus gave the
following prescription for quotidian ague: "Gather an
olive leaf before sunrise, write on it in common ink xa, poc,
a, and hang it round the neck." "For gout, write on a
thin plate of gold, during the waning of the moon, [xet,
%psi), \i6p, (ydp, T£uF, ^a, ^dbv, %-i, Xo6, xpf> T^> Ci wv, and
wear it round the ankles ; pronouncing also I'a^, a^uip, C^wv,
\)-p£u^, (3aiv, xww''<'-"^ Morley, in his "Life of Cornelius
^ Erman, "Lifein AncientEgypt,"pp.352— 353. ^ Cockayne," Saxon
Leechdoms," I, Preface, pp. XXIX— XXX. 3 Smith, "Dictio-
nary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology,'' I, p. 127.
Agrippa," records that rabbi Hama used to give his people
a sacred seal with divine names written in Hebrew, which
he declared would cure not only all kinds of sickness, but
heal all kinds of grief. ^ The same writer says that the first
Psalm, when written on doeskin, was regarded by certain
persons of that time as a help to women in childbirth. 2
After the death of Pascal, a billet of writing was found
sewed to his clothing. This was a ''profession of faith,"
which he always wore as a charm or amulet. It was
thought that Pascal attached the "profession of faith"
to every new garment he bought.^
It is said that some of the Jews believed Jesus had
learned the Mirific Word (true pronounciation of the
name of God), and by the use of that fetich
wrought his wonderful cures. In Jewish belief, this
word stirred all the angels and ruled all creatures.*
In the Book of Acts, St. Paul is represented as
casting out daimons and healing disease in the name
of Jesus. Some Jewish exorcists, stimulated by the
success of St. Paul, took upon themselves to name
the name of Jesus, saying, ''dpxi^oi b\iac; t6v Tirjaouv
6wIl(x\)loq xYjpuaaet." And the evil spirit answered, "xov 'Irjaouv
Ytyvwaxo) xa.i IlauXov iniax(x.\i(xi, b\ielc, Ss xive^ laxe;" and the
man having the unclean spirit drove them from the house.^
1 Op. cit., I, p. 191.
2 Ibid., I, p. 81.
3 "Thoughts of Blaise Pascal," Wright's Translation p. 2.
* Berdoe, "Healing Art," p. 265.
^ Acts, 19 : 13-16. Translation: "I adjure thee by Jesus whom
Paul preaches. And the spirit answered, Jesus I know and
Paul I have believed, but who art thou?"
Here the belief in dualism is plainly indicated. St. Paul
succeeded by the help of the mightier spirit; the exorcists,
lacking that spirit, failed. Alexander Trallianus is said to
have used this formula for exorcising gout: "I adjure
thee by the great name 'law Sa{3aw^': that is nlKDiC
nliT; and again, *I adjure thee by the holy names 'law
SapawB- 'Aowvac 'EXwc': that is 'r\hi<. ^^^? Dli^n^i nlny ^
Here the survival of the primitive idea of exorcism by
means of the spirit-filled word is too obvious to require
comment.
This chapter cannot fittingly be brought to a close
without fuller discussion of one therapeutic agency which
was initiated by the medicine man, and is applied at the
present day by successful practitioners in all parts of the
world. The power of suggestion is as old as humanity.
Al! nervous tissue is characterized by amenability to its
laws. But Mr. Samuel L.Clemens shot^wide of the mark
when he said, "The Christian Scientist has taken a force
which has been lying idle in every member of the race since
the world began." 2 That force was discovered long before
the time of Mary Baker Eddy. The medicine man, in his
capacity of intermediar}'^ between gods and men, lighted
upon it, and far from lying idle, it has been active
in tepee, at shrine and tomb, in temples and churches, for
thousands of years.
* Smith, "Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mytho-
logy," I, p. 127. Translation: 'lacb 2aPad)9- = Jehovah of Sabhath;
nlKn^ nin': Jehova of Sabbath, lad) Sagad)*, 'ASeoval *EXa)t
Jehovah of Sabbath, Lord, God. '^hn \J"rS niSniC ni,T^ = Jeho-
vah of Sabbath, Lord, God.
2 Mark Twain, "Christian Science," p. 86.
To take the method of propitiation, by way of
illustration, there is no doubt that the primitive patient
acquires ease of mind and conscience by the assurance that
the angry gods have been appeased, that he need no
longer worry, his recovery being most certain ; that even if
he dies, that will be still greater proof that the gods are no
longer angry, for not only will the daimon of disease
have been expelled, butthe sick man will have been taken
to a far better place than the one in which he is at
present.i His mind thus being soothed and calmed by the
infusion of hope and comfort, it is useless to deny that the
mental state of the patient is far more conducive to recovery
than if he were beset with doubts and fears about the present
and future. There is an old aphorism that happiness is
the best of tonics. This is just as true for primitive as
for civilized man; and physicians are aware that the
presence of hope in cases of sickness is as influential for
the good of the patient as despair is influential for harm.
It is not intended to assert that the medicine man
consciously acts on the principle of suggestion, and so
induces a mental attitude that leads to recovery. It has
already been said, on the contrary, that he is unacquainted
with such ideas as this word expresses.- But it
is maintained that the savage doctor, whether consciously
or unconsciously, initiated a method of healing which
charlatans have applied from time immemorial, and which
every progressive present day practitioner legitimately uses
as an adjunct to his profession. When a physician of
^ Lippert, "Kulturgeschichte," II, p. 413.
2 Vide p. 43.
former times was summoned to the bedside of a patient, he
entered the room with a serious expression on his
countenance, told the sick man that he was indeed very
ill, and often spoke of death and of the judgment to come,
thus having the effect of lowering the spirits of the
individual, and of rendering less efficacious the measures
and remedies applied. A modern physician comes with a
cheerful mien, and with a note of confidence, positively
assures the sick man that he will get well. There is no
reason to doubt that under such conditions the power of
the mind over the body asserts itself with the result of
raising the morale of the patient. And when the morale of
a sick person is raised, that in itself is no small contri-
bution towards his recovery. It cannot be denied that
Christian Science, working on the same principle,
brightens the passing moments of some persons
who have no object in life, and who have no other
occupation than that of evoking pains and ailments by
thinking about themselves. Neither can it be gainsaid
that the cult of Mrs. Eddy, by forbidding its adherents to
speak, or even think, of symptoms, ^'nerves," sickness, or
pain, conduces to a healthy mental attitude, the possession
of which is a priceless boon to any man or women.
With regard to exorcism, it is related that among the
Araucanians, the medicine man, having brought on a state
of trance, real or pretended, during which he is supposed
to have been in communication with the spirits, declares,
on his recovery, the nature and seat of the malady, and
proceeds to dose the patient; and he also manipulates
the part affected until he succeeds in extracting the cause
of the sickness, which he exhibits in triumph. This is
generally a spider, a toad, or some reptile, which he had
carefully concealed about his person. ^ It is not surprising
that the superior mind of the healer often constrains
the more obtuse mind of the patient to believe that the
daimon has been expelled from him, and, according to
his faith so be it unto him. Nearly every doctor of medicine
has witnessed the effect of a hypodermic injection of water
in soothing a restless patient to sleep. ^ The story has it
that Mary Baker Eddy, in early life, attended a typhoid
patient. Near the crisis, the medicine, a saline solution of
high potency, ran short, and in order to make it last until
the doctor came, the solution was diluted from time to time
with water, until no perceptible taste remained. This
continuously weakened solution was given in teaspoonful
doses, frequently repeated, and the patient continued to im-
prove. The patient, in other words, was benefited by taking
medicine which had lost its virtue.^ Harriet Martineau, an
exceedingly strong-minded woman, was restored to health
by means of mesmerism, after long disablement by a
pelvic tumor. The tumor was found in her body after
death, but what of that? It had ceased to give her any
trouble, and, therefore, for all practical purposes she may
be reckoned as having been cured. Brodie restored many
patients who were sick in bed by the simple process
of bidding them get up and walk.*
^ Smith, "Araucanians," p. 236.
2 Brit. Med. Jour., June 1910, p. 1483.
' Dietetic and Hygienic Gazette, May 1911, p. 301.
* Brit. Med. Jour., June 1910, p. 1483.
There can be no question that the medicine man often
succeeds in bringing about the recovery of the sick by
influencing the mind, which in turn influences the body.
Bourke writes, "The monotonous intonation of the savage
doctor is not without good results, especially in such
ailments as can be benefited by sleep, which such singing
induces. On the same principle that babies are lulled to
sleep by the crooning of their nurses, the sick will
frequently be composed to a sound and beneficial slumber,
from which they awake refreshed and invigorated. I can
recall, among other cases, those of Chaundizi and
Chemihuevi, both chiefs of the Apache, who recovered
under the treatment of their own medicine men after our
surgeons had abandoned the case. This recovery could
be attributed only to the sedative effects of the chanting." i
Mooney writes as follows to the same effect: ''The faith of
the patient has much to do with his recovery, for the Indian
has the same implicit confidence in the shaman that the
child has in a more intelligent physician. The ceremonies
are well calculated to inspire this feeling, and the effect
thus produced upon the mind of the sick man undoubtedly
reacts favorably upon his physical organization." ^
Cockayne, in the preface to "Saxon Leechdoms," after
speaking of the effect on the mind of the patient of
exorcisms, prayers, sacrifices, conjurations, incantations,
the use of charms and amulets, and other methods of treat-
1 Bourke, "Medicine Men of the Apache," Bur. Eth., IX, pp.
464-465.
2 Mooney, "Sacred Formulas of the Cherokees," Bur. Eth., VII,
p. 323.
ment of the primitive doctor, adds: ''The reader may enjoy
his laugh at such devices, but let him remember that dread
of death and wakeful anxiety must be hushed by some
means, for they are very unfriendly to recovery from
disease.'' i
In the cures of the medicine man, the hidden forces
which produced the effect were in the patients themselves.
The healing agency, be it medicine man, priest, or what
not, was only the motive power that brought those forces
into play. Of the nature and method of working of those
forces, the medicine man had no idea. But modern
scientists know very little more than the primitive
doctor. The shaman unwittingly and unintentionally dis-
covered and made use of those forces in spite of his illusory
major premise. In effecting cures, his theory was to coerce
the spirits. In recoveries of the same kind, the present theory
is that faith is the active agent. When the desired result is
brought about, it is, regardless of theory, his faith
that makes the patient whole. It is said by
neurologists that in cases where nerve power is
deficient there is no more potent agent to operate in the
interest of a sick person than his own faith. Future
generations, perhaps, may discover the theory of the
twentieth century to have been as fallacious as that of the
medicine man. But there never can be any doubt that
in both cases remarkable achievements have been attained.
SUMMARY. It has been found that the first conception of
man concerning disease was that evil spirits had taken
* Cockayne, "Saxon Leechdoms," I, Preface, p. XI,
possession of the body.i This general notion expressed
itself in different ways. After centuries of growth,
/ experience, and intellectual development, man invoked
! special daimons as the explanation of diseases of the more
pronounced and individualized type. The Hindus had
temples dedicated to the goddess of small-pox, and the
Romans had at least three shrines set apart to the goddess
of fever, which, no doubt, was malaria. Lineal descendants
of these shrines are found in Christendom. In the Middle
Ages, for example, it was believed that St. Benedict
interested himself in disease of the bladder, while hemor-
rhoids and other affections of the lower intestines were the
specialty of St. Fiacre, whose relics were brought to the
bedside of Richelieu, mortally ill with cancer of the rectum.
At the present day, in the city of Rome, there is a
Church dedicated to Our Lady of Fever.^ The spirit notion
of the causation of disease led naturally to a system of
treatment, directed, when the conception of the spirits was
that of hostility, to the avoidance or expulsion of the
daimon intruder; and, when they came to be regarded as
well disposed towards men, to a propitiation of the unseen
powers. In the latter case, when sickness increased and
abounded, it was thought that the gods had grown angry
with their votaries. The only thing to do under such
circumstances was to pacify and propitiate the angry spirits.
Primitive man in this acted towards his divinities just
as he would act towards earthly superiors whose
1 Vide pp. 7—17.
2 Brit. Med. Jour., Nov. 1909, p. 1549.
displeasure he had incurred. No new sentiment or line
of action was introduced. Food, clothing, drink, incense,
servants, wives, and other material possessions were offered
as sacrifices to the powers of heaven to appease their anger,
and render them well disposed towards the patient. Acts
of propitiation consisted also of attitudes and language
expressive of subordination on the part of the suppliant, in
addition to the exaltation of the deities. From the positive
method of the medicine man in dealing with spirits originated
therapeutic agencies which have been applied in all
subsequent ages of the history of the world, for example,
prayer, incantation, conjuration, and blood-letting. The last
named device was later rationalized, and used with a
definite purpose in view. At the present day it is applied
by the most progressive of physicians in cases of apoplexy,
pneumonia, typhoid fever, and other complaints.^ The
method of avoidance or exorcism, or the negative method
of the medicine man in dealing with spirits, was found to
consist in making the usurped abode of the disease daimon
as unpleasant as possible. To that end the patient
was beaten, starved, drenched with every foul con-
coction that the savage could imagine, and was
smoked with evil smelling substances; his body was
pounded and kneaded; and frequently suction was used
in order to extract the evil spirit. The fumigation treatment
is illustrated by the story in the Apocrypha in which Tobias
is said to have freed his bride from a daimon by putting
the heart and liver of fish upon ashes and making a smoke
^ Reference Hand Book to the Medical Sciences, 11, p. 199.
therewith, ''the smell when the evil spirit had smelled,
he fled into the utmost part of Egypt." ^ In this same
connexion it was pointed out that some of the methods
of exorcism practiced by the medicine man survive even
to this day, though with a different interpretation. The
cupping glass, for example, belongs to uncivilized peoples.
Our Indians frequently resorted to it. Cupping, as applied
in the twentieth century, accomplishes exactly what
the medicine man achieved when pretending to draw
out the spirit of sickness by suction. Kneading the
body, which has rationalized itself into massage,
also harks back to shamanism. In the matter of
medication, too, the practice of making the body
such an uncomfortable habitat that the diabolical tenant
would not remain, persisted long after the belief on which
it was founded had ceased, and is not quite extinct at the
present time. The horrible concoctions administered by the
doctors of the Middle Ages might seem to have had for
their purpose the expulsion of evil spirits, and the faith of
the modern hospital patient in the efficacy of the
medicine given is often in direct proportion to its nastiness.
The disease daimon very frequently is pretended to
be driven out by a superior spirit, whose assistance
the medicine man alone knows how to secure. Amulets
and charms, water and fire, came to be regarded as
fetiches, because they were believed to be the tem-
porary or permanent abodes of spirits. Since those
fetiches contained powerful spirits, they were used
1 Tobit, 6:9; 8:3.
in warding off, and in banishing inimical beings.
Hydrotherapy and cauterization were thus initiated. i The
charm or amulet is often a root or herb having medicinal
value when taken internally. In some cases the root or
herb is still in use as a medicine, although entirely apart
from any magical signification. In dualism one can also
discern the first dawn of the doctrine of signatures,
cures by spells and like expedients, which in one shape
or another, still to a large extent persist. The present
day explanation of cures of the latter description is that
of hypnotic suggestion. Suggestion also is responsible
for the success of Christian Science, mesmerism, prayer
cures, and faith heaUng.
So it was that primitive man, tryingto secure immunity
from the ills and pains of life, turned for^ relief to the
special representative of the spirits responsible, according
to his philosophy, for those evils. The medicine man,
stimulated by a desire to maintain, retain, and fortify his
position, did his utmost to bring about the recovery of
the sufferer. He groped in the dark, but unwittingly,
unintentionally, and, in spite of wrong theories, he often
blundered upon scientific truth. In not a few cases he
possessed some knowledge of the pathology of disease,
and used a variety of efficacious remedies, many of which
have come into general use throughout the civilized world.
* Lippert, "Kulturgeschichte," II, p. 413.
Chapter VII
THE HISTORY OF SOME MEDICAL REMEDIES.
Cardinal Newman in his sermon on "The World's
Benefactors," asks, **Who first discovered the medicinal
herbs, which from the earliest times have been our
resource against disease? If it was mortal man who
thus looked through the vegetable and animal worlds,
and discriminated between the useful and the worthless,
his name is unknown to the millions whom he has thus
benefited,"! Doctor Benjamin Barton, in his "Collections
for an Essay toward a Materia Medica in the United
States," says, "The man who discovers one valuable
new medicine is a more important benefactor to his species
than Alexander, Caesar, or an hundred other conquerors.
Even his glory, in the estimation of a truly civilized
age, will be greater, and more lasting, than that of those
admired ravagers of the world. I will venture to go
further. All the splendid discoveries of Newton are not
of so much real utility to the world as the discovery of
the Peruvian bark, or of the powers of opium and mercury
in the cure of certain diseases. If the distance of time or
the darkness of history did not prevent us from
ascertaining who first discovered the properties of the
poppy, that 'sweet oblivious antidote' for alleviating pain,
' Newman, "Parochial and Plain Sermons," U, p. 5.
1«*
and for soothing, while the memory remains, those rooted
sorrows which disturb our happiness; if we could tell who
first discovered the mighty strength of mercury in
stranghng the hydra of pleasures of generation; if
we could even ascertain who was the native of Peru,
that first experienced and revealed to his countrymen
the powers of the 'bark' in curing intermittent fevers,
would not the civilized nations of mankind, with one
accord, concur in erecting durable monuments of granite
and of bronze to such benefactors of the species?" ^
Since the time of Newman and Barton, science has
progressed and knowledge has increased. A new science,
indeed, has arisen — the science of Anthropology — which by
disclosing, through a process of induction, the truth that
man universally reacts in a similar manner against a similar
environment, makes it unnecessary to remain longer in
ignorance as to the discoverers of the medicines that have
been of incalculable benefit to the race. This is not saying
that it is possible in every instance to learn the personal
name of the discoverer of each particular drug, or that in
the case of every article that has gained entrance to our
present official materia medica, any particular person
''looked through the vegetable and animal world and
discriminated between the useful and the worthless."
But if in general one can ascertain the manner of the
origination of the articles which Africa and America supply
to our pharmacopoeia,^since, "the same natural principle
by which the life of any individual epitomizes the life
1 Op. cit., Lloyd Library, Bulletin, No, I, p. 43.
history of the race, from its lowest stages of development
to the highest, applies to the materia medica of the earth
at the present time," ^ — the inference is justified that the
articles which Europe and Asia furnish, in spite of the
fact that the personal name of the discoverer in many
instances is veiled in obscurity, must have originated in the
same general way.
At the close of the last chapter the statement was
made that the medicine man, in his efforts to propitiate
or exorcise the daimons of disease, often blundered upon
valuable therapeutical expedients, the value of which is
recognized by physicians of the present day.^ Some of
these were mentioned, as the use of blood-letting, fire,
and water, expedients which later generations applied with
a different interpretation, rationalizing the use of water to
banish the daimons into hydrotherapy, the use of fire
into cauterization, and blood-letting into venesection. ^
Speaking of the efforts of the medicine man to
bring about the recovery of his patient, and of his theories
and practices to secure that end, Mason says: "With this
knowledge fully before us, we are bound to own that
a great deal of experimental medicine and surgery were
early developed in spite of wrong theories. When a
Floridian Indian doctor scarified the forehead of a patient
with a shell and sucked therefrom the daimon of disease,
he was really cupping and leeching his sick man. When,
1 True, "Folk Materia Medica," Jour. Am. Folklore, April 1901,
p. 107.
2 Vide pp. 222 ff.
3 Vide pp. 180 ff.
again, he compelled the patient to inhale the smoke of
tobacco or medicinal herbs, he was fumigating him, and
unwittingly discovering a little in bacteriology. These same
doctors had found out purgatives, aind emetics, and
astringents to drive away with disgust the evil spirits ; , . . /
but the disease departed quite as soon for them as for us,'
when the proper medicine was given." i '
This statement leads to a consideration of the origin
of what were in all probability the first kinds of medicine,
and which, according to Professor Sumner, constituted, for
a time, the two great branches of the healing art, namely,
emetics and cathartics, Mooney says, "Many of the
Cherokees tried to ward off disease by eating the flesh of
the buzzard, which they believed to enjoy entire immunity
from sickness, owing to its foul smell, which keeps the
disease spirits at a distance." ^ Spencer writes, "The
primitive medicine man, thinking to make the body an
intolerable habitat for the daimon, exposed his patient
to this or that kind of alarming, painful, or disgusting
treatment... He produced under his nose atrocious
stenches, or made him swallow the most abominable
substances he could think of Now there is abundant
proof that, not only during medieval days, but in far
more recent days, the efficiency of medicines was associated
in thought with their disgustingness: the more repulsive
they were, the more effectual." s
^ Mason, " Origins of Invention," p. 203.
2 Mooney, "Sacred Formulas of the Cherokees," Bur. Eth., 1891,
p. 334.
' Spencer, " Principles of Sociology," III, pp. 194 — 195.
It is the purpose here, with the thought of disgust-
ingness in mind, to direct attention to the fact that the
erroneous idea of the medicine man of banishing the
intruder by this means led to the discovery of
really efficacious remedies. For in his administra-
tion of vile-smelling and vile-tasting substances, he
must, sooner or later, have lighted upon a root
or herb, which, when taken internally, would produce
nausea and vomiting. In some kinds of ailment, the
stomach being thus rid of the toxins responsible for the
disorder, relief would follow. Ethnography furnishes no
specific instance indicating that emetics originated in this
way. A quotation, however, from the "Pharmacologia" of
Paris might go to show that scatalogic remedies yielded
useful results in spite of wrong theories. It is as follows:
''Among the poor of England, labor-pains used to be
thought to be accelerated by a draught of the urine of the
husband, and horse dung infused with wine was thought
efficacious in expelling the placenta. But these produced
the desired effect— or vomiting. "^ Since the ghost theory
was responsible for scatalogic methods of treatment, and
these, in cases of tocology, were productive of good
results, though not in the way they were sought, the
inference is plain that the medicine man, working on the
same theory, and, therefore, thinking to disgust the spirit
by subjecting the patient to nauseous treatment, would,
from the very nature of things, administer a plant or
root, which, although not driving out any daimon usurper,
1 Op. cit., I, p. 33.
would cause improperly digested food to be expelled to the
relief of the patient. The primitive doctor would no doubt
continue to use the treatment with the magical purpose in
view. But as long as he gave the proper medicine, good
results would follow regardless of his theory. As societies
grew, arts multiplied, and knowledge increased, wiser men
would perceive that the root or herb produced physio-
logical rather than animistic effects, and henceforth that
remedy would be applied for a different purpose.
Bartels, writing along the same line, states that while
the use of emetics is well known to primitive tribes, the
reason for taking a substance which produces vomitory
effects is not always medical, but sometimes prophylactic
and even ritualistic.^ At the medicine dance of the Navaho
Indians in Arizona, every member of the tribe who wished
to enter the medicine-hut had to take an emetic composed
of fifteen kinds of plants, and had to vomit on a little
pile of earth which, after certain ceremonies, was
carried out of the hut.^ It would seem, in this
case, that vomiting was considered a necessary preparation
for the person who desired to approach the god.^
The coast Indians of southern Alaska are said to prepare
themselves in a similar manner for ordeals and other
religious ceremonies.* According to Myron Ells, the
medicine man of the Twana Indians, before he began to
treat a sick man, was accustomed to take an emetic,^
1 Bartels, '" Med. NaturvSlker," p. 121.
2 Ibid., p. 122.
3 Ibid., p. 122.
4 Ibid., p. 122.
5 Ibid., p. 122.
apparently with the idea of rendering himself fit to
come near the gods. These instances are mentioned not
because they throw any light on the probable origin of
the use of emetics, but in order to show that savage tribes
understand that certain plants and roots have vomitory
properties, and, in the second place, because their
administration is sometimes connected with religion.
As to the prophylactic use of emetics, it is said that
among the Karayas, vomiting with this end in view is
provoked daily, and that the same custom is found in
Ecuador.i Berdoe remarks, in this connexion, that "even
the healthy among the Hindus were advised to be bled
twice a year, to take a purgative once a month, and to
take an emetic once a fortnight." ^
Among primitive men, however, emetics are also
taken for a physiological reason. Bourke writes,
"All Indians know the benefit derived from relieving an
overloaded stomach, and resort to titillation of the fauces
with a feather to induce nausea. I have seen a Zuni take
great draughts of luke warm water, and then practice
the above as a remedy in dyspepsia." ^ The Heidah
Indians, and some tribes of the islands of the Pacific,
use sea water for this purpose.* Among certain tribal
groups, emetics are given in case of stomach troubles, and
also in some infectious diseases.^ By some of our Indians
this expedient was used in order to remove poisons from
1 Bartels, "Med. Naturvolker," p. 121.
2 Berdoe, "Healing Art," p. 106.
3 Bourke, "Medicine Men of the Apache," Bur. Eth., IX, p. 471.
■* Bartels, "Med. Naturvolker," p. 121.
5 Ibid., p. 123.
the stomach. 1 The Dakotas use the feather of a bird
with which to tickle the fauces and thus induce vomiting.^
Other savage tribes have discovered that decoctions made
from certain vegetables have a vomitory effect.^
It would be inexpedient to attempt the history of every
article classified in the materia medica of the present day
as an emetic. A better plan would seem to take the
case of a single drug, sketch in so far as possible an
account of its origin and history, and allow it to stand
as a typical example of other remedies of its class. This
section, therefore, will be limited to a discussion of a
drug than which a better could not be chosen as a
representative of its kind, namely, Cephaelis Ipecacuanha.
The habitat of the drug is Brazil. According to Tylor,
"ipecacuanha'' "is a Brazilian word and is descriptive
of the nature of the drug: ipe-caa-goene means little
wayside-plant-emetic."* The word "cephaelis" is derived
from the Greek xe^dXri, and signifies a head.^ The plant
grows most abundantly in the province of Matto Grosso,
Brazil,^ and the root is dug throughout the year, but
"especially in the months of January and February, when it
is in bloom." ^ Before being administered as an emetic, in this
country at least, the root is ground to powder, and Lloyd,
quoting Lewis, says that "*in pulverizing considerable
quantities, the finer powder that flies off, unless great care
1 Bartels, "Med. Naturvolker," p. 123.
2 Ibid.
3 Ibid.
* Tylor, "Anthropology," p. 330.
^ Lloyd, "C. Ipecacuanha," Western Druggist, August 1897, p. 2,
« Ibid., p. 6. ■ Ibid., p. 5.
be taken to avoid it, is apt to afflict the operator with
difficulty of breathing, spitting of blood, and bleeding at
the nose, or swelling and inflammation of the eyes and
face, and sometimes of the throat, adding that these
symptoms disappear in a few days, either spontaneously
or by the assistance of venesection.'" ^ As in the
case of blood-letting,^ the discovery of the medicinal
properties of ipecacuanha has been traced to a medical
beast story, which has it that the South American
Indians gained their experience of its virtues from
observing the habits of animals. "^ This story must likewise
be relegated to the realm of myth and fable, thereby
giving place to the more natural and credible explanation
that a medicine man of a former generation, in his ambition
to disgust an evil spirit, at some time happened to ad-
minister the ipecacuanha root. That was the right medicine
in certain cases and so afforded relief. The fact that the
patient was benefited would be sufficient to impress
upon the mind of the primitive doctor the expediency
of resorting to the use of the root on future occasions.
He would transmit the knowledge of its habitat and
ghost compelling power to future generations until at
length its physiological effects were perceived and grasped.
In a work called "His Pilgrimes," published in London
by Samuel Purchas, in 1625, there is probably the first
historical mention of ipecacuanha root.^ This is a work
^ Lloyd, "C. Ipecacuanha," Western Druggist, August 1897, p. 9.
2 Vide pp. 183—184.
=* Lloyd, "Hist. Veg. Drugs," Lloyd Library, Bulletin No. 18, p. 49.
* Ibid.
of five volumes, and contains accounts of travels, together
with the natural history of foreign countries, purported to
have been written by a number of different authors. From
a treatise on Brazil, said to have been penned by a
Jesuit Father, named Manoel Tristaon, who declared he
had lived for a long time in that country, the following
is quoted: ''Igpecaya or pigaya is profitable for the bloudie
fluxe. The stalk is a quarter long and the roots of
another or more, it hath only foure or five leaves, it
smelleth much wheresoever it is, but the smell is strong
and terrible." ^ According to Fliickiger and Handbury,
the "igpecaya" thus described by Tristaon in 1625, was no
doubt the drug now known as ipecacuanha.^ A work
entitled "Historia Nauralia Brasiliae" was published in
Amsterdam, in 1648, by the traveller Piso, one chapter of
which is devoted to a discussion of ipecacuanha. The author
speaks of two kinds of plants, which have a similar use,
but which differ in appearance. The root of one species,
he says, is white in color, but the root of ''CaUicocca
Ipecacuanha" is thin, tortuous, and of a brownish color.
"In powder the dose is one drachm; in liquid the natives
take two or more drachms. They use it as a purgative
as well as an emetic, and nothing in that land could be
found better for bbody flux." He further adds that the
"natives prefer to use the Hquid which they prepare as
follows: They macerate the root and put it in water. After
some time has elapsed they pour off and use the hquid.
1 Purchas, "His Pilgrimes," IV, p. 1311.
2 Fliickiger and Handbury, "Pharmacographia," p. 370.
The residue they put through the same process again, but
the resulting preparation is better suited to act as an
astringent than as a purgative or emetic." Piso then
dwells on the therapeutic virtues of the root — it detaches
morbific matter from diseased places, and restores, by
virtue of its astringent qualities, tonicity to the organs.
Because of its emetic properties the drug removes poison
from the system. The author closes by saying that the
Brazilians preserve the root with religious earnestness,
and that they were the first people to reveal its medicinal
qualities.! According to Lloyd, the yellow species thus
referred to is the ipecacuanha which today is recognized as
official.2 The drug, however, was not employed in Europe
until 1672. At that date a travelling physician named Le
Gras sold a quantity to a druggist in Paris. ^ Pomet,
writing about that time, says, "I remember there was a
quantity [of ipecacuanha] in the shop of M. Claquenelle," a
Parisian apothecary, ''which fell into the hands of his son-in-
law, M. Poulain, who was likewise an apothecary."* But in
those days such large doses were given that medicinally
the drug was a failure. In 1680, a merchant named Gamier
brought one hundred fifty pounds of the root, obtained
in Spain, to Paris, and to insure its sale, enlisted the aid
of a Dutch physician, J. A. Helvetius, (a graduate of the
university of Rheims, and grandfather of the author of the
book "De I'Esprit"),^ who extensively advertised the drug
1 Op. cit., chap. LXV, pp. 101-102.
2 Lloyd, "Hist. Veg. Drugs," Lloyd Library, Bulletin No. 18, p. 50.
^ Merat et De Lens, "Diet, de Mat. Med.," II, p. 465.
* Pomet, "Hist. Drugs," p. 47.
5 Merat et De Lens, "Diet, de Mat. Med.," II, pp. 464-465.
under the name of ''radix antidysenterica," keeping its
origin, however, a secret. The remedy soon gained such
reputation that Minister Colbert ordered that it have
official trial in the municipal hospital of Paris.i The
complete success of its use having been demon-
strated, no less a person than the dauphin being
benefited by the drug, Louis XIV purchased the
secret from Helvetius for a thousand louis d'or, and
reserved to himself the exclusive right of selling it. 2
His physician, Antonia d'Aquin, and his confessor,
Frangois de Lachaise, meanwhile, had used their influence
to induce the king to acquire possession of the remedy
because they desired that the public might obtain
it as cheaply as possible, ^ Qarnier maintained that
Helvetius had no right to all the profits of the transaction,
and brought suit to obtain his share. The case went to
court, the Chatelet of Paris deciding in favor of Hel-
vetius.^ The reputation of the medicament being established
in France it was introduced by Leibniz (1695) and by
Valentini (1698) into Germany, and by Friedrich Dekker,
in 1694, into Holland.^ During the first part of the
eighteenth century the drug obtained good repute in
various parts of Germany, it being, for instance, an article
of "the authoritative drug list of the Silesian town of
Strehlen in 1724." ^ During the latter half of the eighteenth
century it became customary "to designate as ipecacuanha
1 Lloyd, "Hist. Veg. Drugs," Lloyd Library, Bulletin No. 18, p. 50.
2 Herat et De Lens, "Diet. Mat. Med.," II, pp. 464-465.
3 Lloyd, 'Hist. Veg. Drugs," Lloyd Library, Bulletin No. 18, p. 50.
« Ibid. 5 Ibid. 6 Ibid., p. 51.
any emetic plant, regardless of its botanical origin,"
and for that reason ''the characteristics of the plant
furnishing the true ipecacuanha root were almost
forgotten." ^ For some cause there was much controversy,
during that period, regarding the advantages of the
drug. 2 About 1760, ''Dover's Powder," a combination of
ipecacuanha and opium, was introduced by Richard
Brocklesby.3 In 1764, a celebrated botanist in Santa Fe
de Bogota, Mutis by name, sent a Peruvian emetic plant,
which he thought was the true ipecacuanha root, to
Linnaeus, The latter, believing the description of Piso
regarding the true plant to fit the specimen sent him by
Mutis, "accepted the statement of Mutis as correct,"
and "in 1781 gave it the name Psychotria Emetica,
Mutis."* This error was corrected by Doctor Antonio
Bernardino Gomez, who in 1800 returned to Lisbon from
Brazil. In his memoir published at Lisbon in 1801, Gomez
described accurately the true ipecacuanha plant, taking
especial pains to distinguish it from Psychotria Emetica,
Mutis, thus re-establishing "the nearly forgotten botanical
character of the true ipecacuanha."^ Gomez gave some
specimens of the plant to a professor of botany at the
university of Coimbra named Felix Avellar Brotero,
who published an account of it in the Transactions of the
Linnean Society for 1802, giving it the name Callicocca
* Lloyd, "Hist. Veg. Drugs," Lloyd Library, Bulletin No. 18, p. 51.
2 Baas, "Hist. Medicine," p. 719.
3 Ibid.
* Lloyd, "Hist. Veg. Drugs," Lloyd Library, Bulletin No. 18, p. 51.
Ibid.
Ipecacuanha.! In 1814, a botanist, named Hectot, of Nantes,
secured a copy of the essay of Gomez which he passed onto
M. Tussac, "and the latter in publishing it, gave the drug the
name Cephaelis Ipecacuanha, also laying stress on its distinc-
tion from Psychotria Emetica." 2 ju 1820, a Frenchman by the
name of A. Richard wrote a paper in which he called attention
to the same distinction, but without giving due credit to
Gomez. The result is that the drug is sometimes referred
to as Cephaelis Ipecacuanha, A. Richard. 3 "The Phar-
macopoeia Portugueze of 1875 gives credit to Dr. Gomez
for his part in re-establishing the botanical source of
the drug." ^ The remedy has had a place in nearly all
pharmacopoeias since about 1750.^
It goes without saying that the medicine man or priest-
physician in attending a patient whose illness was due to
insufficient excretion, or similar cause, would sooner or
later administer a noxious substance, which, although given
with the intent of disgusting the spirit, would have the
effect of a cathartic. Under some circumstances, that would
be the right medicine, and the patient would improve. In
this way the origin of cathartics is explained. The ancient
Egyptians employed aloes to exorcise spirits ^' by means of
the bitter taste and smell. The beginning of the use of this
drug, no doubt, goes back to the time when the forefathers
of the Egyptians were in the savage state and had medicine
1 Trans. Linn. Soc, VI, p. 140.
2 Lloyd, "Hist. Veg. Drugs," Lloyd Library, Bulletin No. 18, p. 51.
3 Ibid.
* Lloyd, "C. Ipecacuanha," Western Druggist, Aug. 1897, p. 10.
5 Ibid.
•■' Dyer, "Folk Lore of Plants," p. 77.
men. From its chemical composition aloes, when taken
internally, had the same effect then as now, regardless of
any theory. Primitive and semi-civilized peoples have like-
wise discovered other ways and means of purging. The
Mincopies on the Andaman Islands, in case of con-
stipation, eat the larvae of the bees found in the
honey-combs, 1 The Winnebago Indians use as a purgative
the bark of the white elder, if scraped off by the medicine
man from the direction of the branches to the roots. ^
Sumner quotes Brunache that ^''the Togbos' medical treat-
ment for babies and children consisted of an excessive use
of purging, by means of a clyster with infusion of herbs
and peanut oil.'" ^ The Bilqulas use shark-oil as
a cathartic, applying it by means of a sandal-wood
pipe to which the wingbone of an eagle is fixed.-^
The Liberia negroes use a calabash as a clyster.^ The
Persians for a clyster use a very high funnel to
which a bent pipe is fixed. This funnel is found in
every Persian home. It is usually made of glass,
in very wealthy families of silver, and may be dis-
mounted for cleaning. Those people have very com-
plicated prescriptions for carthartics. No Persian, even
among ministers of state and high court officials,
would dare transact any business on the important
day when he takes his purgative.*^ MacCauley writes
» Bartels, "Med. NaturvOlker," p. 121.
2 Ibid.
^ Brunache, "Cent. Africa," p. 135. Quoted by Sumner.
* Bartels, "Med. Naturvolker," p. 120.
5 Ibid., pp. 120—121.
6 Ibid.
of a Seminole festival in this manner: "The evening
of the first day, the ceremonies of the 'black drink'
are endured. This drink is said to have a nauseating
smell and taste. It is probably a mixture similar to that
used by the Creeks in the last century at a like ceremony.
It acts as an emetic and cathartic, and the Indians believe
that unless one drinks it, one will be sick at some time
during the year." i "Some of the southern tribes"
[of the North American continent], according to
CatHn, "make a bitter and sickening drink, called
'Asiyahola' (the black drink), which they drink to
excess for several days previous to the green corn
feast. Everything is ejected from their stomachs and
intestines, enabling them to commence with green corn
upon an empty stomach," 2
The use made of castor oil as a cathartic is extensive.
A somewhat detailed account of its history may here be
given. This drug is admittedly a very desirable laxative,
despite the fact of its odor and taste having made it a by-
word for off ensiveness. Although there is no direct evidence
that the use of castor oil as a cathartic originated in the
efforts of the medicine man or priest to disgust the evil
spirit, yet the first mention of the bean, from which the oil
is extracted, is connected with religion. For in ancient
Egypt the castor bean was held sacred, and was placed
in sarcophagi in 4000, B. C. This evidently means that
the ghosts of the dead were believed to have use for
1 MacCauley, "Seminole Indians of Florida," Bur. Eth. V. p. 522.
^ Catlin. After Sumner's Notes.
the spirit of the bean in the other world. The Egyptians
called the bean ^'neter kaka/' and the oil extracted was
called "kiki." The Greeks changed the name to x{y,cvu|x,
the Romans transliterating the word into "Kikinum," or
''Cicinum," which in turn became "Ricinum," the present
medical name.^ The oil, from its supposed efficiency in
assuaging the natural heat of the body, and from its
reputed power to soothe the passions, was called by the
French "Agnus Castus." For this reason the people of
St. Kitt's, in the West Indies, "who were formerly blended
with the French in that Island, called it Castor Oil.'' - The
Papyrus Ebers (1552, B.C.) recommends the use of the
seeds of the castor bean for a purgative and hair tonic,
and the oil for boils and in the preparation of ointments. ^
Herodotus, according to Raubenheimer, says that the oil
was prepared by '"crushing the seeds or boiling in water
and skimming."' * Hippocrates made an effort to remove
the offensive odor and taste from the seeds and oil, so as
to render them more palatable. ^ Pliny, in Book XXIII,
chapter 4, writes, "'Castor oil taken with an equal quantity
of hot water acts as a purgative on the bowels.'" ^ The
Pen-Tsao of China, and the Susrata of ancient India both
mention castor oil as a valuable medicine.'^ The Bower
manuscript indicates that the drug was in use in ancient
^ Raubenheimer, "Tasteless Castor Oil," p. 5.
2 Paris, "Pharmacologia," I, pp. 59 — 60.
^ Raubenheimer, "Tasteless Castor Oil," pp, 5—6.
* Ibid., p. 6.
5 Ibid.
« Ibid.
' Ibid.
17*
Turkestan. 1 For some reason the remedy was neglected
during the Middle Ages, but Dr. Peter Canvane revived
its use by publishing a book, about 1764, entitled, *' Disser-
tation on Oleum Palmae Christi, sive Oleum Ricini." -
Castor oil gained access to the London Pharmacopoeia of
1788, "and has since remained in universal use as the
safest and surest purgative known to medicine." ^
Another drug widely in use as a cathartic, but much
less offensive to the taste, is what is popularly known as
Cascara Sagrada. This is a Spanish name and signifies
"sacred bark." * Concerning the laxative, Professor Lloyd
writes, "Its journey from the aborigines to scientific use
and therapeutic study appears to parallel the course of such
drugs as coca, jalap, benzoin, and sassafras." ^ The
botanical name of the tree from which the bark is obtained
is "rhamnus purshiana," and it grows in the Pacific States
of North America, chiefly in Oregon and California. <^ In
some parts of Cahfornia, in the early days, the Scriptural
term "Shittim bark" was applied to the peel,^ the local
tradition connecting it with the Shittim wood of which the
Hebrew ark was made. In 1877, Dr. J. H. Bundy, of
Colusa, California, becoming impressed with the medicinal
value of the bark, in a paper published in "New Prepa-
rations," later "The Therapeutic Gazette," recommended
1 Raubenheimer, "Tasteless Castor Oil," pp. 6—7.
2 Ibid., p. 7.
3 Ibid.
* Lloyd, "Hist. Veg. Drugs," Lloyd Library, Bulletin No. 18, p. 70.
5 Ibid., p. 69.
« Ibid., p. 68.
' Ibid., p. 70.
the drug under the name "cascara sagrada" "as a valuable
remedy in the treatment of constipation." i In January
1878, Dr. Bundy wrote an article for the same publication,
giving the "uses of fluid extract of 'cascara sagrada.'" ^
During that year no less than twenty contributions
were printed in "New Preparations" by Dr. Bundy and
other physicians on the subject of the bark and its use.
This, together with the extensive advertising of the drug by
Parke, Davis and Company, Detroit, Michigan, a wholesale
drug company, served to arrest the attention of the pro-
fession, "and the remedy became a general favorite." 3 With-
in a reasonable length of time the remedy was in demand in
all civilized countries, and was put into the United States
Pharmacopoeia in 1890.* It is but fair to add that in his
paper of 1878 Dr. Bundy stated, '*A description of the
Cascara I am unable to give at this time, but suffice it to
say that it is a shrub, and in due time its botanical name
will be known." ^ But Dr. Bundy, it appears, rested his case
with that statement. In the fall of 1878, a partner of
Dr. Bundy's, Dr. C. H. Adair, sent specimens of the bark,
in addition to botanical specimens of the tree yielding it,
to Professor John Uri Lloyd of Cincinnati, Ohio. These
were examined by Mr. Curtis Q. Lloyd, and identified as
"rhamnus purshiana." Professor Lloyd, in a paper on
"Some aspects of Western Plants," which he read before a
1 Lloyd, "Hist. Veg. Drugs," Lloyd Library, Bulletin No. 18,
pp. 68—69.
- Ibid., p. 69.
3 Ibid., p. 68.
* Ibid.
^ Ibid., p. 69.
meeting of the American Pharmaceutical Association, at
Atlanta, Georgia, in November 1878, announced this fact,
and thus the history of the drug was completed. ^
Camphor is a remedy whose discovery goes back
to its supposed efficacy in exorcising spirits. Among
the Mohammedans this drug was held to be an
infallible means of keeping off daimons by reason
of its smell. 2 The inhabitants of Logone likewise believed
in the spirit-banning influence of the smell of camphor,
and, therefore, used it as an amulet."^ The camphor tree
was known to the Chinese writers as early as the sixth
century of our era;* and Marco Polo, who visited China
in the thirteenth century, saw many trees of this kind.^
The English word camphor, is derived from the Arabian
"cafur" or "canfur," which imports that our knowledge
of the drug is derived from that people.^ The earliest
mention of camphor occurs in a poem by Imru-1-Kais, one
of the oldest poems of the Arabic language, which was
written at the opening of the sixth century.^ At one time
the drug was regarded as a rare and precious perfume,
being mentioned on equal terms with ambergris, sandal-
wood, and musk, as a treasure "of the Sassanian dynasty
of the kings of Persia." ^ 'Tossibly the first mention of
camphor as a European medicine was by the Abbatissa
Hildegard," in "De simplicibus medicamentis," Argen-
1 Lloyd, "Hist. Veg. Drugs," Lloyd Library, Bulletin No. 18, p. 70.
2 Nachtigal, "Sahara and Sudan," II, p. 527.
3 Ibid.
* Baas, "Hist. Med.," p. 229.
5 Lloyd, "Hist. Veg. Drugs," Lloyd Library, Bulletin No. 18, p. 13.
•^ Paris, " Pharmacologia," I, p. 67. .
' Lloyd, " Hist. Veg. Drugs," Lloyd Library, Bulletin No. 18, p. 13.
8 Ibid.
torati, 1533.1 Since its introduction into the materia medica
of civilized peoples, the drug has been used as a perfume
constituent,-' as an antiseptic, and as a nerve stimulant.^
It would appear that the use of iron as a medicine is
to be traced back to belief in its power of spirit expulsion.
Tylor writes, ''The oriental jinn are in such deadly terror
of iron, that its very name is a charm against them." *
According to Mooney, "Among the Gaelic peasantry, fire,
iron, and dung were the three great safeguards against
the influence of fairies and the infernal spirits." ^ Tylor
again says, "As to iron, demons are brought under the same
category as elves and nightmares. Iron instruments keep
them at bay, and especially iron horse-shoes have been
chosen for this purpose, as the doors of many houses in
Europe and America still show."^ The Yakuts placed
sharp tools made of iron under their beds, or put near by
anything made of iron, in order to ward off the evil spirits
that trouble people when asleep.^ But it may be inquired.
What has this to do with the internal use of iron as a
medicine? As far as could be ascertained, the transition
from the external to the internal use of this substance, with
the spirit theory in mind, was made by the ancient
Greeks. Dr. T. Lauder Brunton writes, "The Greeks,
1 Lloyd, "Hist. Veg. Drugs," Lloyd Library, Bulletin No. 18, p. 13.
2 Ibid., p. 13.
' "Useful Drugs," Prepared and issued by the Am. Med. Ass., p. 45.
* Tylor, "Prim. Cult," I, p. 127.
5 Mooney, "Medical Mythology of Ireland," Proceedings of Am.
PhiL Soc, 1887, p. 141.
^ Tylor, "Prim. Cult," I, p. 127.
' Sumner, "Yakuts" Abridged from the Russian of Sieroshevski,
J. A. L,XXXL p. 105.
when a man was suffering from weakness and paleness,
put a sword into a vessel of water and made the man
drink the water. They thought the sword contained a spirit
of some virtue that entered into the person and gave him
strength, and so it had, especially if it were rusted to a
great degree. If steel or iron is put into water, it gradually
rusts, the steel slowly dissolves, so that the water becomes
ferruginous. The Greeks therefore were correct in their
treatment,"! in spite of their theory. According to Berdoe,
"the first instance in which a preparation of iron is
known to have been prescribed in medicine" is when
''Iphiclus having no children, asked Melampus to tell him
how he could become a father." The Greek physician
advised him "to take the rust from a knife, and drink
it in water during ten days. The remedy was eminently
successful." 2 Sulphate of iron, the same author says,
"is mentioned in the Amera Cosha of the Hindus, and
it was used by them as by the Romans, in the time of PUny,
in making ink." ^ Though the medical virtues of iron have
been generally acknowledged from time immemorial, it has
had a struggle for existence in this usag'e. It was thought
by the ancients that wounds made by iron instruments
would have difficulty in healing.* After the expulsion of
the Tarquins, Porsena made the Romans agree not to use
iron except in agriculture.^ Avicenna (980 — 1037)
* Brunton, "Action of Medicines," p. 493.
2 Berdoe, "Healing Art," p. 151.
3 Ibid., p. 486.
* Paris, "Pharmacologia," I, p. 42.
5 Ibid.
mentioned the drug in liis text book on materia medica,'
but advised the exhibition of a magnet, after it had been
taken inwardly, to prevent any harmful results. ^ Iron as
a remedy was first introduced into therapeutics by
Paracelsus (1493 — 1541). '^ Basil Valentine, who probably
lived about the close of the fifteenth century of the
Christian era, says concerning sulphate of iron, '"when
internally administered, it is a tonic and comforting to a
weak stomach,' and 'externally applied it is an astringent
and styptic.'"* A modern authority states that "the only
therapeutic action attributable to the iron is the improve-
ment in the number of red blood-cells, and in the amount
of hemoglobin in them. For this purpose it is indicated
in anemia, and in diseases of the blood in which anemia
is a factor, such as leukemia."^
Spencer, quoting Petherick, says, "The Arabs suppose
that 'in high fever. . the patient is possessed by the
devil.'" 6 Berdoe writes, "The people of Tartary make a
great puppet when fever is prevalent, which they call the
Demon of Intermittent Fevers, and which when completed
they set up in the tent of the patients." ^
The one remedy in the pharmacopoeia of the civilized
which is regarded as a specific against malarial fever is
quinine. This is prepared from Peruvian bark, which, as the
^ Baas, "Hist. Med.," p. 229.
2 Paris, "Pharmacologia," I, p. 42. i
3 Baas, "Hist. Med.," p. 390.
* Paris, "Pharmacologia," I, p. 71.
^ "Useful Drugs," Prepared and issued by the Am. Med. Ass..
pp. 67—68
" Spencer, "Principles of Sociology," I, p. 246.
' Berdoe, "Healing Art," p. 31.
name implies, is imported from Peru. The native name for
the bark is "quinia-quinia," or "medicine bark. "i The In-
dians of the Matto-Grosso country consider red cinchona
bark "a remedy for fevers."2 Jn Ecuador, the bark is regard-
ed as "a. specific for fevers." ^ As to the discovery of the
medicinal qualities of the drug, there is no reliable history.
This is said to be due partly to the fact that it was the
policy of the Spanish conquistadors to give as little credit
as possible to the Indians for the many valuable products
which they obtained from them, and partly to the fact
that the natives were extremely secretive about the
source of their medicines.* A legend regarding the
discovery of the remedy is that a native of Peru who was
attacked by fever, drank from a pool into which some
of this bark had chanced to fall. Since the bark bad
imparted its medicinal properties to the water, he was
cured.^ Another legend has it that when the Spanish army
was passing through the forests of Peru, about the time
of the conquest, a soldier was seized by fever and
abandoned to his fate. He drank from a pool of water
where there grew a tree from which the bark is taken. He
soon recovered, rejoined his regiment, and proclaimed
the means of cure.^ The daimon explanation of the
discovery of the virtues of the bark would seem more
* Wellcome, " A visit to the Native Cinchona Forests," Proceed-
ings Am. Pharm. Ass., 1879, p. 829.
2 Ibid.
3 Ibid.
^ Ibid.
•^ Paris, " Pharmacologia," I, p. 23.
" Wellcome, " A visit to the Native Cinchona Forests," Proceed-
ings Am. Pharm. Ass., 1879, p. 829.
simple. There is direct evidence that the savage attributes
fever to spirit possession. i It is known that the natives of
Ecuador and Peru resorted to the use of the bark in case
of fever. 2 Putting these two facts together, what more
reasonable than the supposition that the medicine man, in
his efforts to expel the spirit, lighted upon the bark which
effected a recovery? At any rate the Peruvians believe that
the drug was known, and used as a remedy at a much
earlier date than when the Spaniards, under Pizarro,
invaded their land.^ And that the bark had some kind of
religious significance among the Indians, is evidenced by
this quotation from Wellcome: "I was informed that pieces
of the bark had been discovered in some of the ancient
tombs,'' [in Peru] "which is very probable." * This would
seem to connect the use of the drug with the spirit
theory. It was no doubt placed in the tombs in
order that the departed might make use of its
spirit against the spirits in the other world.
In the seventeenth century, when the Count of Chin-
chona was governor of Peru, at that time a Spanish
colony, the Countess was taken by , an attack of fever
and seemed likely to die. The natives, hearing of the
sickness of the foreign woman, gave to a Jesuit missionary,
who worked among them, bark from a tree growing upon
the mountain slopes, advising him to grind it to powder
and give it to the sick woman at certain intervals. The
countess recovered, and being of a philanthropic
1 Vide p. 249. - Vide p. 250.
^ Wellcome, "A visit to the Native Cinchona Forests," Proceed-
ings Am. Pharm. Ass., 1879, p. 830. * Ibid.
disposition, she sent a quantity of the bark to Europe
for use among- the poor. It effected the same recoveries in
Europe as in Peru, and so attracted much attention.^
It was at first known as "Jesuits' bark." 2 i^ the process
of time the bark and tree were botanically investigated by
Linnaeus, and named in honor of the house to which
the countess belonged, ''chinchona," which name was
shortened to "cinchona.'' ^ it is now generally called
"cinchona bark," although sometimes the name "Peruvian
bark" is applied to it. According to Baas, the
first medical work to advise the use of Peruvian
bark was the "Vera Praxis ad Curationem Terti-
anae," written by Pietro Barba, a professor in Valla-
doHd in 1642.* Francesco Torti (1658—1741) is said to
have introduced the drug into Italy.^ The Edinburgh
Pharmacopoeia of 1730 says, "Cardinal de Lugo was the
first to bring the bark into France." That was in 1650, at
which time it was called "Jesuits' powder," "because the
Jesuits had the distribution of it, the Cardinal, who was
of their order, having left them a large quantity." ^ In
Salmon's "Practical Physic," published in 1692, one may
read, "'As a specific against all manner of ague, take
quinqum or Jesuits' bark, two drachms, beat it into
powder just about the time of using it, infuse it in a good
1 True, Jour. Am. Folk Lore, April 1901, pp. 112 ff.
2 Wellcome, "A visit to the Native Cinchona Forests," Proceed-
ings of Am. Pharm. Ass., 1879, p. 829.
3 True, Jour. Am. Folk Lore, April 1901, p. 112.
* Baas, "Hist. Med.," p. 544.
5 Ibid., p. 719.
* Sanders, " Presidential Address," Proceedings Am. Pharm. Ass..
1878, pp. 846—848.
draught of claret or other wine for the space of two hours,
then give the patient both liquor and powder at once.'" i
Not long after the introduction of the drug into France
by the Jesuits it fell into neglect. Robert Tabor, according
to one authority, in 1679,2 and according to another writer,
in 1706,3 again established its reputation in that country by
introducing it as a nostrum. He prepared a secret
concoction said to be made of lemon juice, or Rhine
wine, a small amount of opium, and cinchona, and was
so successful in effecting cures in Paris that the
government purchased his secret."* From about 1680
down to the eighteenth century, the medical world
was divided as to the benefits to be derived from
the administration of the remedy. It was condemned
because ^'it did not evacuate the morbific matter," because
"it bred obstructions in the viscera," because "it only
bound up the spirits, and stopped the paroxysms for a
time, and favored the translation of the peccant matter
into the more noble parts." ^ "In a postscript to his
work on Primitive Physic' published in 1747, John
Wesley wrote, ^It is because they are not safe but extremely
dangerous, that I have omitted the four Herculean medi-
cines, opium, the bark, steel, and most of the preparations
of quicksilver.'" ^ About the same time, a Dr. Tissot
' Sanders, " Presidential Address," Proceedings Am. Pharm. Ass.,
1878, pp. 846-848.
- Baas, "Hist. Med.," p. 544.
^ Sanders, Proceedings Am. Pharm. Ass., 1878, pp. 846—848.
* Baas, "Hist. Med.," p. 544.
^ Paris, "Pharmacologia," I, p. 42.
" Sanders, "Presidential Address," Proceedings Am. Pharm. Ass.,
1878, pp. 846-848.
strongly recommended the use of cinchona, especially
in ague.i He was severely taken to task for this. An
English writer who did not give his name, said in criticism
of Tissot, '"with reference to his vehement recommenda-
tion of Peruvian bark as the only infallible remedy either
for mortifications or intermittent fevers, he really seems
transported with it, as do many physicians besides. It
is not an infallible remedy either for the one or for the
other. I have known pounds of it given to stop a
mortification, yet the mortification spread till it killed the
patient. I myself took pounds of it when I was young, for
a common tertian ague, and I should have probably died
of it, had I not been cured unawares by drinking largely
of lemonade. I will be bold to say from my personal
knowledge that there are other remedies which less
often fail. I believe that the bark has cured six agues in
ten. I know cobweb pills have cured nine in ten ... I object
secondly, that it is far from being a safe remedy. This
I affirm in the face of the sun, that it frequently turns an
intermittent fever into a consumption. By this, a few years
since, one of the most amiable young women I have known
lost her life, and so did one of the healthiest young men
in Yorkshire. I could multiply instances, but I need go
no further than my own case. In the last ague which I
had, the first ounce of the bark was, as I expected, thrown
off by purging. The second, being mixed with salt of
wormwood, stayed in my stomach, and just at the hour the
' Sanders, "Presidential Address," Proceedings Am. Pharm. Ass.
1878, pp. 846-848.
ague should have come, began a pain in my shoulder-blade.
Quickly it shifted its place, began a little lower under my
left breast and there fixed. In less than an hour I had a
shoit cough, the pain and the fever continued without
intermission, and every night soon after I lay down, came
first a dry cough, for forty or forty-five minutes, then an
impetuous one till something seemed to burst, and for half
an hour more I threw up a thick fetid pus. . . In less than
six hours it obstructed, inflamed, and ulcerated my lungs,
and by the summary process brought me into the third
stage of a true pulmonary consumption. Excuse me,
therefore, if, escaped with the skin of my teeth, I say to
all I have any influence over, wherever you have an
intermittent fever, look at me, and beware of the bark."' ^
The price at which the bark was sold serves to indicate
the character of the various phases of the struggle through
which it had to pass before it was admitted without
question into the materia medica of Europe. When first
introduced into France the remedy literally brought its
weight in gold,^ a price equal to about twenty dollars
an ounce. 3 Sturmius, according to Paris, saw twenty doses
of the powdered bark sold at Brussels for sixty florins,
and adds that he would have paid that price for some
doses, but the supply had given out.'^ In London, as late
as 1680, the bark sold at eight pounds an ounce. ^ On the
* Sanders, "Presidential Address," Proceedings Am. Pharm. Ass.
1878, pp. 846-848.
2 Baas, "Hist. Med.," p. 544.
^ Proceedings Am. Pliarm. Ass., 1879, p. 830.
* Paris, "Pharmacologia," I, p. 43.
5 Baas, "Hist. Med.," p. 544.
other hand, Paris quotes Condamine to the effect
that in 1690, "'several thousand pounds of the
bark lay at Piura and Payla for want of a purchaser.'" i
Baas states that to Sydenham belongs the greatest
credit for introducing the bark into England; and that
Peyer and Bernhard Valentini (1657 — 1729), a professor in
the university of Giessen, were said to have been the first
to employ it in Germany. ^ About 1757, according to
Sanders, there is to be found "in a work on the commerce
of the Euiopean settlements in America the following: 'This
medicine,' [cinchona], 'as usual, was held in defiance for a
good while by medical authorities, but after an obstinate
defence they have thought proper at last to surrender. Not-
withstanding all the mischiefs at first foreseen in its use,
everybody knows that it is at this day innocently and
efficaciously prescribed in a great variety of cases; for
which reason it makes a considerable and valuable part of
the cargo of the galleons.'" ^ in the latter part of the
eighteenth century and the first part of the nineteenth,
Fothergill, Werlhof and Torti, Johann Heinrich Rahn of
Ziirich, and Althof, a professor at Qottingen, had to carry
on a continual fight to establish the advantages of the
bark.* In 1854, Alfred Russell Wallace and Dr. Carl
Hasskarl introduced the remedy into Dutch and English
India. According to Baas that was a great service, for
he says, "Without this humane and characteristically
^ Paris, "Pharmacologia," I, p. 43.
2 Baas, "Hist. Med.," p. 544.
^ Sanders, "Presidential Address," Proceedings Am. Pharm. Ass.
1878, pp. 846—848.
* Baas, "Hist. Med.," p. 719.
professional act, cinchona and its preparations, particularly
under its recent abuse in medicine, would have finally
disappeared from our store of drugs." ^
It remains to be mentioned that, in 1820, the French
chemists Pelletier and Caventou subjected the bark to a
chemical analysis, and announced to the Academy of
Sciences, Paris, that as a result of their experiments they
had discovered its active principle, which in due time was
called '^quinine." ^
It was stated in another chapter ^ that blood-letting is
practiced by some savage tribes, with a different inter-
pretation from that of propitiation, in that the inhabitants
of the River DarHng, New South Wales, give blood as
nutrition to very weak patients. How near those
primitive peoples came to reaching certain basic truths it is
impossible to say. There is, however, authority for the state-
ment that among civilized nations, arterial blood, dried
and powdered, is recommended for use as a restorative ;
that blood is prescribed for persons suffering from
anemia and poor nutrition; and that no less than fifteen
preparations of blood are on sale in twentieth century
pharmacies,*
The discovery of narcotics is to be traced neither to
the positive nor to the negative methods — neither to
propitiation nor exorcism — of the medicine man in the
treatment of disease. In chapter II of this book it was
1 Baas, "Hist, Med.," p. 846.
2 Am. Jour, Pharmacy, Nov, 1905, p. 544.
3 Vide p. 185.
* True, Jour. Am. Folk Lore, April 1901, p. 109.
shown that sometimes when the shaman is unable to
present external proofs of being possessed by spirits,
he resorts to the use of drugs, and in this manner
feigns possession.! In this same connexion Spencer says,
"Whether produced by fasting, fever, hysteria, or insanity,
any extreme excitement is, by savage and semi-civilized
peoples, ascribed to a possessing spirit. Similar is the
interpretation of an unusual mental state caused by a
nerve stimulant. It is thought that a supernatural
being, contained in the solid or liquid swallowed,
produces" [this mental state.] ^ Speaking of Moham-
medan opium-eaters, Vambery says, "*What surprised
me most was that these wretched people were
regarded as eminently religious, of whom it was
thought that from their love to God and the Prophet they
had become mad, and stupefied themselves in order that in
their excited state they might be nearer the Beings they
loved so well.'" ^ Bourke writes, ''The pranks and
gibberish of the maniac or the idiot are solemnly
treasured as outbursts of inspiration. Where such
an exaltation can be produced by an herb, bulb, liquid,
or food, the knowledge of such an excitant is
kept as long as possible from the laity; and even
after the general diffusion -of a more enlightened
intelligence has broadened the mental horizon of the
devotee, these narcotics and irritants are 'sacred,' and the
frenzies they induce are 'sacred' also. . . Mushroom, mistle-
toe, rue, ivy, mandrake, hemp, opium, and the stramonium
^ Vide pp. 45—46. ^ Spencer, " Principles of Sociology," I, p.
355. ' Ibid.
of the medicine man of the Hualpai Indians of Arizona,—
all may well be examined in the light of this proposition." '
Since ''plants yielding intoxicating agents are supposed
by primitive peoples to contain spirits," - since it is thought
that when an individual is under the influence of intoxicants,
he is possessed by divinities, and since ''the knowledge
of such excitant is kept as long as possible from the
laity,"-' "mushroom, mistletoe, rue, ivy, hemp, opium, and
stramonium," may reasonably have been discovered by
the medicine man in his efforts to induce a state of
religious ecstasy, thereby demonstrating to his constituents
the fact that a possessing spirit has descended upon him.
These drugs in due time would be taken up, investigated,
analyzed, named, and used with a new signification.
The typical narcotic whose history is to be sketched
in this chapter is opium. The name of the particular
medicine man who, in his ambition to appear
possessed, blundered upon this drug is not known.
Bartels says that, as far as he is aware, the drug
is never applied by savage tribes of the present time
for healing purposes, but rather with the idea of
inducing possession.^ There are remedies used by
primitive races, however, with the intention of removing
pain, or of producing a kind of narcotization. The Tartars
and Cossacks on the Yenessei River prepare a decoction
made from the leaves of rhododendron chrysanthemum,
* Bourke, "Scatalogic Rites of all Nations," p. 97.
^ Spencer, "Principles of Sociology," I, p. 358.
^ Bourke, "Scatalogic Rites of all Nations," p. 97.
* Bartels, "Med. Naturvolker," p. 125.
18*
which they get from the Koibals. They put the plant into
a pot covered air-tight, and stew it in an oven. Thus they
get a strong, bitter, brownish liquid which produces upon
the patient a feverish heat, a kind of intoxication, and even
unconsciousness. 1 Narcosis for the purpose of a surgical
operation is recorded by Felkin to have been applied
in Uganda. In that place a native surgeon performed
the Caesarean operation upon a pregnant woman, after
first producing partial stupor by means of banana-
wine. ^ Since peoples at this stage of culture, therefore, are
acquainted with the medicinal use of narcotics, it is a
reasonable inference that, in spite of the fact that opium
is not used by the savage of today with the idea of
assuaging pain, yet some savage or semi-civilized individual
in the far distant past must have experienced and revealed
to his fellows "the properties of the poppy, that sweet
oblivious antidote for alleviating pain," for "the discovery
of the medical qualities of opium is lost in times gone
by." 3 The English word "opium," according to the Oxford
Dictionary, is derived from the Greek otccov, or poppy
juice.^ Peters quotes Typhon Miquel as saying that the drug
corresponds to the description of v^ttsv^ss, which Helen
gave to Telemachus, at the house of Menelaus, that he might
forget his sorrows.^ This conjecture, according to Peters,
is supported by the fact that the formula for that beverage
had been obtained from Polydamnos, wife of Thous of
* Bart els, "Med Naturvolker," p. 125.
2 Ibid.
3 Lloyd, "Hist. Veg. Drugs," Lloyd Library, Bulletin No. 18, p. 62.
"^ Op. Cit. p. 153.
^ Peters, "Pictorial Pharmacy," p. 139.
Egypt. 1 Tincture of opium, or laudanum, therefore, "has
been called Thebic Tincture." - The Hebrew books
make no mention of the drug, though the poppy was
cultivated in Western Asia in very ancient times, and
probably even in historic times. ^ The properties of the
plant were known in the time of Hippocrates,* and the
Egyptians of Pliny's time used a liquor of the poppy
for medical purposes.^ Dioscorides, who lived in the
second century of our era, distinguished between the
juice obtained from the poppy capsule, and the extract
obtained from the entire plant. ^ "Inasmuch as he describes
how the capsule should be incised, and the juice collected,
it is evident that he plainly refers to opium." ^ Theo-
phrastus, in the first century, B. C, mentions the drug, as
does Celsus, in the first century of the present era, and during
the Roman sway, it was known as coming from Asia
Minor.8 It is conjectured that Mohammed's prohibition
of wine led to extension of the use of opium in some parts
of Asia.9 At any rate the drug passed from Asia Minor
to the Arabs, who took it to Persia, and even to more
Eastern countries. i^ The Mohammedans introduced opium
into India, "the earliest mention being by Barbosa, who
visited Calicut, the port of export then being Aden, or
* Peters, "Pictorial Pharmacy," p. 139.
2 Paris, "Pharmacologia," I, p. 24.
^ De Candolle, "L' Origine des Plantes Cultivees," p. 320.
2 Peters, "Pictorial Pharmacy," p. 139.
^ De Candolle, "L' Origine des Plantes Cultivees," p. 320.
6 Lloyd, "Hist. Veg. Drugs," Lloyd Library, Bulletin No. 18, p. 62.
' Ibid.
8 Ibid.
» Ibid.
»o Ibid.
Cambey." ^ Kampfer, a German traveller, visited Persia
in 1685, and described "the various kinds of opium then
produced, stating that it was customary to mix the drug
with various aromatics, such as nutmeg, cardamom,
cinnamon, and mace, and even with ambergris; also
with the red-coloring matter made of cannabis indica and
the seeds of stramonium." - The ching che chun ching
of the Chinese is said to date to a very early period
in the Christian era, and perhaps to a time prior to that.
It is a work of forty volumes, eight of which are devoted
to Luy-Fang, or Pharmacology. In .this "opium is
recommended as an anodyne, and in dysentery.'' ^ Opium
smoking began in China after the middle of the seventeenth
century, and spread rapidly.- Lloyd can find no instance
of the use of the drug in any form by the Turkish people
of the present time,^ though now as in the past the
principle place of export of the opium poppy is Smyrna.*^
Heraclides of Tarentum, who lived about the third century,
B.C., is said to have made use of the drug to procure
sleep. "^ "In Europe, opium was not in times gone by
one of the more costly drugs, being cheaper than camphor,
rhubarb, or senna.'' ^ In the last half of the eighteenth,
' Lloyd, " Opium and its Compounds," Lloyd Bros. Drug Treatise,
No. XXII, p. 4.
- Ibid.
2 Therapeutic Monthly, Oct. 1901, p. 192.
* Lloyd, "Opium and its Compounds," Lloyd Bros. Drug Treatise,
No. XXII, p. 5.
^ Lloyd, "Hist. Veg. Drugs," Lloyd Library, Bulletin No. 18, p. 62.
'' Lloyd, "Opium and its Compounds," Lloyd Bros. Drug Treatise,
No. XXII, p. 4.
' Berdoe, "Healing Art," p. 201.
^ Lloyd, " Opium and its Compounds," Lloyd Bros. Drug Treatise,
No. XXII, 'p. 4.
and the first half of the nineteenth century, the advocates
of this remedy had to fight to establish its advantages. ^
At the present time, opium and its alkaloids are in use in
all civilized countries. ^
The most important alkaloid of opium is morphine.
The history of the discovery of morphine briefly stated is
as follows: Paris quotes "Annales de Chimie," Vol. XLV,
as saying that Doerosne first obtained a crystalline
substance from opium in 1803, which dissolved in acids,
but he did not determine its nature or properties.'^ The same
author then says, giving as authority "Annales de Chimie,"
Vol. XCII, that in 1804, Seguin discovered another
crystalline body in opium, and although describing most of
its properties, he did not hint at its alkaline nature.*
''Annales de Chimie," Vol. V., is then cited as
authority for the statement that Sertiirner at Eim-
beck, Hannover, had contemporaneously with Doerosne
and Seguin obtained these crystalline bodies, but it was
not until 1817, *'that he unequivocally proclaimed the
existence of a vegetable alkali, and assigned to it the
narcotic powers which distinguish the operation of
opium." 5 Sertiirner named this body "morphia," ^ from
Morpheus, the Greek god of sleep,"^ and it is said to be
1 Baas, "Hist. Med.," p. 719.
2 Lloyd, "Opium and its Compounds," Lloyd Bros. Drug Treatise,
No. XXII, p. 4.
^ Paris, " Pharmacologia," II, p. 244.
* Ibid.
•■> Ibid.
« Ibid.
' Park, "A Study of Medical Words," Yale Med. Jour., July
1902, p. 6.
the same as the essential salt noticed by Seguin.i The
salt discovered by Doerosne was for a time mistaken for
one of the salts of morphia, but, according to ''Annales
de Chimie," Vol V, M. Robiquet "pointed out its distinc-
tive qualities," and it was thereafter denominated "Nar-
cotine." ^
Another drug, which owes its discovery to the
efforts of the representatives of the imaginary environment
to appear possessed, is Erythroxylon Coca. The coca shrub
is indigenous to the eastern slope of the Andes, where,
especially in Bolivia and Peru, it still grows wild. In recent
times, however, the demand for coca has been so great
that many acres of the plant are now under culti-
vation in those countries. ^ The leaves are the valuable
portion. They resemble tea leaves in shape and size— oval-
oblong, pointed, two or more inches long by about one
in breadth, and having short, delicate footstalks.* Spencer,
quoting Qarcilasso de la Vega's "Royal Commentaries of
the Incas," Vol. I, p. 88, says, "'The Peruvians still look
upon it [coca] with feelings of superstitious veneration.
In the time of the Incas it was sacrificed to the sun, the
Huillac Umu, or high priest, chewing the leaf during the
ceremony. Among the Chibchas, too, hayo [coca] was
used as an inspiring agent by the priests.'" ^ There would
seem, therefore, to be little room for doubt that the
beginning of the knowledge of the effects of coca upon
* Paris, "Pharmacologia," II, p. 244.
2 Ibid.
' Steele, Proceedings of Am. Pharm. Ass., 1878, p. 775.
4 Ibid.
5 Spencer, "Principles of Sociology," I, p. 358.
the physical organization is connected with religion.
According to Mortimer, coca leaves were sometimes used
in services of propitiation, as the following quotation from
Lloyd will show: "'When the period for departure (on a
perilous journey) actually arrives, the Indians throw coca
in the air, just as did the Inca priests of old, to propitiate
the gods of the mountains, who presumably do not
wish their domains invaded.'" ^ The connexion of
the plant with service to the gods is further attested
by the fact that specimens of erythroxylon coca leaf have
been obtained from the old Inca tombs of Peru,^ and it
is said to be the custom of the natives of that country,
when they see a mummy, to kneel down with devotion
and place around it a handful of coca leaves. 3. The
knowledge of the effects of the plant filtered down to the
ranks of the laity, and was used with a different inter-
pretation. This is evidenced by a quotation from the Jesuit
Father Bias Valera, who, writing in 1609, said, ^'^It may
be gathered how powerful the coca is in its effects on
the laborer, from the fact that the Indians, who use it,
become stronger and much more satisfied, and work all day
without eating."'* It is said that the Indian runners of
the Andes, who of necessity had to carry as little food as
possible, were accustomed to take with them a few coca
leaves, and these sufficed to satisfy their hunger, and upon
^ Lloyd, "Hist. Veg. Drugs," Lloyd Library, Bulletin No. 18, p. 19,
Quoting W. G. Mortimer's "Hist, of Peru and Coca."
2 Wellcome, Proceedings Am. Pharm, Ass., 1879, p. 830.
^ Steele, Proceedings Am. Pharm. Ass., 1878, pp. 780ft'.
* Lloyd, "Hist. Veg. Drugs," Lloyd Library, Bulletin No. 18, p. 19,
Quoting Bias Valera " Commentarios Reales."
such food they could undergo the most exhausting and
exacting journeys. ^ A plant used so extensively in the
native religious ceremonies necessarily fell under the hostile
criticism of the early Spanish explorers, in whose opinion
the sacerdotal employment of the leaves served to divert
the heathen from the worship of the true God.^ In 1567,
accordingly, a Church council condemned coca as a
'"worthless substance fitted for the misuse and superstition
of the Indians/" 3 and in 1569, '"the Spanish audience at
Lima, composed of bishops from all parts of South America,
denounced coca because, as they asserted, it was a
pernicious leaf, the chewing of which the Indians supposed
gav€ them strength, and was hence 'Un delusio del
demonio.'" ^ All this, however, was of no avail. The
Indians continued to use their national leaf, and the owners
of plantations and mines, on account of its good effects on
their laborers, came to its defence. But the Church, true
to its conservative tendencies, did not give up until the
last. It finally came, nevertheless, to regard the leaf
highly, and recommended its introduction into Europe.^
The fact that the chewing of coca leaves lessened the
sense of fatigue, and imparted a feeUng of well-being,
attracted the attention of European travellers. Coca was
first mentioned by Nicholas Monardes, of Seville,'' who
1 Lloyd, "Hist. Veg. Drugs," Lloyd Library, Bulletin No. 18, p. 19.
2 Ibid.
3 Steele, Proceedings Am. Pharm. Ass. 1878, pp. 780 ff.
* Lloyd, "Hist. Veg. Drugs," Lloyd Library, Bulletin No. 18, p. 19,
Quoting Mortimer's "Hist. Peru and Coca."
■' Steele, Proceedings Am. Pharm. Ass., 1878, pp. 781 ff.
" Baas, "Hist. Med.," p. 368.
in 1569 published an article on the drug, which was
reproduced in 1577 in London. ^ A botanical description,
written by Clusius, followed in 1605.2 In 17Q3, Dr. Don
Pedro Nolasco called attention to the advantages that
might accrue from the introduction of the plant into
European navies.-^ For many years, despite the experiences
and recommendations of travellers, the reputed virtues of
the drug were scouted as fabulous, or even ridiculed
by the medical world of Europe.* Dr. H. A. Weddell and
others, both prior and subsequent to the year 1850,
attempted vainly to discover an energetic constituent
of the drug. It was at first erroneously thought that the
leaves of the plant ov/ed their inherent properties (provided
they had any) to some volatile principle. The only volatile
base discovered was named "hydrine," but it "did not at
all represent coca, and is no longer mentioned." ^ The
fame and the reputed powers of coca, however, as well
as the fact that it was creeping into the use of practicing
physicians, led such chemists as Stanislas, Martin, Maisch,
Lossin, Wohler, and many others to subject the drug to
repeated analyses, which resulted in such products as coca-
wax, coca-tannic acid, and several alkaloidal bases. '^ In
1860, L)r. Albert Niemann, ■ of Gottingen, Germany,
assistant in the Laboratory of Professor Wohler, succeeded
in isolating an alkaloid to which he gave the name cocaine.^
1 Lloyd, "Hist. Veg. Drugs," Lloyd Library, Bulletin No. 18, p. 18.
2 Ibid.
3 Steele, Proceedings Am. Pharm. Ass, 1878, pp. 781 ff.
* Lloyd. "Hist. Veg. Drugs," Lloyd Library, Bulletin No. 18, p. 18.
^ Ibid. « Ibid., pp. 19-20.
' Lloyd, "Hist. Veg. Drugs," Lloyd Library Bulletin, No. 18,
p. 20; Steele, Proceedings Am. Pharm. Ass., 1878, p. 785.
As in the case of quinine, ipecacuanlia, and opium, cocaine
has had a struggle to survive. English chemists, such as
Dowdeswell, Murrell, and Garrard, subjected the alkaloid to
chemical experimentation, the results of which Dowdeswell
summed up in the London Lancet May 6, 1876, p. 667,
as follows: '"It has not effected the pupil nor the state
of the skin; it has caused neither drowsiness nor sleep-
lessness; assuredly it has occasioned none of those sub-
jective effects so fervidly described and ascribed to it by
others— not the slightest excitement, nor even the feeling
of buoyancy and exhilaration, which is experienced from
mountain air or a draught of spring water. This examina-
tion was commenced in the expectation that the drug would
prove important and interesting physiologically, and
perhaps valuable as a therapeutic agent. This expectation
has been disappointed. Without asserting that it is
positively inert, it is concluded from these experiments that
its action is so slight as to preclude the idea of its having
any value either therapeutically or popularly; and it is the
belief of the writer, from observation upon the effect on
the pulse, and other bodily organs, of tea, milk-and-water,
and even plain water, hot, tepid, and cold, that such things
may, at slightly different temperatures, produce a more
decided effect than even large doses of coca, if taken at
about the temperature of the body.'"i Similar observations
were published by Dr. Roberts Bartholow in 'The Thera-
peutic Gazette," July 1880, p. 280, who declared that coca
1 Lloyd, "Hist. Veg. Drugs," Lloyd Library, Bulletin No. 18,
pp. 21—22.
at its best "'acts like theine and caffeine as an indirect
nutrient.'" ^ The scientific world of that day accepted the
verdict of those investigators that coca and its alkaloid
cocaine, were nothing more than mild caffeine-bearing
stimulants, such as tea and coffee, and that far from
possessing any important inherent quality, they were
positively inert.- Since the investigations of Dowdeswell
seemed incontrovertible, commercial enterprises concerned
in the exploitation of coca suffered a severe loss. Shortly
after its discovery, cocaine sold in New York at one dollar
a grain,3 but "the annual consumption in tl^e middle
and latter half of the nineteenth century of forty million
pounds of coca, at a cost of ten million dollars," caused
that "substance to take rank among the large economic
blunders of the age." '^ The prospect very much disturbed
the leading American manufacturing pharmacist of that
time, Dr. Edward S. Squibb, of Brooklyn, New York,
but be it said to his credit, since he was a painstaking
chemist, he determined to "sacrifice his economic
opportunities to his professional ideals, by accepting the
findings of Dowdeswell and others, and by excluding
preparations of coca from his pharmaceutical list."^ it
would not be consistent with the fundamental instincts of
human nature, however, to sacrifice the source of such
commercial advantages without a struggle. In 1882, Dr.
Squibb contributed various articles to the "Ephemeris,"
> Lloyd, "Hist. Veg. Drugs," Lloyd Library, Bulletin No. 18, p. 22.
2 Ibid., pp. 21-22.
^ Steele, Proceedings Am. Pharm. Ass., 1878, p. 788.
* Squibb, Ephemeris, July 1884, p. 600 ff.
5 Lloyd, "Hist. Veg. Drugs," Lloyd Library, Bulletin No. 18, p. 20.
Brooklyn, in which he communicated his decision to give
up the manufacture of preparations of coca, but at the
same time called attention to the fact that competent
authorities might be conflicting and contradictory, in thera-
peutics as well as elsewhere, and expressed his belief
that the seemingly economic blunder of exploiting coca
might not have been a blunder after all.i Scarcely was
this article given for publication before the scientific and
professional world was confounded by the announcement
"that a medical student named KoUer, of Vienna, had
discovered that a solution of hydrochlorate of cocaine was
possessed of marvelous qualities as a local anesthetic." ~
This intelligence was published or referred to in every
pharmaceutical and medical journal in America. Dr. D.
Agnew in the "Medical Record," October 18, 1884, p. 438,
wrote as follows: "'We have today used the agent in our
clinic at the College of Physicians and Surgeons [New York]
with most astonishing and satisfactory results. If future use
should prove to be equally satisfactory, we will be in
possession of an agent for the prevention of suffering in
ophthalmic operations of inestimable value.'" ^ Qj-. Squibb
now began with zeal a new investigation of coca and its
alkaloid, "his process of manufacture being yet a standard,
and his writings on cocaine being yet an authority."* A
great reaction followed in favor of the use of cocaine, and
though, in the beginning, it was recommended only
^ Squibb, Ephemeris, July 1884, p. 600 ff.
2 Lloyd, "Hist. Veg. Drugs," Lloyd Library, Bulletin No. 18, p. 23.
3 Ibid.
* Ibid., p. 24.
in operations on the cornea of the eye,i later experiments
proved it to be efficacious in dentistry and minor surgical
operations for dulling the ends of the sensory nerves
and so adding greatly to the comfort of humanity.
Another of the greatest blessings to mankind was
thus discovered as a result of religious ceremonials, later
used by savages themselves for another purpose and after
remaining a possession of nature people for man}^ years, at
last brought to the attention of the civilized w^orld, tested,
then used by scientists w^ith a still different object in
view, and finally admitted into the pharmacopoeia of
cultured races.
In Africa, Asia, South America, and Australia, an
extract is used for poisoning arrows, the source of
which for the most part ''is kept among the secrets
of the medicine men or chiefs." ^ How the medicine
men discovered their poisons is not clear. But
that they do not always succeed in keeping the
secret is evident. For it is told that "aconite has been
widely employed as an arrow poison." ^ Aconite is still used
for that purpose among the tribes of certain islands of the
Pacific, and also among the Malay tribes of southeastern
Asia. It was brought to the attention of explorers and
travellers in those regions,* and was designated in the
thirteenth century in a work published by the Welsh
Manuscript Society, called ''The Physicians of Myddvai,"
1 Lloyd, "Hist. Veg. Drugs," Lloyd Library, Bulletin No. 18,
pp. 23-24.
^ Reference Handbook to Medical Sciences, 1, p. 635.
^ Fliickiger and Handbury, "Pharmacographia," p. 8.
* True, Jour. Am. Folk Lore, April 1901, p. 113.
as a plant which every physician is to know.i Storck, of
Vienna, introduced the drug into the regular practice of
medicine, about 1762,2 and now it is a well known remedy
as a cardiac depressant, anti-pyretic, and diaphoretic. ^
Strophanthus is another case in point. Though this
plant was described by De Candolle in 1802, it was not
until the early sixties that it came to the general notice of
Europeans as being one of the arrow poisons used among
the aborigines of western * and equatorial Africa, so deadly
as to paralyze the heart at the slightest wound made by an
arrow. ^ It is said that in SomaHland, Africa, the savage,
in order to satisfy his mind as to the virulence of the
poison, draws blood from his own body, pours it into a
pool, and applies the poison to the lower end of the pool.
Then he watches the coagulating effect from below ^
upward. 6 Livingstone, the missionary, and Stanley, the
explorer, upon observing the powerful effects of the drug,
determined to have it chemically examined and tested.
The result was that Sharpey in 1862, Pelikan in 1865, and
Eraser in 1871, discovered that the strophanthus is a ,
powerful cardiac agent, '^ and its alkaloid is now much
lauded as a cardiac stimulant when given intravenously.
The calabar bean was brought to the attention of
European explorers because of its use in ordeals. And I
1 Fliickiger and Handbury, "Pharmacographia," p. 8.
' Ibid. „ ,. ,
3 "Useful Drugs," Prepared and issued by the American Medical
Association, p. 13. ,
4 Lloyd, "Hist. Veg. Drugs," Lloyd Library, Bulletin No. 18, p. 84.,
5 True, Jour. Am. Folk Lore, April 1901, p. 113.
6 Lloyd, "Hist. Veg. Drugs," Lloyd Library, Bulletin No. 18, p. 85.
' Ibid.
concerning those ceremonies, it is said, "The administration
of ordeals has been much in the hands of the priests, and
they are more often than not worked on a theological
basis, the intervention of a deity being invoked and
assumed to take place even when the process is in its nature
one of symbolic magic Among various drugs used in
different parts of Africa are the mbundu root, and the
calabar bean. The sorcerers who adminster this ordeal
have in their hands a power of inflicting or remitting
judicial murder, giving them boundless influence." i In the
Niger Valley, when a person is accused of witchcraft or
other grave crime, he is sentenced to eat the seeds of the
calabar bean. If death follows, that is proof of the guilt
of the accused. 2 The drug was first made known in
England by Dr. W. F. Daniell, about 1840, and in 1846,
he alluded to it in a paper read by him before an
ethnological society.^ In 1859, a missionary on the West
Coast of Africa by the name of W. C. Thomson, sent a
specimen of the plant to Professor Balfour of Edinburgh,
"who figured it and described it as a type of a new
genus." ^ Both before and after that date, the drug was
chemically examined in the light of its use in the Niger
valley, with the result that a new and valuable remedy
for eye troubles,^ and for certain exaggerated nervous
conditions was discovered.^
1 Encyc. Brit., Eleventh Edition, Vol. XX, pp. 173—174.
2 True, Jour. Am. Folk Lore, April 1901, p. 113.
3 Fliickiger and Handbury, "Pharmacographia," p. 191. ^ Ibid.
5 "Useful Drugs," Prepared and issued by the American Medical
Association, p. 106.
6 True, Jour. Am. Folk Lore, April 1901, p. 113.
In his efforts to impress his people with the fact that
he was possessed, or in his attempts to propitiate or
exorcise the spirits, the medicine man thus blundered upon
many remedies that were efficacious in certain combination
of symptoms. Those remedies were transmitted from
generation to generation, were communicated to other
members of the caste, came into more frequent use, and
finally obtained general recognition in the savage materia
medica. By a process of selection, an empirical system
of medicine grew up, by which the medicine man was
able to treat successfully some classes of sickness, although
without any intelligent idea of the process involved,^
and in spite of illusory major premises. He also, as already
has been said, discovered poisonous plants and herbs, which
brought death to the accused at the ordeal, and on the tips ,
of arrows carried venom to the veins of enemies. Later and
more scientific ages took up the processes and results upon
which the medicine man had blindly stumbled, applied
them sometimes for the same, and sometimes for different
purposes, and the issue is a complicated and elaborate system
of medicine, capable in its entirety, according to modern
science, of scientific explanation and demonstration, but
which may appear to the scientist of the future as child-
like and illogical as does the system of the savage to the
investigator of the present day.^
In this connexion, Mrs. S. S. Allison says of the
Similkameen Indians of British Columbia (p. 112 supra),
1 Mooney, "Sacred Formulas of the Cherokees," Bur. Eth., VII,
p. 328 ff .
2 Ibid., pp. 323 ff.
"Setting aside the mysterious part, the doctors have
some really valuable medicines. People apparently
in the last stages of consumption have been cured
by them. For blood-spitting they use a decoction
of fibrous roots of the spruce, for rheumatism, the
root of soap berry. The berry itself is used with
success as a stomachic. A decoction of swamp poplar
bark and spruce roots is used in syphilis. The wild-cherry
bark and tansy root is much used by the women. The wild-
cherry is used both as a tonic and expectorant, and is
good for consumptives. There is a plant resembling the
anemone, the root of which when bruised makes a power-
ful blister; and another resembling the geranium, the root
of which will cure ringworm and dry up an old sore. The
inner bark of the pine is used early in the spring when the
sap is rising; the tree nettle is used as a physic, also as
a wash for the hair, rendering it thick, soft, and glossy.
Wild strawberry acts as an astringent." ^
Mr. E. Palmer in "Notes on Some Australian Tribes,"
in the thirteenth volume of the Journal of the Anthro-
pological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, says that
"the blacks appear to have possessed a considerable
knowledge of indigenous plants," for use as food, for
poisoning fish, "and also for healing and medicinal
purposes." - One of the plants mentioned is Melaleuca
Leucadendron, the young leaves of which are bruised in
water and drunk for headache and colds. ^ Berdoe quotes
1 Allison, "An Account of the Similkameen Indians of British
Columbia," J. A. L, 1891, p. 311.
2 Op. Cit, p. 310.
3 Palmer, "Notes on Some Australian Tribes," J. A. 1. XIII, p. 321.
19*
Stille to the effect that the oil from this tree
*"is of marked utility in cases of nervous vomiting,
nervous dysphagia, dyspnoea, and hiccup.'" ^ Among
some nature peoples, a wash is made from the bark
of the Exooecaria Parviflora or the gutta-percha tree, and
applied externally to all parts of the body for pains and
sickness. 2 The stems of Moschosma Polystachium are
bruised up in water and used for headache and fevers. ^
The leaves and stems of Plectra nthus Congestus are
employed as medicine.* The leaf of Pterocaulon Glan-
dulosus is crushed in water and applied for medical
purposes;^ and Gnaphalium Luteo-album is among the
medicinal plants.*^ Concerning the last named plant Berdoe
says, "Several of this species are used in European
medicine in bronchitis and diarrhoea."^ Eucalyptus Glo-
bulus is administered by the aborigines of AustraUa
as a remedy for intermittent fever.^ Berdoe quotes
Stille as saying "*the discovery of its virtues was acci-
dental. It is alleged that . . . the crew of a French man-
of-war, having lost a number of men with pernicious fever,
put into Botany Bay, where the remaining sick were
treated with eucalyptus and rapidly recovered.'" ^ In 1866,
Dr. Ramel of Valencia introduced the remedy to the
1 Berdoe, "Healing Art," p. 34.
2 J. A. I., XIII, p. 321.
3 J. A. I., XIII, p. 323.
* Ibid., p. 322.
5 Ibid.
8 Ibid.
' Berdoe, "Healing Art," p. 34.
8 Lloyd, "Hist. Veg. Drugs," Lloyd Library, Bulletin No. 18, p. 36.
^ Berdoe, "Healing Art," p. 36.
Academy of Medicine, thus bringing the drug to the
attention of the profession, i and the oil is now used as an
antiseptic and expectorant. 2
In 1535 — 1536, the Iroquois around Quebec treated mem-
bers of thecrewof Jacques Cartier, who had been taken
with scurvy, with an infusion of the bark and leaves of the
hemlock spruce. The treatment was a complete success. ^
In 1657, the same tribe recommended the sassafras leaf
to the French at Onondaga for the closing of all kinds
of wounds. It was tried for that purpose and pronounced
"marvelous" in its effects.'^ Sanguinaria Canadensis, ^ or
blood root, was used by our Indians for coloring their
garments, and also as an application to indolent ulcers.
The early settlers employed it for like purposes,^ and
after a time it attracted the attention of physicians. It
was introduced finally into the United States Pharma-
copoeia as a remedy for certain forms of dyspepsia,
bronchitis, croup, and asthma.'^ Exogonium Purge, or
jalap, is the gift of Mexico,^ named for the city of
Xalapa.9 The early Spanish voyagers learned its cathartic
properties from the natives,io and took large quantities
^ Lloyd, "Hist. Veg. Drugs," Lloyd Library, Bulletin No. 18, p. 36.
2 "Useful Drugs," Prepared and issued by the American Medical
Association, p. 66.
^ Garrison, "Hist. Med.," p. 21.
* Ibid.
^ Bently, "New American Remedies," Pharmaceutical Journal,
IV, pp. 263 ff .
« Lloyd, "Hist. Veg. Drugs," Lloyd Library, Bulletin No. 18, p. 73.
' Berdoe, "Healing Art," p. 37.
8 Lloyd, "Hist. Veg. Drugs," Loyd Library, Bulletin No. 18, p. 51.
9 Berdoe, "Healing Art," p. 38.
'» Lloyd, "Hist. Veg. Drugs," Lloyd Library, Bulletin No. 18, p. 52.
of it in the sixteenth century to Europe. It stood
the test successfully, was botanically examined and
described by Coxe, of Philadelphia, about 182Q,i and is
now recognized as a powerful purgative, in addition to
being ^'used for the purpose of removing water from
the tissues in the treatment of dropsy." ^
The foregoing are merely a few examples of valuable
medical remedies that are used by primitive peoples, and
upon many of which science has placed the seal of its
approval.
Mooney, in his "Sacred Formulas of the Cherokees,"
employs a suggestive but naive method of showing how
some remedies originated, and how others doubtless
originated if we could project our knowledge far enough
into the past to discover it.^ For that purpose he selects
the United States Dispensatory as an authority. Then
follows a list of twenty remedies upon which the medicine
men of the Cherokees had blundered. A comparison
between the Cherokee pharmacopoeia and the United
States Dispensatory shows, according to Mooney, that
about one third of those twenty remedies was correctly
used.*
It must be said, however, that after a diligent
comparison of '^he list of drugs named, by Mooney with a
later edition of the United States Dispensatory the author
^ Flxickiger and Handbury, "Pharmacographia," p. 444.
- "Useful Drugs," Prepared and issued by the American Medical
Association, p. 50.
^ Mooney, "Sacred Formulas of the Cherokees," Bur. Eth. VII,
pp. 323 ff.
* Ibid., p. 323.
found one of the five drugs which Mooney says were used
by theCherokces for the very purpose "for which it is best
adapted," that is number twelve, or Hepatica Actiloba,
not mentioned. Mooney probably used an earlier edition of
the Dispensatory. As regards the other members of his
list, Mooney is correct according to the later edition of the
Dispensatory. Those drugs may not be applied to any great
extent by the twentieth century practitioner. But they
are down in the Dispensatory as possessing medical
properties. Assuming, therefore, that the list given is a
fair epitome of what the medicine men of the Cherokee
Indians knew of the application of drugs as reme-
dies, it is marvelous that in spite of the false
reasoning by which they reached the results, in spite of
their illusory major premises, and, one might almost say,
m spite of themselves, nearly one third of the medicaments
applied by those primitive doctors had, and "Still have,
real medical properties.
It is not intended to assert that all the drugs in the
pharmacopoeia of civilized people were discovered as the
results of happy accident. Some remedies owe their origin
to deliberate study and experiment. "It is difficult, however,
to tell how far the use of drugs in modern practice is the
result of scientific activity, and how far it is an inheritance
from the folk remedies of former times. The former state
grades into the latter." ^ But if one takes the experience
of the Cherokee nation as a typical example, — and there is
no reason why one should not, since it is the universal
' True, Jour. Am, Folk Lore, April 1901, p. 107.
tendency of man to react in a similar manner against
his environment, — the "recognized" drugs, the story of
whose origin is lost in the history of the tribes in which
they originated, must have come into use among primitive
peoples in the far distant past as a result of a series of
blunders on the part of the medicine man in treating sick-
ness in accordance with the ghost theory. The primi-
tive doctor to be sure applied many other drugs which
could not survive the test of time. Later and more
enlightened peoples separated the wheat from the chaff,
science attaching the signature of its authority to the
former, and the result is a fairly correct pharmacopoeia,
not the work of any one age or nation, but the product of
the blundering, criticism, and elimination of the centuries.
To Newman's inquiry,^ therefore, "Who first dis-
covered the medicinal herbs, which from earliest times have
been our resource against disease?" the answers may
be found in several writers, two of whom may be taken
as typical. Biart says, "Our materia medica owes tobacco,
gum-copal^ liquid amber, sarsaparilla, resin of tecamaca,
jalap, and huaca to" the medicine men of "the Aztecs." -
Ratzel says : "Guiacum, ipecacuanha, and certain purgatives
first became known through the Indian medicine
men." 3 To Barton's reflection, "If the distance of time
or the darkness of history did not prevent us from ascer-
taining who first discovered the properties of the poppy
if we could tell who was that native of Peru that first
» Vide p. 227.
2 Biart, "Aztecs," p. 285.
3 Ratzel, "Hist, of Mankind," II, p. 155,
experienced and revealed to his countrymen the powers
of the bark in curing intermittent fevers, would not the
civilized nations of mankind with one accord concur in
erecting durable monuments of granite and bronze to such
benefactors of the species?" ^ replies may likewise be
found. Waddle writes, ''It was at first to the end
of producing a state of religious ecstasy that the
intoxicating mushroom, mistletoe, rue, ivy, mandrake,
hemp, opium, and stramonium were used;"^ and Bourke
says that "the world owes a large debt to the medicine
men of America, who first discovered the virtues of coca,
sarsaparilla, jalap, cinchona, and guiacum." ^
SUMMARY. It has been shown in this chapter that the
medicine man, with the intent of dealing with the spirits,
chanced to make use of roots or herbs with genuine
remedial properties. He preserved and transmitted that
knowledge. In course of the ag'es, those remedies were
used with physiological rather than magical purposes in
view. As time passed the useful drugs were differentiated
from the worthless until ultimately a materia medica
resulted. Business, scientific, and, not infrequently,
religious interests have led members of civilized races to
visit savage peoples. The remedies of the latter have
arrested attention, have been tried and tested, and, in some
1 Barton, " Collections for an Essay toward a Materia Medica in
the United States," Lloyd Library, Bulletin No. I, p. 43.
2 Waddle, "Miracles of Healing," Am. Jour, of Psychology,
XX, p. 235.
3 Bourke, "Medicine Men of the Apache," Bur. Eth.,
IX, p. 471.
cases, have gained entrance into the pharmacopoeia of the
most highly cultured societies. The therapeutical agents
to which men have been led by experimentation have
been added, and the present elaborate materia medica has
eventuated.
Chapter VIII
CONCLUSION.
It may be said by way of conclusion that a systematic
study of the character and evolution of shamanism should
not be without interest to the scientist.
The scientific principle that man, in a corresponding
environment, although living in different regions of the
earth, and at different stages of the history of the world,
reacts in a similar manner, has received exemplification in
this study. It h^s been shown that, as a result of his
reaction, there has been developed a special represent-
ative of the imaginary environment, who, in spite of minor
differences, is fundamentally one and the same the world
over, call him by whatsoever name you choose. This
intelligence should be illuminative to the sociologist.
Of particular interest to the physician and surgeon
should be the knowledge of the connexion between his
science and superstition. The nobjejorofession^ of medicine
had its beginning in the blind gropings of the medicine
man in his efforts to expel_or appease malicious or angry
spirits. In Egypt those primitive notions and methods
continued, and the empiricists, fettered by the conservatism
of the cult, were content with the traditional prescriptions,
handed down from generation to generation, not making any
effort to develop the science other than the knowledge
of embalming demanded. In Assyria no further advance
was made; for the extraction of ominous livers of sheep
was no more useful in teaching dissection to the Baby-
lonians than was mummification adapted to impart that
knowledge to the Hamites. On mounting a step or two
higher, however, the Greeks are found laying a firmer foun-
dation for practical medicine, and learning anatomy from
dead, even from living bodies; and henceforth medicine
leaves the apron strings of its mother, superstition,
receiving, as time advanced, public hygiene from the
Jews, and the beginnings of operative surgery from the
Hindus.i Hippocrates taught that *'no disease whatever
came from the gods, but was in every instance traceable
to a natural and intelligible cause." ^ Greek medicine,
therefore, "was science in the making, with Roman
medicine as an offshoot, Byzantium as a cold-storage plant,
and Islam as travelling agent. The best side of mediaeval
medicine was the organization of hospitals, sick nursing,
medical legislation, and education." 3 Jhe birth of anatomy
as a science occured during the Renaissance period, and
the same era marked the growth of surgery as a handicraft ;
the beginnings of pathology, instrumental diagnosis, and
experimental surgery are to be traced to the eighteenth
century; while — to the glory of the nineteenth century be
it said — during that period scientific surgery was created,
medicine as a science was organized, and advancement
along every line was made.*
1 Garrison, "Hist. Med.." p. 54.
2 Berdoe, "Healing Art," p. 173.
3 Garrison, "Hist. Med.," p. 594.
* Ibid.
Science thus has come out of superstition. ^ Medicine
had its origin in the ghost theory of disease. That theory
obtained until it was contradicted by later observation
and criticism. Then another theory was advanced, which
in turn was supplanted by another, until finally after
centuries of blundering, stumbling, progressing, retro-
gressing, and again progressing, the germ theory, which is
supposed to be the last word regarding the cause of
disease, was advanced, our splendid system of the medical
sciences following in its train.
Analogous to the origination of medicine in magic
is that of chemistry in alchemy. The mediaeval alchemists
taught that by means of the ''philosopher's stone" baser
metals could be transformed into gold. That theory caused
many persons to spend their lives in search of the much-
coveted object. The stone was not found, but as a result
of the Herculean industry of those ancient savants,
sulphuric acid, alcohol, and ammonia were discovered. The
idea of the existence of the "philosopher's stone" must
be called superstitious, but it led to the pursuit of truth
by experiment. That method as the years passed was
freed from its absurdities, and thus the science of chemistry
has come from alchemy. ^
Astronomy is another science that had its beginning in
superstition. 3 The ancient Chaldeans believed the stars
and planets to exercise such an influence over human life
and events that they systematically observed and recorded
1 Vide pp. 129 and 149. 2 Tylor, "Anthropology," p. 328. » Vide
pp. 129-130.
the location of the heavenly bodies as indicating lucky and
unlucky days, as well as portending the coming of pesti-
lence and the issues of battle. Even in comparatively
modern times, men of eminence along their special Hne of
activity, as, for example, Tycho Brahe and Kepler, have
disseminated the doctrine that the planets foretold the
destinies of men. That belief is called by later generations
superstition, but the fact remains that it led to observations
and calculations by which the motions of the planets them-
selves were foretold, and thus astrology prepared the
way for astronomy.^
Equally striking has been the evolution of the medicine
man in his character of religious leader. Since this subject
is to form the basis of a future discussion, it can only be
said here that in the capacity of priest the shaman was least
admirable. Whatever good he accomplished as physician
and counsellor, his efforts in interceding with the higher
powers were of course futile. But the medicine._nian
gradually became the teacher 2 of the young men of the
nation, and the almoner of the race. Almost down to the
present time, education and charity are largely in the
hands of the religious class. In this generation the Church
has shown a strong tendency,' which is still growing, to
emphasize and strengthen its sociological work by means
of club rooms, gymnasiums, summer camps, schools and
colleges, medical missions, and welfare work in general.
Organized religion is thus still a great civilizing agency.
^ Tylor, "Anthropology," p. 341.
^ Spencer, "Principles of Sociology," German Edition, pp. 317—329.
Purely as religious teachers both clergymen and priests
of this age have ideals so far above those of their
sociological predecessor that the connexion between the
old and the new would seem fanciful but for the investi-
gations of science.
The beneficent effects of the dominance of the
the medicine man are far from being exhausted in the
foregoing recital. In the cosmic process of the centuries,
the shaman and his associates unconsciously, uninten-
tionally and incidentally, constituted a mighty socializing
force. The scientific justification of the religious element
in evolving society may be urged for the following reasons.
By maintaining a common propitiation of the deities, the
exponents of religion have furnished a principle of societal
cohesion. Worship of the same gods tends to unify a
society,! The Ostyaks, for example, are said to be drawn
together through using the same sacred places and yielding
obedience to the same priest.^
Religious leaders have performed a social good by
checking within tribes the tendencies to internal warfare.
While they have frequently incited attacks on alien peoples
and tribes of another religion, those leaders in the average
case have checked hostilities between groups of the same
blood and of the same religion. ^ The reproof of Moses to
the Israelite who struck a brother slave in Egypt, "Where-
fore smitest thou thy fellow?"* v/iil occur to the reader as
an illustration of this point.
1 Spencer, "Principles of Sociology," III, pp. 96, 97, 141.
^ Lathrop, "Descriptive Sociology," I, p. 456.
=* Spencer, "Principles of Sociology," III, p. 141. * Exodus, 2 : 13.
By strengthening the habit of self-restraint, the medi-
cine man and his religious successors have done a praise-
worthy work. When in return for their professional offices,
the representatives of the gods demanded food, clothing,
or other commodity, they compelled uncivilized peoples to
give up something which was good to obtain some greater
good. That discipline, enforced by shamanism, was of
assistance in the development of foresight, or in other words,
increased the willingness to sacrifice the present for the
sake of the future. It is to be doubted whether any motive
other than fear of the imaginary environment could so
have strengthened the habit of self-restraint. And this habit
is an essential factor for the regulation of conduct both for
self benefit and for the interests of other people. ^
The priest class has been of social service in that its
members have approved of enforced labor, which is the
only means of training men to apply themselves to
tasks. 2 Savage peoples in the unregulated state do not
have the principle of co-operation. This unity of effort
is indispensable to fitness for societal life. Authority is
necessary to establish co-operation. Undisciplined nature
man can be made to work with his fellows by the appli-
cation of only the most powerful means. The represen-
tative of the gods has exercised the strongest restraint
possible in that he has impressed upon the minds of
common men that if the commands of the deities are dis-
obeyed, vengeance will most surely fall. Since the shaman
C\ \ / * Spencer, "Principles of Sociology," III, pp. 141—143.
" Ibid., Ill, p. 144.
\
is either the king, or has been forced into submission to
the ruler, or works in co-operation with him, it can readily
be seen that the religious leader has used his spiritual
power to re-enforce political power. The application of
coercion for societal good is clearly manifested in the
development of the industrial organization. The building
up of this institution would not have been possible except
through hard, continuous labor. What other than a long-
lasting and vigorous coercion could have compelled the idle
and improvident savage to do useful work? And in this
compulsion, shamanism was a powerful instrumentality.^
The medicine man, and the principles for which he
stands, have always formed the conservative element in
group, tribe, or nation. There is a place in every society
for the spirit of stability. Shamanism, by the preservation of
beliefs, sentiments, and usages, which by survival have been
proved approximately fit for the requirements of the time,
has been useful in maintaining and strengthening societal
bonds, and, therefore, in conserving societal aggregates.^
The institution of shamanism has served a social
purpose by forming a system for the regulation of conduct
which co-operates with the civil administrative system.
The prime requisite for societal progress is societal union.
Nature man possesses so many anti-societal traits — impul-
siveness, improvidence, an intolerance of restraint, a lack
of sociality, an extended sense of blood revenge, a paucity
of altruistic feelings, and an extreme resistance to change^
* Spencer, "Principles of Sociology," pp. 142 — 143.
2 Ibid., Ill, p. 102.
which militate against societal co-operation, that nothing
but an absolute submission to secular and sacred authority
is strong enough to hold him in check. i Shamanism,
therefore, has contributed to social progress in that it
has co-operated with the civil power in enforcing sub-
mission to constituted political authority.^ An illustration
of this was observed by the writer at Bontoc, Mountain
Province, Northern Luzon, Philippine Islands. A Bontoc
Igorot was serving in the Constabulary when he sickened
and died from pneumonia. At the funeral, his relatives,
believing that he had been murdered by the Benguet
Igorots, traditional enemies of their clan, nearly prevailed
upon the Bontoc people to make a head-hunting raid upon
the villages of Benguet for blood revenge. The authorities
assembled the Bontoc priests and explained to them the
real cause of the death. Those shamans then persuaded
the angry relatives that their suspicions were unfounded,
and the trouble was averted.
The shamanic class, furthermore, has aided social
progress by demanding obedience, first to the deities and
then to earthly rulers. This can be seen incidentally from
the practical effects of the working of the taboo. Among
savage peoples, tabooed articles are primarily those conse-
crated to a spirit. For an individual, therefore, to disregard
a taboo is to rob the divinity.^ Thus it is believed in New
Zealand that both gods and man punish those who violate
a taboo. The angry spirits inflict sickness and death ; human
1 Spencer, "Principles of Sociology," I, pp. 56—74. - Ibid., Ill,
pp. 105—106. 3 Ibid., Ill, p. 144.
agencies visit upon the transgressor confiscation of
property and expatriation or death. But terror of the
gods is more effective in upholding the taboo than fear
of men.i A mark, showing that a thing is the property
of a god, may without difficulty be simulated. An
offering with the sign of taboo upon it is by implication
one that will eventually be sacrificed to a god. Since,
however, the time when the sacrifice is to be made is
not definite, there is a possibility that the consecration
will not occur for a long period. Because of this post-
ponement there would take place at times a simulated
consecration of offerings, which men may not lawfully
touch because they are tabooed, but which never will be
sacrificed to the gods.- In Timor, for example, it is related
that "a few palm leaves stuck outside a garden as a sign of
the 'pomli' [taboo] will preserve its produce from thieves as
effectually as the threatening notice of man-traps, spring-
guns, or a savage dog would do for us." ^ Since it is always
the medicine man or the ruler as medicine man, who
makes sacrificial offerings, it will be seen that shamanism
is responsible both for the taboo and for its beneficial
influences.^
No single factor, it may be truthfully said, has more
potently influenced the culture and shaped the destiny
of society than the medicine man. In attempting to gain
a true conception of the historical importance and develop-
ment of a race, the one element which above all others
' Thompson, "The Story of New Zealand," I, p. 130.
^ Spencer, "Principles of Sociology," III, p. 144.
^ Wallace, "The Malay Archipelago," p. 196.
^ Spencer, "Principles of Sociology," III, pp. 145-146.
20*
demands closest attention and investigation is the power
of the priest class. That the medicine man has frequently
abused his opportunities is to be deplored. But in con-
sideration of the social control which he has exercised, and
in consideration of the fact that art, education, history, and
science had their incipiency in the class to which he and
his fellows belong, the verdict of impartial judgment
must be that on the whole, whether consciously or un-
consciously, the shaman has rendered a social service, the
beneficial results of which are incalculable.
Another way of testing the relative merits of the
priest class is by the standard of societal selection. ^ Every
society which has survived has had medicine men. Social
aggregations without priests could not compete with others
of which those socializing agencies formed a part, and
consequently gave way in the struggle before a superior
foe. 2 Had shamanism been a social disadvantage rather
than a social advantage, those societies in which it had
place would have gone down in the contest with others
where it did not exist, and the weaker aggregates
together with their institutions would have perished. But
the fact that it gave life to social groups proves the worth
of the sacerdotal class.
It is thus seen that strength has come out of weakness;
good out of evil; truth out of error. These words epitomize
the story of the progress of the human race. Many wrong
theories have been advocated, and many methods have
1 Keller, "Societal Evolution," pp. 53-168.
2 Spencer, "Principles of Sociology," pp. 148 — 149.
been of no avail to the puqDose for which they were
originally contemplaied. In conjunction with his multitu-
dinous mistakes, however, man of necessity has also
blundered upon truth. The false has perished, while
the true has survived. That process has been repeated
time without end, until astronomy has eventuated from
astrology, chemistry from alchemy, medicine from magic,
nobler religious ideals and social betterment from
fetichism — in other words, science, spiritual enlightenment,
and societal advancement from superstition.