Baldwin Spencer and F. J. Gillen · 1899 · Original 1899 Macmillan edition (Archive.org DjVu text, identifier nativetribesofce0000bald_d2j3) · Public Domain · uncorrected OCR — being verified against the scan
Fieldwork among the Arunta (Arrernte) and neighbouring tribes around Alice Springs, including the 1896-97 Engwura ceremony; published London, 1899.
Served verbatim, era-bound vocabulary and all — the house frames, it never
paraphrases; what a passage does and does not show rides its receipt.
Every individual is born into some totem—Variations in the significance of the
totems in different parts of Australia—Totems of the Urabunna tribe—The
child takes the mother’s totem—Totems of the Arunta tribe—No relationship
of necessity between the totem name of the child and that of the father and
mother—Marriage not regulated by totem—Examples of totem names as
they exist in particular families—Though differing much from one another in
many points, there is a fundamental unity in customs, sufficient to indicate
the origin of all Australian tribes from ancestors who practised certain customs
which have been developed along different lines in different localities—Cere-
monies of the Engwura serving to show the way in which each individual
acquires his or her totemic name—The Alcheringa times—The ancestral
members of certain totemic groups restricted wholly, or almost so, to mem-
bers of one moiety of the tribe —The wanderings of certain groups of Alcheringa
ancestors, each of whom carried one or more sacred Churinga, with each o
which is associated the spirit part of an individual—Where the Churinga are
deposited there local totem centres are formed, the native name of which 1s
Oknanihilla—Each Oknantkilla is associated with one totem, and when a
child is born it is one of the spirit individuals resident at a particular spot
which goes inside a woman, and therefore its totem is the totem of the spirits
associated with that spot—Examples of how a child gets its totemic name—
Totem never changes, but the class may—The totems are local in their
distribution.
EVERY individual of the tribes with which we are dealing is
born into some totem—that is, he or she belongs to a group of
persons each one of whom bears the name of, and is especially
associated with, some natural object. The latter is usually an
animal or plant; but in addition to those of living. things,
there are also such totem names as wind, sun, water, or cloud—
in fact there is scarcely an object, animate or inanimate, to be
found in the country occupied by the natives which does not
gives its name to some totemic group of individuals.
Much has been written with regard to the totems of the
Australian natives since the time when Grey first described
them under the name of Kobong, which, it must be remarked
is only of local application in certain parts of the west, the
CH. IV ee OEMS 113
word being entirely unknown over the greater part of the
continent. As might have been expected, when we take into
account the vast area of land over which the Australian tribes
are spread, and the isolation by physical barriers of those
occupying the Central area from the tribes living on the east
and west, there have arisen, in respect to the totemic system,
variations of so important a character that it is by no means
possible to describe that which is found in any one tribe or
group of tribes and regard it as typical of Australian natives
generally. The Arunta, Ilpirra and Luritcha tribes, and
there is little doubt but that the same holds true of other
tribes to the north, such as the Waagai, Iliaura, Bingongina,
Walpari, and Warramunga, differ in important respects from
the tribes which either now do, or formerly did, inhabit the
east and south-eastern parts of the continent, and to whom
nearly all our knowledge of totems in Australia has been
confined. Between these central and the southern and south-
eastern tribes a sharp line can be drawn, so far as their
totemic systems are concerned ; indeed it looks very much
as if somewhere a little to the north-west of Lake Eyre we
had a meeting-place of two sets of tribes, which migrated
southwards, following roughly parallel courses, one across the
centre of the continent, while the other followed down the
course of the main streams on the east, and then turned
slightly northward on the west side of Lake Eyre; or,
possibly, in their southern wanderings, part of this eastern
group spread round the north, and part round the south end
of the lake (Fig. 1).
We find, so far as their organisation is concerned, a sharply
marked line of difference between the Urabunna tribe, the
members of which are spread over the country which lies to
the west and north-west of Lake Eyre, and the Arunta tribe,
which adjoins their northern boundary. The Urabunna
tribe is associated with the migration along the eastern side,
while the Arunta is the most southern of the Central tribes.
In the Urabunna and the adjoining Dieri tribe, as well as
in those which spread northwards on the east side of Lake
Eyre towards the borders of Queensland, and in others who
lived along the shores of Spencer Gulf and along the southern
coast, we find that descent is counted in the female line. In
the Urabunna, for example, we find that all the members of
the tribe are divided into two classes, which are called
respectively Matthurie and Kirarawa, and each of these
again contains a certain number of totems, or, as the natives
call them, 7hunthunize. The same totem name is only to
be found in one or other of the two classes, but not in both.
Thus, for example, among the Matthurie we find the follow-
ing totems—Inyarrie (wild duck), Wutnimmera (green cicada),
Matla (dingo), Waragutie (emu), Kalathura (wild. turkey),
Guti (black swan); whilst amongst the Kirarawa are such
totems as Kurara (cloud), Wabma (carpet snake), Kapirie
(lace lizard), Urantha (pelican), Kutnichilie (water-hen),
Wakala (crow).4
Now not only must a Matthurie man take as wife-a
Kirarawa woman, but he must only take one of some
particular totem.2. Thus a wild, duck Matthurie man marries
a snake Kirarawa woman, a cicada marries a crow, a dingo a
water-hen, an emu a rat, a wild turkey a cloud, and a swan a
pelican. Every child, male or female, of a wild duck
Matthurie man belongs to the class Kirarawa, and to the
totem snake to which his mother belonged. Thus in every
family the father belongs to one class and totem, while the
mother and all the children belong to another. We have
already dealt at length with certain aspects of the social
organisation of the Urabunna tribe, and enough has now been
said to show that it is a typical example of one of the many
Australian tribes in which the totem of the child is simply
determined by that of the mother.
Passing northwards from the Urabunna into the Arunta
tribe, we are brought into contact with a very different
organisation, but with one which, in regard to the class names,
is typical of tribes which occupy an area extending north and
south for some 800 miles, and east and west for perhaps
1 The organisation of the Dieri tribe, as well as its marriage customs, have been
described by Mr. Howitt in his monograph ‘*On the Organisation of Australian
Tribes,” Zrans. R. S. Vict., vol. i., pt. 2, 1889., p- 124, which may be regarded
as embodying generally our knowledge of the organisation of Australian trib
to the present day.
* See in connection with this the footnote on p. 60,
es up
between 200 and 300. We find also essentially the same
system in tribes inhabiting other parts of Australia, such as
the Turribul, living on the Maryborough river in Queensland."
Without entering here into details, which will be fully
explained subsequently, we may say that, so far as the class
is concerned, descent is counted in the male line. The totem
names are, however, at first sight decidedly perplexing. Just
as in the Urabunna tribe, every individual has his or her
totem name. In the first place, however, no one totem is
confined to the members of a particular class or sub-
class; in the second place the child’s totem will some-
times be found to be the same as that of the father,
sometimes the same as that of the mother, and not infre-
quently it will be different from that of either parent; and
in the third place there is no definite relationship between
the totem of the father and mother, such as exists in the
Urabunna and many other Australian tribes—in fact perhaps
in the majority of the latter. You may, for example, examine
at first a family in which the father is a witchetty grub
and the mother a wild cat, and you may find, supposing there
be two children, that they are both witchetty grubs. In the
next family examined perhaps both parents will be witchetty
grubs, and of two children one may belong to the same totem,
and the other may be an emu; another family will show the
father to be, say, an emu, the mother a plum-tree, and of their
children one may be a witchetty grub, another a lizard, and so
on, the totem names being apparently mixed up in the
sreatest confusion possible.
We give below the actual totem names of five families,
selected at random, who are now living in the northern
section of the Arunta tribe, and these may be taken as ac-
curately representative of the totem names found in various
families throughout the tribe. After making very numerous
and as careful inquiries as possible, always directly from the
natives concerned, we can say that every family shows the
same features as these particular examples do with regard to
the totems, the names of the latter varying, of course, from
family to family and in different parts of the country, certain
; 1 Howitt. of. czz. p. 102.
lee
totems predominating in some, and others in other parts.
You may, for example, find yourself in one district of more
or less limited area and find one totem largely represented ;
travelling out of that district, you may meet but rarely with
that particular totem until you come into another and per-
haps distant part, where—it may be 40 or 50 miles away
it again becomes the principal one. The reason for, or rather
the explanation of, this curious local distribution of totem
names, as given by the natives, will be seen presently.
Family 1. Father, little hawk. Wife No. 1, rat; daughter,
witchetty grub. Wife No. 2, kangaroo ; nochildren. Wife No.
3, lizard ; two daughters, one emu, the other water.
Family 2. Father, eagle-hawk. Wife No. 1, Hakea flower ;
no children. Wife No. 2, Hakea flower; four sons, who are
respectively witchetty grub, emu, eagle-hawk, elonka; two
daughters, both witchetty grubs.
Family 3. Father, witchetty grub. Wife No. 1, lizard ; two
sons, one lizard, the other witchetty grub. Wife No. 2, lizard.
Family 4. Father, emu. Wife, munyeru; two sons, one
kangaroo, the other, wild cat ; one daughter, lizard.
Family 5. Father, witchetty grub. Wife, witchetty grub ;
two sons, one, kangaroo, the other, witchetty grub; one
daughter, witchetty grub.
Taking these as typical examples of what is found through-
out the whole tribe, we can see that while, as already stated,
marriages are strictly regulated by class rules, the question of
totem has nothing to do with the matter either so far as
making it obligatory for a man of one totem to marry a
woman of another particular one, or so far as the totem of
the children is concerned. The totem name of the child
does not of necessity follow either that of the father or that
of the mother, but it may correspond to one or both of them.
Whether there ever was a time when, in the Arunta and
other neighbouring tribes, marriage was regulated by totem
it is difficult to say. At the present day it is not, nor can
we find any evidence in the full and numerous traditions
relating to the doings of their supposed ancestors which
affords indications of a time when, as in the Urabunna tribe
a man might only marry a woman of a totem different on
his own. In their curious totem regulations, the Arunta and
Ilpirra tribes agree, as we know from personal observation,
while we have reason to believe that large and important
tribes living to the north of them—viz. the Kaitish, Warra-
munga, Waagai, Iliaura, Bingongina and Walpari—are in
accord with them on all important points. The difference in
this respect between the tribes whose customs and organisa-
tion are now described, and those of other tribes which
have been dealt with by able and careful investigators, such
as Grey, Fison, Howitt, Roth and others, will serve to show
that various tribes and groups of tribes, starting doubtless
from a common basis, but isolated from one another during
long periods of time by physical barriers, have developed
along different lines. Except, perhaps, in the extreme
north and north-east, Australia has had for long ages no
intercourse with outside peoples, and such as it has had
has only affected a very small and insignificant coastal fringe
of the continent®and even there the influence has been but
very slight. What we have to deal with is a great conti-
nental area, peopled most probably by men who entered from
the north and brought with them certain customs. We are
not here concerned with the difficult question of exactly
where the ancestors of the present Australian natives came
from. The most striking fact in regard to them at the present
day is that over the whole continent, so far as is known, we
can detect a community of customs and social organisation
sufficient to show that all the tribes inhabiting various parts
are the offspring of ancestors who, prior to their migrating
in various directions across the continent, and thus giving rise
to groups separated to a great extent from one another by
physical barriers, already practised certain customs and had
the germs of an organisation which has been developed
along different lines in different localities.
The class and totem systems, variously modified as we
now find them in different tribes, can only be adequately
accounted for on the hypothesis that, when the ancestors of
the present natives reached the country, they spread over it
in various directions, separated into local groups, and devel-
oped, without the stimulus derived from contact with out-
side peoples, along various lines, each group retaining features
in its customs and organisation such as can only be explained
by supposing them all to have had a common ancestry."
However, to return to the totems of the Arunta. It was
while watching and questioning closely the natives during
the performance of the Engwura ceremony—a description
of which will be found in a later chapter—that we were able
to find out the way in which the totem names of the indi-
viduals originate and to gain an insight into the true nature
of their totemic system.
The Engwura ceremony, which forms the last of the initi-
atory rites through which the Arunta native must pass before
he becomes what is called Urlzara, or a fully developed
native, admitted to all the most sacred secrets of the tribe,
consisted in reality of a long series of ceremonies, the enact-
ing of which occupied in all more than four months. Those
with which we are here concerned were a large number,
between sixty and seventy altogether, which were connected
with the totems and were performed under the direction of
the old men, who instructed the younger men both how to
perform them and what they represented.
The native name for these ceremonies is Quabara? and
each one is known as a Quabara of a certain totem associated
with a particular spot. Thus we have, for example, the
Quabara Unjiamba of Ooraminna, which means a ceremony
of the Unjiamba or Hakea flower totem of a place called
Ooraminna ; the Quabara Achilpa of Urapitchera, which
means a ceremony of the wild cat (a species of Dasyurus)
’ 1 The evidence in favour of this is strikingly shown in regard to the details of
the ceremonies concerned with the knocking out of teeth. In some parts of the
continent this is retained as the important initiation rite, while in other parts it
has lost this significance, and yet in all cases agreement in important details shows
the common origin of the custom. Further evidence in regard to this will be
dealt with in connection with the account of the ceremonies attendant on the
knocking out of teeth.
* This is not a corruption of the word corrobboree, which is a term used only,
originally, by a tribe of the eastern coast, but now generally by whites to describe
the ordinary dancing ceremonies, which are entirely different from the sacred
ceremonies of the Arunta and other tribes. The word Quabara belongs to the
Arunta tongue. Corrobboree is a word which in many parts has been adopted by
the natives after hearing the white men use it. |
totem of a place called Urapitchera on the Finke River ;
the Quabara Okira of Idracowra, which means a ceremony
of the kangaroo totem of a place called Idracowra on the
Finke River, or, to speak more correctly, of a special spot
marked by the presence of a great upstanding column
of sandstone, called by white men Chamber's pillar, of
the native name for which, Idracowra is a corruption;
the Quabara Unchichera of Imanda, which means a
ceremony of the frog totem of a spot called by the natives
Imanda, and by the white men Bad Crossing on the Hugh
River. Each ceremony was thus concerned with a special
totem, and not only this, but with a special division of a
totem belonging to a definite locality, and, further, each
ceremony was frequently, but by no means always, in the
possession of, and presided over by, an old man of the totem
and locality with which it was concerned. It will shortly be seen
that the totems are strictly local, but that we have what may
be called local centres of any one totem in various districts
of the wide area over which the Arunta tribe is scattered.
For our present purpose, which is the explanation of the way
in which each individual gets his or her totemic name, the
following general account will suffice.
The whole past history of the tribe may be said to be
bound up with these totemic ceremonies, each of which is
concerned with the doings of certain mythical ancestors who
are supposed to have lived in the dim past, to which the
natives give the name of the “ Alcheringa.”
In the Alcheringa lived ancestors who, in the native mind,
are so intimately associated with the animals or plants the
name of which they bear that an Alcheringa man of, say, the
kangaroo totem may sometimes be spoken of either as a
man-kangaroo or as a kangaroo-man. The identity of the
human individual is often sunk in that of the animal or plant
from which. he is supposed to have originated. It is useless
to try and get further back than the Alcheringa ; the history
of the tribe as known to the natives commences then.
Going back to this far-away time, we find ourselves in the
midst of semi-human creatures endowed with powers not
possessed by their living descendants and inhabiting the same
country which is now inhabited by the tribe, but which was
then devoid of many of its most marked features, the origin
of which, such as the gaps and gorges in the Macdonnell
Ranges, is attributed to these mythical Alcheringa ancestors.
These Alcheringa men and woman are represented in
tradition as collected together in companies, each of which
consisted of a certain number of individuals belonging to one
particular totem. Thus, for example, the ceremonies of the
Engwura dealt with four separate groups of Achilpa or wild
cat men.
Whilst every now and then we come across traditions,
according to which, as in the case of the Achilpa, the totem is
common to all classes, we always find that in each totem one
moiety’ of the tribe predominates, and that, according to
tradition, many of the groups of ancestral individuals con-
sisted originally of men or women or of both men and women
who all belonged to one moiety. Thus in the case of certain
Okira or kangaroo groups we find only Kumara and Purula ;
in certain Udnirringita or witchetty grub groups we find only
Bulthara and Panunga; in certain Achilpa or wild cat a
predominance of Kumara and Purula, with a smaller number
of Bulthara and Panunga.
At the present day no totem is confined to either moiety of
the. tribe, but in each local centre we always find a great
predominance of one moiety, as for example at Alice Springs,
the most important centre of the witchetty grubs, where,
amongst forty individuals, thirty-five belong to the Bulthara
and Panunga, and five only to the other moiety of the tribe.
These traditions with regard to the way in which the
Alcheringa ancestors were distributed into companies, the
members of which bore the same totem name and belonged,
as a general rule, to the same moiety of the tribe, are of
considerable importance when we come to consider the con-
ditions which now obtain with regard to totems. It is not
without importance to notice that the traditions of the tribe
point back to a time when, for the most part, the members of
' As stated in connection with the description of the organisation of the tribe
vi . . . z
the latter can be divided into two moteties, one comprising the Panunga and
Bulthara, and the other the Purula and Kumara, or the equivalents of these
any particular totem were confined to one moiety of the tribe,
in face of the fact that at the present day it seems to be a cha-
racteristic feature of many tribes—such as the Urabunna, which
are ina less highly developed state than the Arunta, IIpirra
and certain other tribes of Central Australia—that the totems
are strictly confined to one or other of the two moieties of
the tribe, and that they regulate marriage. At the same time it
may again be pointed out that the totems in no way regulate
marriage in the tribes mentioned, and, further still, we can find
no evidence in any of the traditions, numerous and detailed.
as they are, of a time when marriage in these tribes was ever
regulated by the totems.
If now we turn to the traditions and examine those relating
to certain totems which may be taken as illustrative of the
whole series, we find that they are concerned almost entirely
with the way in which what we may call the Alcheringa
members of the various totems came to be located in various
spots scattered over the country now occupied by the tribe
the members of which are regarded as their descendants, or,
to speak more precisely, as their reincarnations. We will
take as examples the following totems—Achilpa or wild cat,
Unjiamba or Hakea flower, Unchichera or frog, and
Udnirringita or witchetty grub.
In the Alcheringa there appear to have been four companies
of wild cat men and women who, tradition says, appeared
first in the southern part of the country. It has been already
pointed out that, in the native mind, the ideas of the human
and animal nature of these individuals are very closely
associated together. Starting from the south out to the east
of Charlotte Waters, one of these companies, consisting in this
case of Bulthara and Panunga individuals, marched north-
wards, keeping as they did so considerably to the east of the
River Finke. A second and larger party, consisting of Purula
and Kumara individuals, came from the south-west and, at a
place not far from Henbury on the Finke River, divided into
two parties. One of them crossed the Finke and went on
northwards to the Macdonnell Ranges, which were traversed
1 A detailed account of the wanderings of these ancestral groups is given in
Chapters X. and XI.
a little to the east of Alice Springs, and then passed on
northwards. The other half, forming the third party, followed
up the Finke for some distance, crossing it at a spot now
called Running Waters, after which the Macdonnell Ranges
were traversed some twenty or twenty-five miles to the west
of Alice Springs, and then the party passed on to the north
in the direction of Central Mount Stuart. The fourth party,
consisting of Purula and Kumara individuals, started from
far away to the south-east, and travelled northwards, crossing
the Range at Mount Sonder, and continued its course north-
wards, so says tradition, until it reached the country of the
salt water.
The principal traditions with regard to the Unjiamba or
Hakea flower totem refer to the wanderings of certain women.
In one account, two women of this totem are described as
coming from a place about 35 miles to the north of Alice
Springs, where they had a sacred pole or Nurtunja.1_ Start-
ing southwards, they travelled first of all underground, and
came out at a place called Arapera. Here they spent their
time eating Unjiamba. Then leaving here they took their
sacred pole or MWurtunja to pieces and travelled further on
until they came to Ooraminna, in the Macdonnell Ranges,
where there is a special water-hole close beside which they
sat down and died, and two great stones arose to mark the
exact spot where they died. In their journey these two
women followed close by the track taken by one of the
Achilpa parties, but did not actually come into contact with
the latter, which was travelling in the opposite direction.
In addition to these traditions of the wanderings of various
companies of men and women belonging to different totems,
we meet with others which refer to the origin of special indi-
viduals, or groups of individuals, who did not wander about
but lived and died where they sprang up. Thus, for example,
an Inarlinga or “ porcupine” (Echidna) man is supposed to
have arisen near to Stuart’s waterhole on the Hugh River,
7 : Ae Ae ‘ é
Various forms of Mzrtaunja will be described in the account of the Engwura
- 7 : =
ceremony. Each consists of a central support, made most often of one or more
spears and wound round with human hair string, which is then decorated with
down.
wv THE TOTEMS i
while at the Emily Gap, near to Alice Springs, tradition says
that certain witchetty grubs became transformed into witchetty
men, who formed a strong group here, and who were after-
wards joined by others of the same totem, who marched over
the country to the Gap.
Each of these Alcheringa ancestors is represented as carry-
ing about with him, or her, one or more of the sacred stones,
which are called by the Arunta natives Churinga,! and each
of these Churinga is intimately associated with the idea of
the spirit part of some individual. Either where they origin-
ated and stayed, as in the case of certain of the witchetty
erub people, or else where, during their wanderings, they
camped for a time, there were formed what the natives call
Oknanikilla, each one of which is in reality a local totem
centre. At each of these spots, and they are all well known
to the old men, who pass the knowledge on from generation
to generation, a certain number of the Alcheringa ancestors
went into the ground, each one carrying his Churinga with
him. His body died, but some natural feature, such as a
rock or tree, arose to mark the spot, while his spirit part
remained in the Churinga. At the same time many of the
Churinga which they carried with them, and each one of
which had associated with it a spirit individual, were placed
in the ground, some natural object again marking the spot.
The result is that, as we follow their wanderings, we find that
the whole country is dotted over with Oknanzkilla, or local
totem centres, at each of which are deposited a number of
Churinga, with spirit individuals associated with them. Each
Oknantkilla is, of course, connected with one totem. In one
part we have a definite locality, with its group of wild cat
spirit individuals ; in another, a group of emu; in another, a
group of frog, and so on through the various totems ; and it
is this idea of spirit individuals associated with Churinga and
resident in certain definite spots that lies at the root of the
present totemic system of the Arunta tribe.
As we have said, the exact spot at which a Churinga was
1 This Churinga is the equivalent of the bull-roarer or whirler of other authors.
It has such a special significance amongst these tribes that we shall use the local
name.
deposited was always marked by some natural object, such as
a tree or rock, and in this the spirit is supposed to especially
take up its abode, and it is called the spirit’s Vanja}
We may take the following as a typical example of how
each man and woman gains a totem name. Close to Alice
Springs is a large and important witchetty grub totem
centre or Oknanzkilla. Here there were deposited in the
Alcheringa a large number of Churinga carried by witchetty
grub men and women. A large number of prominent rocks
and boulders and certain ancient gum-trees along the sides
of a picturesque gap in the ranges, are the Vanya trees and
rocks of these spirits, which, so long as they remain in spirit
form, they usually frequent. If a woman conceives a child
after having been near to this gap, it is one of these spirit
individuals which has entered her body, and therefore, quite
irrespective of what the mother’s or father’s totem may
chance to be, that child, when born, must of necessity be of
the witchetty grub totem ; it is, in fact, nothing else but the
reincarnation of one of the witchetty grub people of the
Alcheringa. Suppose, for example, to take a particular and
actual instance, an emu woman from another locality comes
to Alice Springs, and whilst there becomes aware that she
has conceived a child, and then returns to her own locality
before the child is born, that child, though it may be born
in an emu locality, is an Udnirringita or witchetty grub. It
must be, the natives say, because it entered the mother at
Alice Springs, where there are only witchetty grub spirit indi-
viduals.. Had it entered her body within the limits of her own
emu locality, it would as inevitably have been an emu. To
take another example, quite recently the lubra or wife of a
witchetty grub man, she belonging to the same totem, con-
ceived a child while on a visit to a neighbouring Quatcha or
water locality, which lies away to the east of Alice Springs,
that child’s totem is water; or, again, an Alice Springs
woman, when asked by us as to why her child was a witchetty
grub (in this instance belonging to the same totem as both
of its parents), told us that one day she was taking a drink
" Further details with regard to this, and the relationship of the spirit to the
Nanja, are given in Chapter XY,
of water near to the gap in the Ranges where the spirits
dwell when suddenly she heard a child’s voice crying out,
“Mia, mia /”—the native term for relationship which includes
that of mother. Not being anxious to have a child, she ran
away as fast as she could, but to no purpose ; she was fat and
well favoured, and such women the spirit children prefer ;
one of them had gone inside her, and of course it was born a
witchetty grub.!
The natives are quite clear upon this point. The spirit
children are supposed to have a strong predilection for fat
women, and prefer to choose such for their mothers, even at
the risk of being born into the wrong class. We are ac-
quainted with special, but somewhat rare cases, in which a
living man is regarded as the reincarnation of an Alcheringa
ancestor whose class was not the same as that of his living
representative. At Alice Springs there is a man who is an
Uknaria belonging to the lizard totem, and is regarded as
the reincarnation of a celebrated Purula lizard man of the
Alcheringa. The spirit child deliberately, so the natives say,
chose to go into a Kumara instead of into a Bulthara woman,
and so the man was born Uknaria instead of Purula. Though
the class was changed, the totem could not possibly be.
Such examples could be multiplied indefinitely ; but these,
which may be taken as typical ones, will serve to show that,
though at first sight puzzling, yet in reality the totem name
follows a very definite system, if once we grant the premises
firmly believed in by the Arunta native.
One point of some interest is brought out by this inquiry
into the origin of the totem names, and that is that, though
the great majority of any one totem belong to one moiety of
the tribe, yet there may be, and in fact always are, a certain
number of members who belong to the other moiety. Just as
in the Alcheringa, all the witchetty grub men were Bulthara
and Panunga, so at the present day are the great majority of
their descendants who inhabit the local areas in which the
mythical ancestors formed witchetty totem centres. So, in
1 Spirit children are also supposed to be especially fond of travelling in whirl-
winds, and, on seeing one of these, which are very frequent at certain times of the
year, approaching her, a woman will at once run away.
the same way, all the Alcheringa emu ancestors were Purula
and Kumara, as now are the great majority of their de-
scendants, but, owing to the system according to which totem
names are acquired, it is always possible for a man to be, say,
a Purula ora Kumara and yet a witchetty, or, on the other
hand, a Bulthara or a Panunga, and yet an emu.
Two things are essential—first a child must belong to the
totem of the spot at which the mother believes that it was
conceived, and, second, it must belong to the moiety of the
tribe to which its father belongs. Its totem never changes,
but its class may. Once born into a totem, no matter
what his class may be, a man, when initiated, may witness
and take part in all the sacred ceremonies connected with
the totem, but, unless he belong to the predominant moiety,
he will never, or only in extremely rare cases, become the
head man or Alatunja of any local group of the totem.
His only chance of becoming Alatunja is by the death of
every member of the group who belongs to the moiety to
which the Alcheringa men belonged.
What has gone before will serve to show what we mean
by speaking of the totems as being local in their distribution.
The whole district occupied by the Arunta, and the same
holds true of the Hpirra and Kaitish tribes, can be mapped
out into a large number of areas of various sizes, some of
which are actually only a few square yards in extent, while
others occupy many square miles, and each of which centres
in one or more spots, for which the native name is Ofnanz-
kiulla—a term which may be best rendered by the phrase
“local totem centre.” Each of these represents a spot where
Alcheringa ancestors either originated or where they camped
during their wanderings, and where some of them went down
into the ground with their Churinga, or where they deposited
Churinga. In any case the Churinga remained there, each
one associated with a spirit individual, and from these have
sprung, and still continue to spring, actual men and women
who of necessity bear the totem name of the Churinga from
which they come.
We shall, later on, deal in greater detail with the traditions
which are concerned with the wanderings of the ancestors of
the local totem groups, and also with certain points of im-
portance, such as the various ceremonies connected with the
totems and the relationship existing between the individual
and his totem. It will be evident from the general account
already given that the totemic system of the Arunta and
other Central Australian tribes differs in important respects
from those of other tribes which have hitherto been described.
It is based upon the idea of the reincarnation of Alcheringa
ancestors, who were the actual transformations of animals and
plants, or of such inanimate objects as clouds or water, fire,
wind, sun, moon and stars. /To the Australian native there is
no difficulty in the assumption that an animal or a plant
could be transformed directly into a human being, or that the
spirit part which he supposes it to possess, just as he does in
his own case, could remain, on the death of the animal,
associated with such an object as a Churinga, and at some
future time arise in the form of a human being,
The account which the Arunta native gives of the origin of
the totemic names of the various members of the tribe is to him
a perfectly feasible one. What gave rise in the first instance
to the association of particular men with particular animals
and plants it does not seem possible to say. The Arunta
man accounts for it by creating a series of myths, according to
which he is the direct descendant of the animal or plant, and
weaves in and around these myths details of the most
circumstantia! nature. :
We shall have to return to the question of the totems after
certain of these myths of the Alcheringa have been related ;
meanwhile it may be said that, though different in certain
respects from that of other Australian tribes, yet the totemic
system of the Arunta shows us the one essential feature
common to all totemic systems, and that is the intimate
association between the individual and the material object,
the name of which he bears.
All Australian natives, with rare exceptions, have to pass through some initiation
ceremony before being admitted to the secrets of the tribe—Enumeration of
ceremonies amongst the Arunta and IIpirra tribes—Absence of the knocking
out of teeth as an initiation rite—Ceremonies amongst natives of Finke
River—First ceremony—Throwing the boy up in the air—The second cere-
mony— Circumcision or Lartza—The Apulia ground—Women dancing—
Decorating of the boy—Appointment of officials to conduct various parts of
the ceremony—Boy receives title of W27tja— Handing the firestick to the bby—
Seclusion in the bush—Performance of certain sacred ceremonies—Ceremony
of Okoara—The Wanznga, its construction and meaning—Woman running off
with the Vurtja—Appointing an official to paint a totemic design on the
novice’s back—Painting of the boy—Bringing in of the Arachitta poles—
Two women rub the design off the boy’s back—The women stripping the
Arachitta poles while the men dance—Setting fire to the brakes—The women
retire—Avrachztta poles placed on the Wurtja—Performance of the actual
ceremony—Presentation to the novice of the men who had acted as officials—
Giving Churinga to the novice and sending him into the bush—Restrictions
to be observed by certain relatives of the boy while he is out in the bush—
Ceremony of head-biting—Ceremony of subincision. or Aviltha kuma—The
Nurtunja, its construction and meaning—Burning the blood after Arz/tha—
Men submitting to a second operation of 477/tha—Recovery from subincision
-—Taking the £7¢twa-kurka to the women—Elder sisters cutting off hair from
the Zrtwa-kurka—TVhrowing a boomerang in the direction of the mother’s
camp in the Alcheringa—Putting the A7twa-kurka on the fire—Various grades
passed through during initiation—Ceremony of circumcision in the northern
part of the tribe—Meaning of subincision—Nothing to do with preventing
procreation—Customs in the Southern Arunta—Initiation of women.
EVERY Australian native, so far as is known, has in the
normal condition of the tribe to pass through certain cere-
monies of initiation before he is admitted to the secrets of
the tribe, and is regarded as a fully developed member
of it. These ceremonies vary both in their nature and
number to a very large extent in different tribes. Those
of the eastern and south-eastern coastal districts are entirely
different from those of the central tribes, amongst whom
they are more elaborate and spread over a long series of
years, the first taking place at about the age of ten or
twelve, whilst the final and most impressive one is not
passed through until probably the native has reached the
age of at least twenty-five, or it may be thirty. In
the Arunta and Ilpirra tribes the ceremonies are four in
number :— |
(1) Painting and throwing the boy up in the air.
(2) Circumcision or Lartna.
(3) Subincision or Aritha.
(4) The Augwura or fire ceremony.
The times at which these take place and the details of the
ceremonies vary toa certain extent in various parts of the
tribes, which, it must be remembered, occupy an area of
country stretching from Charlotte Waters in the south to at
least 100 miles north of Alice Springs, that is over an area
measuring 300 miles north and south by at least 100 miles
east and west, and comprising in the south a wide extent of
upland, stony plains and sand hills, and in the north a suc-
cession of ranges running east and west, and reaching an
elevation of 5,000 feet.
One of the most noticeable features of the ceremonies, from
a negative point of view, is the absence of the knocking out
of teeth as a general custom associated with the initiatory
rites. Amongst many tribes of the eastern coastal district
this forms a prominent feature, but amongst the Central
Australian natives, whilst it may be performed, it has nothing
to do with initiation, and is, in fact, practised by men as well
as women, the rite having no sacred significance of any kind ;
and yet, as we shall see later, there is not only evidence which
shows that it has once been a ceremony of greater importance
than it is at the present day, but also that there are certain
details which are curiously similar to those concerned with
the ceremony in parts where it forms the most important
initiation rite.
In the case of particular local groups amongst the Arunta,
as, for example, the natives now living in the district to the
north and north-east of Alice Springs, it is much more widely
practised than elsewhere; but, speaking generally, the knocking
out of teeth is amongst the Arunta and other central tribes
a matter partly of individual and partly of local taste and
fashion. The custom is probably to be regarded as one
which was at some distant time prevalent amongst the
common ancestors of the central and eastern coastal tribes,
but which has undergone changes as the tribes became
separated from one another and developed, so far as their
~ customs are concerned, along different lines. In some it has
retained its old significance, or may have even acquired still
greater importance as an initiatory rite, but in others, as, for
example, all those inhabiting the central area, it has lost its
old meaning, its place has been taken by other rites, and now
it is merely what we may call a rudimentary custom.
To a certain extent, as we have said, the details of the
various initiation ceremonies differ in different parts of the
tribe. We will first of all describe them as carried out in the
groups living on the Finke River, and will then point out
variations in the ceremonies as they are enacted, first in the
northern, and secondly in the southern parts.
THE FIRST CEREMONY—THROWING THE Boy uP
The first ceremony takes place when a boy is between ten
and twelve years of age. The men, and in this instance the
women also, assemble at a central spot near to the main camp,
and the boys who have reached the right age—the number
varying from ceremony to ceremony—are taken one by one
and tossed in the air several times by the men, who catch
them as they fall, while the women dance round and round
the group, swinging their arms and shouting loudly, “pau,
pau, pau-a-a,’ the last cry being very prolonged? This over
the boys are painted on their chests and backs, as shown in
the illustration, with simple designs consisting of straight or
curved bands outlined by lines of red or yellow ochre. These
? Roth points out that in the tribes studied by him the knocking out of teeth is
independent of any initiation rite, of. ciz., DS) 0770)
* In the initiation of the Kurnai, Mr. Howitt describes how at the beginning of
the ceremony each boy is thrown into the air by the d/ierwane, or man in
charge of him. Kamiélrot and Kurnai, p- 196.
have not of necessity any reference to the totem of the boys.
They are painted by men who stand to the boys in the
relation of Umdbzrna, that is, brother of a woman whom the
boy may marry. In some cases, at all events, they are
copied from old rock paintings, certain of which are associated
with particular totems, but the boy will not of necessity be
decorated with a design of his own totem. Certain of these
particular designs are described in connection with the sacred
drawings. If the boy has what is called an Unjzpinna* man,
then it is the latter who will draw the design upon him at the
close of the ceremony of throwing up.
In all the ceremonies of initiation the youth or man has
certain designs painted on his body, and in no case have they
of necessity any reference to his own totem, though they are
emblematic of some totem with which usually the man who
does the painting is associated. These designs come under
the general term of //kznza, the name applied to the designs,
as a whole, which are emblematic of the totems ; and so long
as the boy, youth or man has one or other of these
painted on him, it does not signify which. It must be
remembered that the man who does the painting is usually
the person who decides upon the nature of the design, and
it may also be noted that in the performance of sacred cere-
monies men are constantly decorated with designs of totems
other than their own.
In the case of this, the first of the initiatory ceremonies,
the painting of each boy is done as stated by men who stand
to him in the relationship of Umdzrna, that is, a man who is
the brother of a woman of the class from which his, z.e. the
boy’s, wife must come. The design is called Euchichichika,
and while they are being painted the boys are told that the
ceremony through which they have just passed will promote
their growth to manhood, and they are also told by tribal
fathers and elder brothers that in future they must not play
with the women and girls, nor must they camp with them as
1 Ifa woman, whose daughter has been allotted to a man, has a son born before
she has a daughter, the man may, if he elects to do so, renounce his right to the
daughter, and becomes Unjzpinna to the boy, who has, until he is initiated, to
provide the man with his hair.
216 NATIVE DRIBBS? Oh CEN ERAR AU ST RAL TA = CHAP.
they have hitherto done, but henceforth they must go to the
camp of the men, which is known as the Ungunja. Up to
this time they have been accustomed to go out with the
: es
= — ss aE
women as they searched for vegetable food and the smaller
animals such as lizards and rats ; now they begin to accompany
the men in their search for larger game, and begin also to look
forward to the time when they will become fully initiated and
admitted to all the secrets of the tribe, which are as yet kept
hidden from them.
The ceremony of throwing up is called A/kzraki:wuma (from
alkira the sky, and zwuma to throw), and very shortly after this
sometimes even before it, the boy has his nasal septum bored
through, usually by his father or paternal grandfather, and
begins to wear the nose bone. This boring is practised by
men and women alike, and the operation is attended by a
short but interesting special ceremony, which is elsewhere
described. Amongst the women the nose boring is usually
done by the husband immediately after marriage, and it may
be remarked in passing that in both sexes the constant wear-
ing of the nose bone emphasises the flattening out of the
lobes of the nose.
A good many years may elapse between the throwing up
ceremony and the performance of the two much more im-
portant ceremonies of circumcision or Lartna, and that of
subincision or Aritha. Speaking generally, it may be said
that circumcision may take place at any age after the boy has
arrived at puberty.
Before the time at which the boy is thrown up in the air
he is spoken of as an Ambaquerka, which is the term applied
to a child generally, of whichever sex it may be. After the
throwing up, and until the ceremony of circumcision, he is
called Ulpmerka.
When it has been decided by the boy’s elder male relatives
(usually his elder brothers) that he has arrived at the proper
age, preparations are made unknown to him, for the carry-
ing out of the ceremony. These consist first of all in the
gathering together of a large supply of food material for the
ceremonies are attended with the performance of what are
usually spoken of as corrobborees, which last over several days.
If a stranger belonging to any other group happens to be
present in camp when the operation is being performed he will
take part in the proceedings, but in the Arunta tribe there is
usually no sending out of messengers to other groups to bring
them in to the performance, as there is in the coastal tribes -
nor is it usual to operate upon more than one, or at meee
two, novices at the same time; each boy is initiated when
he is supposed to have reached the proper age, and the
ceremony is controlled by the men of his own local group,
Vu INITIATION CEREMONIES 219
who may ask any one to take part or not in it just as they
feel disposed.
In the following account we will describe what took place
during an actual ceremony, which was conducted recently by
a group of natives associated with a spot called Undiara,!
one of the most important centres of the kangaroo totem
situated near to the Finke River. It must always be remem-
bered that the details of these initiation ceremonies vary toa
certain extent according to the locality in which they are
performed ; thus at Undiara the men of the kangaroo totem
directed the proceedings, and therefore sacred ceremonies
concerned with this particular totem were much in evidence ;
had Undiara been an emu locality then emu ceremonies
would have predominated. Bearing this in mind, the cere-
mony now to be described may be regarded as typical of the
rite of circumcision as carried out by the natives living along
the Finke River, who are often spoken of as Larapinta blacks
to distinguish them from other groups, Larapinta being the
native name of the river.
The boy was seized early in the evening at the Ungunja, or
men’s camp, by three young men, who were respectively
A, place where the men sit; C, place where the women dance; D, spot where
the operation is carried out ; @, brake in front of which the men sit ; ¢, brake
behind which the novice sits; /, banks of the 4fzd/a with pathway between.
Okilia, Umbirna and Unkulla to him. As soon as they laid
‘hands on him they shouted loudly, “ Utchat, utchai,’ while
being ‘frightened, he struggled, trying to get free from them.
He was at once carried off bodily to the ceremonial ground
which had been carefully prepared at some distance from and
out of sight of the main camp, so that the women, when at
the latter, could not see anything of what was taking place at
1 For a description of Undiara, and the traditions and ceremonies associated
with it, see Chapter VI., p. 193 sg@.
the former, which is called the Apu//a. The nature of this’
can be seen from the accompanying plan. A path about
five feet wide is cleared of grass and shrubs, and the surface
soil is heaped up on either side, so as to form a low, narrow
bank of the same length as the path, which is some forty or
fifty feet in length, and always made so as to run east and
west. Atadistance of about forty feet from the eastern end
was a brake of boughs at which the men were assembled. The
women were grouped at the spot marked C.
Once on the ground, and in the presence of all the men and
women, the boy made no further resistance, but apparently
resigned himself to his fate. He was taken to the men and
sat down amongst them, while the women, who had been
awaiting his arrival, at once began to dance, carrying shields
in their hands. The reason assigned for this is that in the
Alcheringa certain women called Unthzppa) carried along with
them as they travelled over the country a number of young boys
who were just being initiated. As they travelled along, dancing
the whole way, they also carried shields: and therefore it is
that, at the present day, the initiation ceremony must commence
with an imitation of the Umnthippa dance of the Alcheringa.?
Except in connection with this ceremony- women may never
carry shields, which are exclusively the property of the men,
just as much as a digging-stick is the peculiar property of a
woman. While the women were dancing the men sang of the
marching of the Unthippa women across the country. After
the boy had watched and listened for some time, an Unkulla3
man came up and twined round and round his hair strands of
fur string, until it looked as if his head were enclosed in a
tight-fitting skull cap. Then a man who was Gammona to
him came up and fastened round his waist a large Uliara,
that is, the human hair girdle worn by the men, the girdle
being provided by an Oknza of the boy. ‘The two first-named
men were respectively the brother of the boy’s mother and the
1 For an account of these see p. 441. ?
* Roth describes the women as decorated after the manner of warriors about to
engage in a fight during the early part of the proceedings, of. cd¢., p. 170.
> If the boy had had an Unyépinna man, that is an Umberna who had waived
his right to the boy’s sister as wife, then it would have been the duty of this man
to tie the hair up.
vu INITIATION CEREMONIES 221
son of this man, the Oknza being a tribal brother of the boy’s
father who was dead, as also was the actual mother. After
this a council of the Oknia and Okilia! of the novice was
held, and three men, who were respectively Wura, Gammona
and Chimmia, were told off to take the boy away and: paint
him. These men are afterwards called Wulya, or Uwilia, by
the boy. They first of all went away and built a second
brake of bushes at the western end of the Afuwlla, at a
distance of about forty feet from the end of the cleared path,
so that in position the second brake corresponded to the first
one at the opposite end. This was henceforth to be the
brake behind which the boy had to remain except when
brought on to the ground to witness performances. When
this had been made the three men returned and led the boy
through the dancing women to his brake, where, with great
deliberation, they rubbed him all over with grease, and then
decorated his body with pinkish-white clay and_ bird’s
down.
During all the proceedings every detail, such as the
appointing of the various officials, was determined upon by a
council of men consisting of the Ofnza (tribal fathers) and
Okilia (blood and tribal elder brothers) of the novice, and of
this council the elder Ofnza was head man.
After painting him, the Uzvz/za told the boy that he was
now no longer an U/pmerka but a Wurtja, that during the
proceedings about to follow he must render implicit obedience,
and on no account must he ever tell any woman or boy any-
thing of what he was about to see. Should he ever reveal
any of the secrets, then he and his nearest relations would
surely die. He must not speak unless spoken to, and even
then his words must be as few as possible, and spoken ina
low tone. He was further told to remain crouched down behind
his brake when left there, and that on no account must he
make the slightest attempt to see what the men at their brake
were doing. Should he try to see what was going on at the
Apulla, except when taken there and told to watch, some
1 In using these terms we include, unless specially stated to the contrary, tribal
as well as blood relations ; the Ofsza, for example, include the actual father and
also the father’s brothers.
great calamity would happen to him—Zwanyzkzra, the great
spirit whose voice was heard when the bull-roarers spoke,
would carry him away. When these instructions had been
given to him’ by the Uzz/ia they went away, and he was then
visited by his Oxz/za, who repeated precisely the same instruc-
tions, and after this the Wurtja was left for an hour or two
to his own reflections. Meanwhile a man had been appointed
to act as Urinthantima, whose duty will be seen shortly, and
until daylight dawned the dancing and singing went on with
astonishing vigour. Then one of the Ofz/ca went and brought
back the Wurtja, passing with him as before through the
middle of the dancing women, who opened out to allow them
to pass through, and placed him sitting on the lap of the
Urinthantima man.
The oldest Mza woman of the boy (his actual A/za or
mother being dead) had brought with her from her own camp
a fire-stick, which she had been careful to keep alight all
night. At daylight she lit a fire by means of this, and then
took two long sticks with which she had provided herself,
and, lighting them at the fire, went and sat down, holding
them in her hands, immediately behind the Uvrinthantima
man. The Uwzenna, that is the sisters of the boy’s father, went
and also sat down along with her. Then, as the men began
to sing a special fire song, she handed one of the fire-sticks to
the woman who was the Mura tualcha of the boy, that is the
woman whose eldest daughter, born or unborn, has been
assigned to the Wurtja as his future wife, so that she is
potentially his mother-in-law. While the singing went on
this woman approached the boy, and, after tying round his
neck bands of fur string, she handed to him the fire-stick! telling
him as she did so to always hold fast to his own fire—in
other words not to interfere with women assigned to other
men. After this, at a signal from an old Of&dlia, the Wurtja
got up and ran away, followed by a number of shouting
boys, who after a short time returned, and, along with the
women, left the Apul/a ground and ran back to the main
camp. The old Mca took her fire-stick with her, and in camp
' The handing of the firestick is called Unchalkulkna, and the fire is regarded
as being of a sacred character.
guarded it with great care, fixing it at an angle into the
ground so as to catch the wind and ensure its being kept
alight. The Wurtja had, whilst in his camp, to guard his
fire-stick in just the same way, and was cautioned that if
he lost it, or allowed it to go out, both he and his MWza
would be killed by Aurdattcha. On the day on which he
was taken back to the camp, they both threw away their
fire-sticks.
When the Wurdja left the Apudla, he was accompanied by
some Ofzlza and Unkulla men who remained out in the
bush with him for three days. During this time nothing of
any special nature happened to him beyond the fact that he
might not speak unless he was first spoken to, which seldom
took place, and that he might not eat freely, though as yet he
was not bound by the restrictions with regard to food which
he would shortly have to obey. The main object of this
partial seclusion is to impress him with the fact that he is
about to enter the ranks of the men, and to mark the break
between his old life and the new one; he has no precise
knowledge of what is in store for him, and the sense that
something out of the ordinary is about to happen to him—
something moreover which is of a more or less mysterious
nature—helps to impress him strongly with a feeling of the
deep importance of compliance with tribal rules, and further
still with a strong sense of the superiority of the older men
who know,and are familiar with, all the mysterious rites,
some of which he is about to learn the meaning of for the
first time.
On the fourth day the Wurtja was brought back, and at
once placed behind his brake, which is called Atnumbanta,
and from which he might not move without the permission of
one of the Ofzlza who had been told off to guard him, and
whose father was the Oknza who acted as the head man of
the council. On the night of the fourth day the men sang of
the marchings of the men of the Ullakuppera (little hawk)
totem in the Alcheringa, and of their operations with their
famous Lzaliva or stone knives. It was these men who,
according to tradition, first introduced the use of a stone
knife at circumcision, the operation having been previously
conducted by means of a fire-stick.1 At times they broke
into the Lartnua song:
“Trri yulta yulta rai
UI katchera ul katchar-rai,”
which is always sung in loud fierce tones. About midnight
two Okilia went to the Wurtja’s brake, and having put a
bandage round his eyes led him to the men who sat as usual
on the side of their brake facing towards the Apudla. Here
he was placed lying face downwards, until two men who were
going to perform a ceremony were in position between the
Apulla \ines. The Quabara, which they were about to per-
form, was one of a certain number which are only performed
at a time such as this, though in all important respects these
Quabara are identical with those performed during various
In the southern part of the tribe the tradition is that an aged woman, angry
because of the number of boys who were killed in consequence of the use of a fire-
stick for circumcision, showed the men how to use a stone knife.
ceremonies concerned with the totems. When the boy was
told by his Okz/éa and Oknia to sit up and look he saw, lying
in front of him, and on his side, a decorated man whom the
Okita and Oknia, both of them speaking at once, told him
represented a wild dog. At the other end of the Apulla a
decorated man stood, with legs wide apart, holding up twigs
of Eucalyptus in each hand, and having his head ornamented
with a small Waninga, which is a sacred object emblematic
of some totemic animal, in this particular case a kangaroo.
This man moved his head from side to side, as if looking for
something, and every now and then uttered a sound similar to
that made by a kangaroo, which animal he was supposed to
represent. Suddenly the dog looked up, saw the kangaroo,
began barking, and, running along on all fours, passed between
the man’s legs and lay down behind the man, who kept watch-
ing him over his shoulder. Then the dog ran again between
the kangaroo-man’s legs, but this time he was caught and well
1 For a description of this, see page 231 sg.
shaken, and a pretence was made of dashing his head against
the ground, whereupon he howled as if in pain. These move-
ments were repeated several times, and finally the dog was
supposed to be killed by the kangaroo. After a short pause
the dog ran along on all fours to where the Wurtja sat and
laid himself on top of the boy, then the old kangaroo hopped
along and got on top of both of them, so that the Wurija had
to bear the weight of the two men for about two minutes.
When the performers got up, the Wurtja, still lying down,
was told by the old men that the Quabara represented an
incident which took place in the Alcheringa, when a wild dog-
man attacked a kangaroo-man, and was killed by the latter.
The article which the kangaroo wore on its head was
a Waninga, which was a sacred object, and must never
be mentioned in the hearing of women and children ; it
belonged to the kangaroo totem, and was indeed the re-
presentative of a kangaroo. When all had been explained
to him, he was led back to his brake, and the men continued
singing at intervals all night long.
The Quabara, which are performed at these initiation cere-
monies, vary according to the locality in which they are being
performed, and the men who are taking the leading part in
them. If, for example, the old man who is presiding belongs
to the emu totem, then the Quabara will at all events to
a certain, and probably a large extent, deal with incidents
concerned with ancestral emu men. In the particular cere-
mony upon which this account is based, the old man
presiding belonged to the kangaroo totem, and therefore
Quabara belonging especially to this totem were much in
evidence. The totem of the novice has no influence what-
ever on the nature of the particular Quabara performed.
Each old man who presides over, or takes the leading part
in, a ceremony such as this has possession of a certain number
of Quabara, and naturally those performed are chosen from
this series as they are the ones which he has the right to
perform. It is necessary also to remember that ceremonial
objects, such as the Wanznga, which figure largely in some
districts, are unknown in others where their place is taken by
entirely different objects. Thus, for example, in the northern
part of the Arunta and in the Upirra tribe, a sacred pole called
a Nurtunja is used, and in these parts this has precisely the
significance of the Waninga, which is never met with in the
northern districts, just as the Nurtunja is never met with in
the south. |
On the fifth day, in the afternoon, another performance in
which two kangaroos and one dog figured was given. The
kangaroos wore, as before, small Waninga in their hair, and
this time carried between their teeth, and also in their hair,
bunches of wooden shavings soaked in blood, which were
supposed to represent wounds received from the bites of the
dogs. The performance was essentially similar to that of the
previous day, and the antics of the dog as he ran round and
looked up, barking at the kangaroo or howled lustily as his
head was bumped against the ground brought smiles to every
face except that of the Wurtya. Finally the dog ran along
and got on top of the Wurtja, and then the two kangaroos
followed, so that this time the boy had three men on top
of him. When all was over he was once more instructed,
cautioned, and taken back to his brake.
On the sixth day the Wurtja was taken out hunting by
Okita and Umébirna men, and the night was spent in singing
with little intermission songs which referred to the wanderings
of certain ot the Alcheringa ancestors, to which the Wurtja,
sitting quietly at the men’s brake, listened.
It must be remembered that it is now for the first time that
the Wurtja hears anything of these traditions and sees the
ceremonies performed, in which the ancestors of the tribe are
represented as they were, and acting as they did during life.
In various accounts of initiation ceremonies of the Australian
tribes, as, for example, in the earliest one ever published—the
one written by Collins in 1804—we meet with descriptions of
performances in which different animals are represented, but
except in the case of the Arunta tribe, no indication of the
meaning and signification of these performances has been
forthcoming beyond the fact that they are associated with
the totems. In the Arunta and Ilpirra tribes they are not
only intimately associated with the totemic system, but have
a very definite meaning. Whether they have a similar
significance in other tribes we have as yet no definite
evidence to show, but it is at all events worthy of note
that whilst the actual initiation rite varies from tribe to
tribe, consisting in some in the knocking out of teeth, and
in others in circumcision, &c., in all, or nearly all, an im-
portant part of the ceremony consists in showing to the
novices certain dances, the important and common feature
of which is that they represent the actions of special totemic
animals. In the Arunta tribe, however, they have a very
definite meaning. At the first glance it looks much as if
all that they were intended to represent were the be-
haviour of certain animals, but in reality they have a much
deeper meaning, for each performer represents an ancestral
individual who lived in the Alcheringa. He was a member
of a group of individuals, all of whom, just like himself, were
the direct descendants or transformations of the animals, the
names of which they bore. It is as a reincarnation of the
never-dying spirit part of one of these semi-animal ancestors
that every member of the tribe is born, and, therefore, when
born he, or she, bears of necessity the name of the animal or
plant of which the Alcheringa ancestor was a transformation
or descendant.
The nature of these performances may be gathered from
one which was performed on the next—the seventh day. As
usual in all these ceremonies, the body of the performer was
decorated with ochre, and lines of birds’ down, which were
supposed to be arranged in just the same way as they had
been on the body of the Alcheringa man. From his waist
was suspended a ball of fur string, which was supposed to
represent the scrotum of the kangaroo, and when all was
ready the performer came hopping leisurely out from behind
the men’s brake, where he had been decorated, lying down
every now and then on his side to rest as a kangaroo does.
The boy had, as usual, been brought blindfolded on to the
ground, and at first was made to lie flat down. When the
performer hopped out he was told to get up and watch. For
about ten minutes the performer went through the characteris-
tic movements of the animal, acting the part very cleverly, while
the men sitting round the Wurfja sang of the wanderings of
the kangaroo in the Alcheringa. Then after a final and very
leisurely hop round the Apulla ground the man came and
lay down on top of the Wurtja, who was then instructed in
the tradition to which the performance refers. He was told
that in the Alcheringa a party of kangaroo men started from
a place called Ultainta, away out to the east of what is now
called Charlotte Waters, and that after wandering about they
came to a spot called Karinga (in the Edith Range about thirty
miles south-west of Alice Springs), where one of the party who
was named Unburtcha died ; that is, his body died, but the
spirit part of him was in a sacred Churinga, which he ¢arried
and did not die, but remained behind along with the Churinga
when the party travelled on. This spirit, the old men told
him, went, at a later time, into a woman, and was born again
as a Purula man, whose name was, of course, Unburtcha, and
who was a kangaroo man just as his ancestor was. He was
told that the old men know all about these matters, and decide
who has come to life again in the form of a man or woman.
Sometimes the spirit child which goes into a woman is
associated with one of the sacred Churinga, numbers of which
every Alcheringa individual carried about with him or her
(for in those days the women were allowed to carry them
just as the men were), and then, in this case, the child
has no definite name, but of course it belongs to the
same totem as did the individual who had carried the
Churinga about in the Alcheringa ; that is, if it were a kan-
garoo man or woman, so of course must the child be, and
then the old men determine what shall be its secret or
sacred name.
It is in this way that the boy during the initiation ceremonies
is instructed, for the first time, in any of the sacred matters
referring to the totems, and it is by means of the performances
which are concerned with certain animals, or rather, apparently
with the animals, but in reality with Alcheringa individuals
who were the direct transformations of such animals, that the
traditions dealing with this subject, which is of the greatest
importance in the eyes of the natives, are firmly impressed
upon the mind of the novice, to whom everything which
he sees and hears is new and surrounded with an air of
mystery.
After the performance was over, the Wurtfja was led back
to his brake, and then a council was held for the purpose of
selecting a man to perform the operation, and another man to
act as assistant. Both these men are called Atwza atwia
and in addition to them, another man was selected, whose
duty it was to hold up the shield upon which the boy was
seated during the operation, this man being known by the
name of Elucha. The conversation was carried on in
whispers, the men when speaking, placing their mouths
close to each other’s ears. While this consultation was in
progress, the other men sitting close to the brake sang
in fierce loud tones, the Lartna song—lrriyulta yulta
Lam LC:
After discussing matters for some time, it was decided that
an old man who was Muva to the boy, was to perform the
ceremony, and that a man who was Gammona to the former,
was to act as assistant, while another old man who was /kuntera,
that is possible father-in-law, was to act as shield-bearer or
Elucha. \t must be remembered that, in addition to the
honour attaching to these offices, there are certain emolu-
ments, for, when the operation is all over, the boy has to
provide each of these men with an offering of food. As soonas
this decision had been arrived at, the singing stopped, and the
three Okz/za went and sat ina line at the end of the Apud/a path,
looking very grave, as if the business now to be performed
were of the deepest importance. Each one of them then got
up in turn, and bringing one of the appointed officials, each
of. whom made a pretence of reluctance, placed him in front
of the line occupied by himself and his brother Okz/za, so that
now there were two rows of men facing each other. The old
Mura man sat in the middle of his row, and facing him was
the eldest of the Oxz/za. The latter then smoothed with his
hand the surface of the ground between the two lines, and
then, picking up a spear-thrower by the end to which the
point was attached, he thrust his beard into his mouth, as did
also the A7ura man, and for a short time both glared fiercely
at one another. Then without taking his eyes off the Mura
man, he scooped up with the chisel end of the weapon a little
soil, and, gliding along on his knees, emptied it into the
hands of the former. Then he embraced him, rubbed their
bodies together, and finally rubbed his forehead against the
stomach of the Mura man. When this was over, he repeated
the whole performance with the two other officials, and then
the three old men were embraced in turn by the other
Okilia, who, however, did not present them with dirt.
The meaning of the ceremony is simply, so they say, to
imply that the youth is intrusted to them for the purpose of
being initiated, with as little hesitation as the dirt is placed in
their hands.
This little ceremony is called Okoara, and was conducted
with much solemnity. When it was over, the men who had
taken part in it joined the others, and once more the Lartna
song was sung with much fierceness. Singing was kept up
all night long with only short intervals of rest. Early in the
evening, the Wurfja was brought from his brake, and spent
the night amongst the men, listening to, but taking no part in,
the singing.
The morning of the eighth day was spent in preparing for
a ceremony concerned with the Illuta (a rat) totem. The
particular rat-man or man-rat—for, as already said, the identity
of the human individual is sunk in that of the object with
which he is associated, and from which he is supposed to
have originated—to whom this ceremony referred, is supposed
to have travelled from a place called Pulkira, west of the
Finke River to Walyirra, where he died, and where his spirit
remained associated as usual with the Churinga. In con-
nection with this ceremony a large Wanznga was used, which
was made as follows. A long spear was taken, and close to
each end a bar of wood about two feet in length was fixed at
right angles to the length of the spear. Then strands of hair
string were tied on so that they ran from cross bar to cross
bar parallel to the central spear, and at each end the strands
passed off, slantwise, to the latter. In some Wanzngas there
“may be three cross bars, in which case the top one is much
smaller than the other two, and an extra series of strands of
'
string pass from the outer part of the second cross bar to the
top one, as shown in the figure (Fig. 39). The string is not
all of one kind, but, in the one figured for example, the strands
nearest to the central spear were of black human hair, then
followed a band consisting of about eight strands of red-ochred
opossum fur string, then a band of grey bandicoot fur string,
and again, on the margin, another band of opossum fur. The
whole Waninga had white birds’ down sprinkled over it and
made to adhere to the string, as usual, by means of human
blood. This object is the most elaborate and certainly the
most artistic of all those which are used in connection with
the various ceremonies.
In this particular ceremony the whole Wanznga represented
the body of a rat, the main part was supposed to be the trunk
of the animal, the point end, the tail, and the handle end, the
head, so that when in use the latter was carried downwards.
The cross bars represented the limbs. The Waninga was
carried by an Okdlia while another man walked behind to
steady it. Two other men were decorated to represent two
Kutta kutta or little night hawks. When all was ready
the Wurtja was brought blindfolded as usual from his brake
to the Apulla ground, where he remained with his head
covered up until the performers had got into position in front
of him. They approached from the south side, making a
circuit and walking with their backs turned towards the
Apulla until they got opposite to, and about thirty yards
from, the Wurtja, when the bandage was at once taken from
his eyes. The two littlke hawk men with legs wide apart
and hands grasping the ends of a stick which was held across
the shoulders, came along down the Apwdla lines towards the
audience, slidingand quiveringas they didso. Then they quickly
returned, and were followed by the Wanzuga carriers who ran
down the lines, stooping and bending the Waninga towards
the Wurtja, but without touching him. Stopping every now
and then, they stood erect and quivered or stood still. This
was done several times, and then finally all four men came
into the Apu//a lines at the same time, the two little hawk men
being at first in front ; the latter then retired to the sides, and
the Waninga carriers came on quivering. Then a man who
HHL AO ANOWAYAD VY ONINAG GaASN NAAT SVH HOIHM “‘VONINVM AHL" ONIOVUINA VILNAM AHI—'6E ‘ord
was Jkuntera to the boy stepped out, and taking the Waninga'
set it up in the Apudla path, and the Wurtyja was told by
Oknia and Okilia men to go out and embrace it, which he
did for some minutes, while the men who had carried it stood
by, and the others, gathered together at the brake, sang of the
Waninga, and of the wanderings of the rat men in the Alcher-
inga. Once more the usual instructions and warnings were
given to the Wurtja, and he was made to lie down with his
head covered while another ceremony of a simple nature was
prepared. The men around him occupied the time in singing
about a party of Alcheringa individuals who started to walk
from a place called Ayaiya. After the singing had gone on
for about an hour, the Wurtja was told to look up, and, when
he did so, he saw a number of men lying about the Apulla
ground who at once began to hop about and to imitate
the sound made by kangaroos. One old man in particular
was noticeable from the way in which he mimicked the move-
ments of an old and disabled animal. After hopping in and
about the Apul/a ground for some minutes, they bunched up
together at the western end of the ground and then suddenly,
rising with a loud shout of “Pau pau pau,” ran away to a
small gully out of sight of the Wurtja, who was told that
these represented a party of Alcheringa men starting off from
Ayaiya. After this,and while further preparations were being.
made, the Wurtja remained with the audience, but had his
head covered. The tradition dealing with this special group
of kangaroos relates that the party split into two, a larger
and a smaller one, and that the larger one tfavelled on ahead
of the smaller one. When preparing for the ceremony, the
bodies were first of all rubbed over with red ochre, then two
young men opened veins, first in one arm and then in the
other, and allowed the blood to flow out in a stream over the
heads and bodies of those who were about to take part in the
‘ In the southern part of the Arunta the Wandnga is used in this way during the
ceremony of Lartna, but neither a Wanznga nor a Nurtunja is used at the ceremony
of sub-incision ; in the central and western part of the Arunta a Wancnga is used
at circumcision and a Murtwnja at sub-incision, and in the northern part of the
Arunta and in the Ilpirra tribe neither of them is used at circumcision, but a
Nurtwrja at sub-incision.
ceremony. ‘These men, who were ten in number, were then
ornamented with little patches of down, but, unlike the usual
plan of ornamentation, there was no regular pattern made,
the reason for this being that the Alcheringa men had not
used any regular pattern.
Each man carried on his head, and also between his teeth, a
small mass of wooden shavings saturated with blood.
When all was ready they went, with the exception of three
who stayed behind, on to the Afulla ground, walking in
single file and carrying twigs of Eucalyptus in their hands.
When they reached the ground a young man, who led the
column and represented a young and frolicsome kangaroo
which, according to tradition, accompanied the marchers, lay
down sideways across the entrance to the path, with his back
towards the Wurtja. The other men stood in the path with
their legs wide apart, one behind the other, shifting their
heads from side to side and making the twigs quiver, Then
the Wurtja was told to sit up and the performers at once
greeted his appearance with imitations of the sounds made by
kangaroos; then the young kangaroo called AKudla Kulla,
began frisking about and pretending to rush at the other
performers, and, finally, darted between the legs of each man
and emerged at the western end of the column, where he lay
down quietly a few minutes. After he had gone through this
performance four times, he was caught up as he came through
the legs of the man nearest to the Wurtja. The two front
men then picked him up and carried him bodily, standing
astride of him, and laid him on his back on top of the Wurga,
upon whom all of the performers then threw themselves, so
that the unfortunate novice had actually to bear the weight
of the whole mass of men. As a result of.this the Wurtja
himself did not appear to be any the worse for what must
have been a somewhat trying experience, but one of the two
men who had carried the Kudla Kulla fainted as soon as the
men extricated themselves. The stoical calmness of the
Wurtja was most marked throughout the whole ceremony.
After this first act in the performance, the men who had taken
part in it seated themselves amongst the audience, and the
remaining three men came on to the ground and went
through the same performance, one of them personating a
young kangaroo, who was carried up to and laid on the Wur¢ja,
the other two men lying on the top of him. For this lying
down on the top of the Wurtya there is a special term used—
wultha-chelpima. After the usual explanations and cautions
the Wurtja was led back to his brake.
On the morning of the ninth day the Wurtja was carefully
greased all over by the Ofz/za, who was especially in charge
of him, and he remained crouching or lying down at his brake
until noon, when he was brought blindfolded to the ground.
Then the kangaroo performance of the previous day was
again enacted, the performance including the lying down upon
the Wurtza.
In addition, however, to the decorations of the previous
day, four of the old men wore on their heads a half circle
made of grass stalks, bound round with fur string and de-
corated with white down called Atnuta. Each of these
represented a dead kangaroo, which was carried on the head
by the Alcheringa kangaroo ancestor as he marched across
the country. In connection with this myth it is of interest to
note that at the present day when a kangaroo or wallaby is
killed the limbs are always dislocated at the joints, which
makes them hang more limply and so renders them more
easy to carry. In this condition the body is spoken of as
Ainuta and the act of dislocating is called wllakakulla.
After the performance the Aznuta were taken off the heads
and handed round, while each man squatting on the ground
kept the object pressed round his stomach for a few minutes,
the Wurtja doing this also,
After this two more kangaroo ceremonies were performed,
the second of which was of some importance. The principal
performer carried a Waninga, which was really a double one,
the top part representing a separate small one attached to the
large one. The large Waninga represented an old man
kangaroo and the small one his son. Two men, as usual,
carried the Wanznga, the front one supporting it on his back
while the other man helped to keep it upright as they
advanced and retreated along the Apu//a path, stopping every
now and then to quiver and to bend the Wanznga over to-
wards the Wurtja. The /kuntera man then stood up, and
taking the Waninga from the performers, fixed it upright in
the path, and the boy was once more told to go up and
embrace it. The showing of the Waninga to the Wurtja is
called amba-kelt-trrima, which means the child sees and
knows. The embracing of the Waninga is called eliagua
erkuma. After the performance the Wurtja was once more
instructed and cautioned not to reveal anything to women
and children, and then made to lie down, while in loud fierce
tones the men sang the Lartua song, “trri yulta yulta rat,’ &c.,
striking the ground with their shields as they did so. Then
the Wurtja was taken back to his brake, where he remained
till about nine o’clock at night, when he was brought to the
Apulla, and there his head was decorated with stalks of cane
grass, while at the same time the other men decorated them-
selves in the same way, inserting, in addition, stalks beneath
their arm bands.
When this had been done the brake of boughs at which the
men assembled was built higher and the men all crouched
behind it. Then, at a signal from the old Ofnia, the women
once more approached from the main camp, shouting as they
did so, “paz! pai! pat!” and took possession of the Apulla
ground upon which they danced for some minutes, Then
they went and stood on one side, which was the signal for the
men to come out and stand on the Apud/a, ‘Then once more
the women came up and joined the men, while the latter
danced round, and the women, shouting “pail pat! par!”
plucked the grass stalks from their heads. The men all
danced with their faces turned towards the east as in the
stripping dance at a later time, one or more women stand-
ing behind each man. Then the Mura woman, who had
previously given the fire-stick to the novice, after having
stripped the Wurtja as he danced along with the other
men, suddenly stopped, and, placing her head through his
legs from behind, hoisted him on to her shoulders, and
ran off with him followed by all the other women to a
spot behind, and in a line with, the Apulla, from which it
was distant about fifty yards. Here she placed him sitting
on the ground, she herself sitting behind, clasping him in
her arms, while some Mia and Uwznna women sat close
behind her. The rest of the women continued to dance in
front of the Wurtja shouting “pai! pat! paz!” and making a
movement of invitation by slightly lifting the hands up and
down with the arms bent at the elbows, while moving the
fingers as if to beckon the Wurfja to them. This character-
istic movement is adopted by the women during the course of
various ceremonies, and is always associated with the idea of
inviting the men to come to them.
At the Afuwl/a the men sat down and sang the fire song :—
“« Atnylinga etunja illa althara wuntama,”
over and over again. Aétnylinga is the red flower of a species
of Eremophila, which, in the Alcheringa, was made red by
much burning ; e¢tunja isa twig of Eucalyptus ; a/thara means
blazing up ; and c/a wuntama is the term applied to a fire
which is rushing along, like one which has been lit on a windy
day amongst the porcupine-grass on the sand hills. This
special song is always sung on the night preceding the pre-
paration of the Arachitta poles, the twigs used for swathing
which are always put through a blazing fire.
The singing continued for about half an hour, after which
the Urinthantima man, as well as another Mura man and the
Okilia in charge of the novice, ran towards the women hold-
ing shields before their faces. The first-named seized the
Wurtja, and, assisted by the other two, took him back to the
Apulla, where he was told to lie down and his face was
covered while the singing of the fire-song continued at intervals
all night long. As soon as the Wurtja was taken from them
the women ran away to the main camp.
At daybreak the Urinthantima man rubbed the Wurtja all
over with dry red ochre and then wound fur string round his
head, so as to completely hide his hair from sight, while the
other men sang—
‘“* Purta purta airpinta airpintina,”
the song sung while preparing the Avachitta poles. Purta is
to arrange the leaves, to settle them in their right places ;
airpinta airpintina means round and round again. While
this was being done the women came up to the Apudla and
danced between the lines, backwards and forwards, in front of
the Wurtja, making with their hands the movement of invita-
tion and shouting “faz! pat! pat!” Suddenly the Urin-
thantima man hoisted the Wurtja up on to his shoulders and
ran off with him followed by a number of the younger men,
upon which the women at once ran back to their camp and
the singing ceased. When out of sight of the Apulla the
Wurtja was put down and the men proceeded to a spot about
half a mile distant, where they made big fires and cut down
a number of slender saplings which were to be used for
Arachitta poles. The branches were then scorched in the
flames while the men sang the fire-song “ Atnylinga etunja,”
&c. When sufficient material was prepared they sat down
and began to tie twigs on to the poles, the Wurtja assisting
by breaking off twigs and handing them around; but he did
not prepare a pole himself, and during the proceedings was
never once spoken to. While at work the men sang “purta
urta airpinta airpintina,’ and it was afternoon before the
poles, about thirty in number and each about ten feet in
length, were ready. Then a start was made for the Apulla
ground, the poles being carried to a spot about two hundred
yards from the Apudla, where they were stacked. Here,
assisted by the boy’s Okzlia, the U: rinthantima man tied twigs
of Eremophila on to the Wurtja’s body and head and then
signalled to the men at the Apulla that they were ready,
whereupon they moved away from the ground and shouted
to the women who were waiting at some little distance out of
sight. The women at once ran up and took possession of the
Apulla, carrying shields and shouting “paz / pat! pat!” On
the ground they stood with their backs to the men’s brake
and their faces towards the west, from which direction the
Wurtja@s party was coming. As the latter approached the
women began dancing up and down the lines, making the
movement of invitation and all the time holding their shields
against their breasts. The party, led by the Urinthantima
man, approached at a run, with the Wurtja concealed in the
centre. Each man carried several pieces of bark which, as
they came close at hand, were thrown at the women while
the men shouted loudly “ w/zrra,” and the women shielded
their faces. At close quarters a final volley of pieces of bark
was the signal to the women to go, which they did, running
away pell mell, their pace accelerated by the vehement shout-
ing of the men who were standing about in all directions
away from the Apulla, to which they returned as soon as the
women had gone. The bushes were taken off the Wurtja by
the Urinthantima and Okzlia, and he was told to remain in
a crouching position.
The Apulla ground was now carefully cleaned, and the
Wurtjas brake removed to within a few yards of the western
end of the path, after which a council, in which Oknza
Okilia and Gammona took part, was held, the object being .
appoint another official known as Waulya, whose duty was
that of painting a design on the back of the Wurtja. The
choice of the design is left entirely to the Wudya, but it must
be one of the “nda, that is, the series of designs emblematic
of the totems, and he is expected also to choose one belong-
ing to a totem group of his own locality. During this con-
ference two Okzlia had been sitting opposite to one another,
and as soon as the choice had been made, one of them
smoothed over the ground between them, and then the other,
who in this instance belonged to the same locality as the
Wurtja, crossed over and sat down between the legs of the
first man. Then a man, Gammona to, and of the same
locality as the Wurtja, stepped out and brought back the old
man who was /¢munna to the Wurga, and upon whom the
choice had fallen. He came with well-simulated reluctance,
as if he felt himself overpowered with the honour thus
conferred upon him, and sat down in front of the two Okzla
in the space vacated by the man who had crossed over.
When he was seated, the front one of the two Ofiliz took up
a boomerang, and with much deliberation drew the flat side
three times steadily along the ground, thus making a smooth
little trench, out of which he scooped a little soil, and then,
shuffling along on his knees, emptied it into the hands of the
L[pmunna man, Then he embraced him and rubbed his head
against the old man’s stomach. Then the other Okla, the
Gammona and the Ouza, in the order named, embraced the
old man. The latter belonged to a northern locality, and in
choosing him a well-recognised compliment had been paid
both to himself and to his local group, as the Wurtja belonged
to a southern group of the tribe. A somewhat unusual occur-
rence now took place. The old Atwia atwia man, who had
been appointed to perform the actual operation of circumcision,
came up and held a whispered conversation with the newly
appointed Wulya, the gist of which was that he was an old
man, that his eyesight was failing, and that he desired the
consent of the council who determined these matters to
depute his duties to his son. This necessitated a long whis-
pered consultation, not that there was any serious objection
to the proposal ; indeed the old man is regarded as so great a
man in the tribe, being recognised as an oknirabata, that
no one would dream of opposing his wish in a matter such as
this, but simply because anything like hasty action, in connec-
tion with an affair of mysterious import like one of the
‘nitiation ceremonies, would be completely out of keeping
with the feelings of the natives. It was decided to grant the
request, and the son was then called up, and after another
whispered conversation the council broke up. When this was
over, all the men began to decorate themselves with various
patterns, which had no special significance ; the two Azwza
atwia were prominently painted on the face, and their cheeks
were blackened with charcoal, so that they were easily
distinguishable from the others. The Waurtja remained
crouching at his brake for some little time, after which the
newly appointed Wulya, together with the two men of the
same name who had done the first painting, came up to him
and began to paint on his back a design of the Okranina
or carpet snake totem of a place called Tharlinga, away to
the north in the Hanns range, that is, in the locality of the
man who did the painting, but it must be remembered
that there was no obligation upon the man to paint a design
of either his own or the boy’s totem. As a matter of fact, the
totem of the Wurtja was a grass seed and that of the painter
a crow. The design, which occupied the greater part of the
boy’s back, was done in white pipe-clay, and before com-
mencing to draw it, the newly appointed Wulya rubbed the
boy over with grease while he explained to his two com-
panions the nature of the design which he intended to paint.
All three men took part in the drawing, which consisted of a
few concentric circles in the centre, with corkscrew-like lines
around. The circles represented the snake’s hole in the
ground, and the other lines were supposed to be snakes play-
ing round the hole. While the painting proceeded, and it
was done with great deliberation, occupying more than an
hour, the old /pmunna man sang in a low monotonous voice
about the snakes of Tharlinga. When at length it was
finished an Okilia of the Wurtja’s locality came up and placed
in his hair two bunches of owl feathers, and then, going
away again, he brought the two Atwza atwza to inspect the
drawing.
At this stage the men who had previously made the
Arachitta poles ran away from the Apudla, shouting, “Paz /
pat! pat!” and brought the poles back with them from
where they had been deposited. When within about fifty
yards of the Wurtja they separated into two parties, one
crossed in front of him from left to right, and the other from
right to left, and the poles were deposited about twenty yards
to either side of him ; what was the meaning of this cannot
be said, the native explanation as usual being that it was thus
done in the Alcheringa. Possibly it may be associated in
some way with the division of the tribe into two moieties, but
there was no evidence of this so far as the actual constitution
of the two parties was concerned, that is, members of one
moiety did not go to one side and members of the other to
the other.
Just before dusk two Ofz/ias went out and stood, one on
the eastern end of each of the raised banks, with their arms in
a somewhat curious attitude, the palm of the hand being
turned so that it faced backwards and the elbow bent, so that
theshand layin*the arm-pit. The Uycnthantioo man went
and sat down in the place usually occupied by the Wurtja
when he was watching a ceremony, while the other men
seated around him sang, “ Elunja apirra arara’”—* Hark to the
lizards in the tree.” Ata signal from an old Mura man, the
women, who were waiting out of sight, came and stood in two
groups, one to the left and one to the right of the Apulla. It
may be mentioned that here again the separation had no
reference to the classes, though there are certain occasions
during some of the ceremonies connected with initiation when
this separation does take place. As-+soon as the women
arrived the two O&zlias came down from the bank, ran to the
Wurtja’s brake and quickly tore down the bushes which hid
him from view, so that he was seen crouching down. The
Okilias then knelt down, one on either side of him, and
the three at once ran quickly, on all fours, to the Apu//a,
where the Wurtja lay down on top of the Urinthantima, who
was himself lying down on his back. In this position the two
remained for about ten minutes. While this was taking place
a woman who was J/za to the Wurtja came and sat down
behind one of the Ofuza, while two others sat behind two
other Oknia. At the same time the men who had brought in
the Arachitta poles, and were about to wear them attached
to their legs, were busily engaged, with the assistance of other
men and some of the women, in fastening them on. At the
end of the ten minutes the Urinthantima man wriggled out
from underneath the boy, who remained lying face down-
wards on the ground. The old /munna stood close by,
explaining the design on the back of the Wurta, and after a
time called up two old women, who, like himself, were
Ipmunna‘ to the boy, to come up and rub out the design.
They came forwards with apparent reluctance, though in
reality highly honoured by being thus chosen, and, stooping
down, effaced the drawing by rubbing it over with their
foreheads.
The men with the Avachitta poles were now ready to
come on to the Apud/a, and there, with the poles attached to
their ankles, they ran up and down between the banks,
dancing and singing, while the women, shouting, followed
them all about, stripping the leaves as they did so from off
the poles. It was now dark, but piling the two brakes, which
had served their purpose and would not be used again, on top
of one another, the whole mass was set on fire,? and the flames
lighted up a scene of the weirdest description possible, on
which the Wurtja looked in silence apparently quite unmoved.
Suddenly the old J7urva man gave out a great roar, the
dancing ceased, and, followed by menacing shouts from the
men, the women made haste back to their own camp, while
from all sides the sound of bull-roarers was heard. At this
signal the Wurtja was laid down on his back, and some of the
Oknia and Okzlia men, taking up a number of the Arachitta
poles, stacked them on top of him, lifting them up and down
ine beating time with them on his body, while they all sang
wildly :-—
“*TIngwa alkirna alkirni li
Urtnanthi alkirli impara.”
' The /pmunna men and women belong to the sub-class into which the novice’s.
children will pass.
? Roth describes the brake of boughs used during the ceremony, and called
errudlt, as being burnt at the close of the proceedings, /oc. cé¢., p. 171.
Jngwa means night or darkness ; a/kirna, twilight ; alhirni lt,
a great clear light ; urtnanthi, a lot of trees growing close
together ; a/kzrlz, like the sky ; empara, rising red like the sun.
All was now excitement ; the fire was giving out a brilliant
light, and the two A¢wza atwza men took up a position at the
western end of the Agua path. With their beards thrust
into their mouths, their legs widely extended and their arms
stretched forwards, the two men stood perfectly still, the
actual operator in front and his assistant pressing close up
behind him, so that their bodies were in contact with each
other. The front man held in his extended right hand the
small flint knife with which the operation was to be conducted,
and, as soon as they were in position, the /éunzera man, who
was to act as shield bearer, came down the lines, carrying the
shield on his head and at the same time snapping the thumb
and first finger of each hand. Then, facing the fire, he knelt
down on one knee just a little in front of the operator, holding
his shield above his head. During the whole time the bull-
roarers were sounding all round so loudly that they could
easily be heard by the women and children in their camp,
and by them it is supposed that the roaring is the voice.
of the great spirit 7wanyzrtka, who has come to take the boy
away.!
The Arachitta poles were then quickly removed from the
top of the Wurtja, and he was ate once lifted up by Okzlza
and Oknia men, who ran, carrying him feet foremost, and
placed him on the shield. Then in deep, loud tones the Lartua
song was sung, indeed almost thundered out, by the men :—
“Trri yulta yulta rai ,
UI katchera ul katch ar-arai
Trri yulta yulta rai
U1 katchera ul katch ai.” .
The assisting Azwza atwia at once grasped the foreskin,
pulled it out as far as possible and the operator cut it off, and
1 The sound of the bull-roarer is believed by the women to be the voice of the
spirit Zwanytrika, who has taken the boy away from them into the bush. This
spirit, they are told, lives in wild and inaccessible regions, and only comes out
when a youth is initiated. He enters the body of the boy after the operation and
takes him away into the bush until he is better, when the spirit goes away and the
boy returns, but now as an initiated man. Both uninitiated youths and women
are taught to believe in the existence of Zwanyzrika. This belief is fundamentally
the same as that found in all Australian tribes. Amongst the Kurnai, for example,
as related by Mr. Howitt, the sound of the bull-roarer is the voice of T22dun, who
himself comes down to make the boys into men. Amongst certain other tribes of
the south-east coast Daramzulun’s voice is heard when the bull-roarer sounds, and
he it is who initiates the youths by knocking out a tooth. In many tribes, such
as the Kurnai, two bull-roarers, as described by Mr. Howitt, are sounded, a larger
and a smaller one, the latter representing 72dwn’s wife, but amongst the Arunta
Ilpira and Luritcha there is only one, and that represents the male spirit. ;
immediately, along with all the men who had acted in any
official capacity during the whole course of the proceedings,
retired out of the lighted area, while the boy, in a more or less
dazed condition, was supported by his O&nxza and Okzza, who
said to him, “You have done well, you have not cried out.”
Then he was led back to where the old brake had stood and
received the congratulations of the men, and at the same time
the blood from the wound was allowed to flow into a shield,
which was given to him by a young O£unza, to whom after-
wards he will have, in return, to present an offering of food.
While he was still bleeding an Ofzca brought up some of
the bull-roarers and, pressing them on the wound, told him that
it was these and not Zwanyirtka which made the sound, that
they were sacred Churinga and must never be shown or even
mentioned to the women. To this the boy listened in silence.
After a time, when the bleeding had diminished, he was led.
to the eastern end of the Apud/la, where he stood between two
Okilia looking towards the west, while two other O&z/ia, each
taking an Avrachitta pole, mounted the bank and holding
their poles over the path shouted loudly, moving them up and
down as they did so, “ Avara, arara, arara,’ which is the signal
for the officials, who had been standing on one side in the
shade, to come on to the Apulla ground once more. This
they did, one ata time, in the following order, though there did
not appear to be any rule with regard to precedence, as one man
would urge another to go up :— Wulya, who superintended the
first painting ; Urinthantima ; Wulya, Wulya, these two had
assisted at the first painting ; Atwza atwia, the actual operator ;
Atwia atwia,the assistant; Waudlya,of the final painting; Wudya,
the assistant of the last man; Elucha. As each man came
up the Okzlza shouted, “This is Waulya (and so on through
the list), do not mention his name,” and then each of them
embraced the boy in turn, pressing their bodies together! As
each man came up and the presentation was made, the same
ceremony was gone through, and in turn every one of those
who had taken any special part was named by the O&z/za,whose
\ After this the novice must use these terms in addressing these special
individuals, though he may not speak to any one of them until such time as he
shall have made him an offering of food.
cry, “ drara, arara, arara,” rang out sharply in the darkness,
for the fire had now burnt down. When the presentations
were over the oldest Oz/ia produced a bundle of Churinga
(wooden ones for stone ones are never used on this occasion),
saying as he did so, “ Here is Zzwanyirika, of which you have
heard so much, they are Churinga, and will help to heal you
quickly ; guard them well and do not lose them, or you and
your Mza, Ungaraitcha and Quitia (that is, blood and tribal
. mothers and sisters) will be killed; do not let them out of
your sight, do not let your Mza, Ungaraitcha and Quitia see
you, obey your Okzlia, who will go with you, do not eat
forbidden food.” These commands were spoken sternly, as if
to impress them forcibly upon the novice, who stood silent
with bent head.
In the particular ceremony here described, as soon as these
instructions had been given, a man who had been dispatched
for the purpose brought on to the ground two young Ara-
kurta who had been operated upon five or six weeks before.
Acting on instructions from their guardian, they at once
knelt down in front of and with their backs to the newly-made
Arakurta, and he, being told what to do by his Okz/za, took
a Churinga from his bundle, and, holding it in both hands,
scraped their backs with the sacred implement. This is
called Untungalirrima, and places all three Avakurta on
equal terms and makes them friends. The two kneeling
Arakurta were then told to go away quickly to their own
camp, which they did. This does not, of course, frequently
take place, but only when two operations have followed closely
on one another.
For some time the boy, who has now reached the stage of
Arakurta, the term Wurtja applying to him only during the
relatively short interval between the time when he is painted
and that at which the operation of circumcision is performed,
remained standing over a fire, the smoke from which is sup-
posed to be efficacious in healing his wounds. Finally he was
taken away by a single O&z/za man, in whose charge he was
to remain until his wounds were healed and the operation of
Ariltha was performed. On this occasion he joined the other
two Arakurta in their camp.
Whilst there is no fixed rule on the subject, the man who
takes charge of the Avakurta is preferably one to whom the
boy’s sister has been promised, failing such an one he may be
an Oknia, Oktlia or a Mura man.
There are certain restrictions and customs which must be
observed by the more immediate relations of the boy which
may be here noticed, as they will serve to show still more
clearly the importance attached to the initiation ceremonies
in the eyes of the natives. From the time at which the boy
receives the fire-stick brought by his J7Zza, until his complete
recovery from the operation of sub-incision, the J/za must
have no intercourse with the father of the boy. Any breach
of this rule would result in the boy growing up into Artwa
akurna, a bad man, or Atna-arpinta, that is, too much given
to sexual pleasures, while strict observance will ensure his
growing up Ertwa mura, or a good man (using the terms
good and bad in the native sense).
After the presentation of the fire-stick and until Lartna has
been performed, the Jura tualcha woman (that is, the future
mother-in-law of the boy) is tabu to the actual MWza, or,
if she be dead, to the Mza who hands to her the fire-
stick. When Lartna has been performed, the Wura tualcha
woman goes to the camp of the J/za, and, approaching her |
from behind, rubs her all over with red ochre ; then the J/Zza
hands to her a pzfchz full of seed, and in this way the tabu is
removed.
While the Avakurta is out in the bush the J/za may not eat
opossum, or the large lace lizard, or carpet snake, or any fat,
as otherwise she would retard her son’s recovery. Every day
she greases her digging-sticks and never allows them out
of her sight ; at night time she sleeps with them close to her
head. No one is allowed to touch them. Every day also she
rubs her body all over with grease, as in some way this is
supposed to help her son’s recovery.
After the operation of Lartna, the foreskin, amongst the
Finke River groups of natives, is handed over to the eldest
Okita of the boy who is present, and he also takes charge of
the shield in the haft of which the blood from the wound was
collected. The piece of skin he greases and then gives toa
boy who is the younger brother of the Avakurta, and tells
him to swallow it, the idea at the present day being that it
will strengthen him and cause him to grow tall and strong.
The shield is taken by the Ofz/éa to his camp, where he hands
it over to his Unawa, or wife, and she then rubs the blood
over the breasts and foreheads of women who are JZza
alkulla, that is, elder sisters of the boy’s actual J/za and
Ungarattcha, or elder sisters of the boy.
These women must not on any account touch the blood
themselves, and after rubbing it on, the woman adds a coat of
red ochre. The actual J/7za is never allowed to see the blood.
Amongst some groups of Western Arunta the foreskin is
presented to a sister of the Avakurta, who dries it up, smears
it with red ochre, and wears it suspended from her neck.
While the Arakurta is out in the bush the men go and visit
him occasionally, and on these occasions he has to undergo a
painful rite called Koperta kakuma, or head biting. He is
placed, lying face downwards, while men of all classes sit round,
singing about the biting of the head of the Avakurta and
urging the biters to bite deeply. The men who are to do the
biting and who may be of any class and are usually from two
to five in number, are chosen, on each occasion on which the
operation is performed, by the oldest Ofzlia of the Arakurta.
Their duty is to bite the scalp as hard as they can, until blood
flows freely, the patient often howling with pain. Each man
may content himself with one bite or he may bite two or even
three times. The object of this really painful operation is, so
they say, to make the hair grow strongly, and at times the
chin may be bitten as well as the scalp.
As a general rule there is an interval of about five or SIX
weeks between the ceremony of Lartva and that of Ardtha,
but at times it may be even longer, and it depends simply
upon the length of time occupied by the recovery of the boy
from the effects of the first operation.
252 NATIVE, TRIBES OF CENTRAL AUSTRALIA SCHAr:
The operation of Aritha is regarded as of at least equal
importance with that of circumcision, and, unlike the latter,
the women are completely excluded and not allowed to take
any part.
The particular ceremony now to be described took place
when the operation was performed upon the two Avakurta to
whom reference was made in the account of the Lartua
ceremony. One of them belonged to the Purula and the
other to the Kumura class. Asa general rule the operation
is only performed on one Arakurta at a time, but this is a
matter of no importance and simply depends upon whether
or not more than one boy has recently undergone the earlier
ceremony of Lartna and is ready for this second one. We
have never heard of the operation being performed upon more
than two at the same time and even this is not of very
common occurrence.
When the ceremony was to take place the men assembled
at the camp of the Avakurta, out in the bush, where they had
been living away from every one else since the last operation
had been performed on them. They were under the charge
of an Ofzlza, and when the men had assembled the two
Arakurta, who were not informed of what was about to
happen, though very probably they were perfectly well aware,
when all the men assembled, that something further was in
store for them, were told to lie flat down on the ground.
Then their heads were covered over and all the young men of
the same two sub-classes as the Avakurta were made to lie
down beside them, though they had of course all of them
passed through the ceremony before, as none but initiated men
are allowed to be present on an occasion such as this. The
older Kumara and Purula and all the Bulthara and Panunga
men gathered together and for hours sang of the Achilpa
men belonging to the group which marched north by way of
Henbury on the Finke River. During the night there was
performed first a Quabara belonging to the Achilpa (wild cat)
totem, and at the close of the performance the two Arakurta
joined in the dance round the performers. When it was over
they were told who the individuals were with whom the
Quabara was concerned, they were also told that they must
not speak of it to women and children, and then it was
explained to them that certain Quabara belonged to particular
groups of men who alone had the right to perform them.
Later on during the night another Quabara was performed,
this time concerned with the emu totem. Then once more
they were made to lie down, while the old men went away to
a brake of boughs which had been built at a distance of about
fifty yards from the spot at which the boys lay down under
the charge of their guardian. The rest of the night was spent in
singing over and over again a short chant concerning the
bandicoot totem and the Nurtunja. The reason for this
was that the Oknza and Okita of the two Arakurta, who
formed again a kind of council to direct the proceedings, had
requested an old bandicoot man to perform a sacred ceremony
in which a Vurtunja was used, as it was essential in this part
of the tribe to have one of these in connection with the
ceremony of Ardtha. The old bandicoot man wasa Panunga
and belonged to the Ilpirra tribe away to the north of the
Arunta. The Vurtunja, to which we shall have occasion to refer
frequently, figures largely in many of the sacred ceremonies
and varies very much in form. The one used in the present
instance was made out of a long spear around which grass
stalks were laid and the whole was then ensheathed with
human hair string. It was then ornamented with alternate
rings of red and white bird’s down, while a large tuft of eagle-
hawk feathers was fixed into the upper end. Very often on
these occasions, but not on the particular one now dealt with,
a few Churinga are hung on to the Murtunja. Two men, one
of them Ofnza of the Purula boy and the other Ofz/7a of the
Kumara, were decorated by the old bandicoot man to perform
the ceremony, and just at daybreak the Arahurta were led
from their camp and the performance began. The Quabara
was concerned with an Alcheringa man who lived at a place
called Yerapinthinga and the man who personated him
carried the Wurtunja on his back, while he moved backwards
and forwards, towards and away from another man who
personated an Alcheringa woman, whom the bandicoot man
was supposed to be attempting to catch and who warded him
off with bushes held in the hand. After a short time the
audience, including the two Arakurta, ran in and danced in
front of and under the Murtunja which was bent over them by
the performer, while the dancers held up their hands as Li ato
catch it, shouting loudly all the time “ Wak! Wah!” After
this had gone on for some time, the man personating the
woman suddenly jumped round on the ground where he had
remained seated all the time and turned his back on the
Nurtunjga, which was the sign for the dancing to cease. The
Nurtunja was taken off the performer’s back by the old bandi-
coot man to whom it belonged and then, after scooping out
a hole in the ground, he fixed it upright. As soon ae this
was done the two Avakurta were told by Oknia and Okilia
men to go up to and embrace the Murtunja, and while they
were doing this they were told that they were about to
undergo the rite of Ariltha and that the embracing of the
Nurtunja, which lasted ten minutes, would prevent the
operation from being painful and that they need not be
afraid.
ié The oldest Okz/éa man now said “Who will be Lapunga ?”
Two men volunteered, one man a Panunga and the other a
Purula. The former at once lay on his stomach on the
ground and the latter on the top of him, and when this kind of
living table was ready the Kumara Avakurta was led from
the Murtunja, close to which the men had lain down, and
then placed lying at full length on his back on top of the
Tapunga. As soon as ever he was in position another man
sat astride of his body, grasped the penis and put the urethra
on the stretch. The operator who is called Pzuznga and is
chosen by the Okuza and Okdlza, then approached and
quickly, with a stone knife, laid open the urethra from below.
The man was an Jkuntera of the Arakurta. As soon as this
was done, the boy was lifted off and immediately the Purula
Arakurta was placed in position on the same Tapunga and
the same man again performed this operation. When all was
over, the two, who had now passed beyond the Arakurta
stage and were Ertwa-kurka or initiated men, were led to one
side while they squatted over shields into which the blood was
allowed to drain. After this, Okilia men came up to them
and tied the omy tassels on, telling them that they were now
Ertwa-kurka and that they had no more operations to fear
and that they were admitted to the ranks of the men.
After the operation of Aritha has been performed, the
newly made Ertwa-kurka sits down as described on a shield
into the haft of which the blood is allowed to flow and from
which it is emptied into the centre of a fire which is made for
the purpose. If much pain be caused by the wound he will
return to the ash heap and scooping out a little hole in the
centre, will place therein some glowing pieces of charcoal and
upon these he will urinate, thus causing steam to arise which
is said to give great relief to the pain. Until the young
man’s wound has healed he is supposed to lie only upon his
back for otherwise the organ would grow crooked.!
Until the Arakurta has undergone and quite recovered
from the ceremony of sub-incision, he is forbidden to eat
the flesh of opossum, snake, echidna and all lizaras.
Should he eat any of these his recovery would be retarded
and his wounds would become much inflamed. In addition
to these there exists in the case of each individual the
restriction with regard to the eating of his totem, and to every
one not only at this, but at all times, there exists the general
restriction with regard to the eating of the wild cat.
At the moment when the Avakurta is seized for the
purpose of having the rite of Aritha performed upon him the
men set up a loud shout of “ Pzrr-rr”—loud enough to be
1 Asa result of the operation of A7i/tha-kuma, micturition is always, in the
native state, performed in a squatting position, and it is a very characteristic
action for a little hollow to be scooped out with the hand in the soil, and then
into this micturition takes place.
heard by the women in their camp. The latter at once assemble
at the Er/ukwzrra, that is the women’s camp, and the J/éa of the
boy cuts the Unchalkulkna woman across the stomach and
shoulders, and then makes similar cuts upon women who are
the boy’s Mura and elder and younger sisters, as well as upon
those who are her own elder sisters. While making the cuts she
imitates the sound made by the Ari/tha party. These cuts,
which generally leave behind them a definite series of cicatrices,
are called wspma and are often represented by definite lines
on the Churinga. | It very often happens that, as soon as the
operation has been performed on an Arakurta, one or. more
of the younger men present, who have been operated on
before, stand up and voluntarily undergo a second operation.
In such cases the men do not consider that the incision has
been carried far enough. Standing out on the clear space close
by the Murtunja, with legs wide apart and hands behind his
back, the man shouts out “Mura Ariltha atnartinja yinga
aritchika pitchi” ;—“ Mura mine come and cut my Aritha
down to the root.” Then one M/urva man comes and pinions
him from behind, while another comes up in front and seizing
the penis first of all cuts out an oval shaped piece of
skin which he throws away and then extends the slit to the
root. Most men at some time or other undergo the second
operation and some come forward a third time, though a man
is often as old as thirty or thirty-five before he submits to
this second operation which is called aritha erlitha atnartinja.
The Ertwa-kurka carry the Churinga about with them just
as the Arakurta did until they have completely recovered.
When the man in charge of them announces that they are
recovered from the effects of the operation, the men all
assemble out in the bush, and the Ofzza and Ofz/ia appoint a
man to act as what is called /rkoa-artha. It is his duty to
remove all the decorations from the body of the A7twa-kurka,
after which the latter is told to lie down on his face while the
men sing a chant, which is supposed to have the effect of
promoting the growth of his hair, and he is told that he must
not speak for some time to the /rkoa-artha and then not
until he has made a present of food, which is called
Chaurilia, to the individual in question.
S)
Then the men, accompanied by the Ertwa-kurka, assemble
at some little distance from the main camp and begin to sing
in loud tones:
‘* Chuk-ur-rokerai yaa li chaakaa-a
Yaama kank waa
Inkwurkna inkwurkna atnai
Inkwurkna inkwurkna atnai.”
ache women, hearing the singing, assemble near to the main
camp and begin to dance as they did at the Apulla, The
song of the men ceases as soon as they approach the women,
and ata shee of about fifty yards they halt and shout
“ trra, tirra, tirra,’ a sound which much resembles that made
by whirling bull-roarers and which is at once taken up by the
women. The young Ertwa-kurka, who is now completely
undecorated, steps out from the group of men, runs up close
to the women, who continue dancing, and then suddenly
wheels round and runs off into the bush, where he is followed
by a number of the men who camp with him for the night,
during which, without the performance of any special cere-
mony, singing is kept up until daybreak. Before it is light
the Ertwa-kurka is dressed up by Okdza and Umbirna men
with all the ornaments such as forehead. band, arm strings,
tail tips, etc., which are worn by a native beau. He is also
provided with a shield and spear-thrower, and just about day-
light the party starts for the main camp, the young man’
walking in the centre by the side of the /rkoa-artha man,
while -all shout loudly “¢tzrra, terra, tirra.” When within
about fifty yards of the women, who are dancing and shouting
as before, the men halt, and the /rkoa-artha \eads the Ertiva-
kurka on but only accompanies him for a few yards, after
which he goes on alone, carrying his shield in front, so as to
hide his face. When he comes close up to the women one
or two Ungaraztcha, that is blood and tribal elder sisters, who
are in the lead carrying petchzs (all the other women carry
tufts of rat-tails in their hands), throw the pztchzs at his
shield and then press their hands on his shoulders from
behind, and also rub their faces on his back, after which they
cut off some locks of his hair, which they afterwards use to
make up into hair string ornaments for themselves. This
ceremony is called anxainthalilima, and after it is over the
Ertwa-kurka is free to go into the presence of the various
officials who have taken part in any of the ceremonies, though
he must not speak to or of them until some months have past,
nor must he speak loudly in their presence,
At daylight on the morning of the next day the men
provide themselves with fire-sticks and, surrounding the young
man, conduct him to the women, who are again waiting to
receive him. He is fully decorated and carries a shield and
boomerang and some twigs of Eremophila. When the party
is within a short distance of the women the men throw down
their fire-sticks and halt, and the young man steps out from
the centre of the group and throws his boomerang high up
in the direction of the spot at which his mother was supposed
to have lived in the Alcheringa. This throwing of the
boomerang in the direction of the mother’s Alcheringa camp,
that is, of course, the spot at which the Alcheringa individual
of whom his mother is supposed to be the reincarnation,
lived, occurs during the performance of other ceremonies,
such, for example, as those which accompany the knocking
out of teeth in eastern groups of the Arunta and also in the
Ilpirra tribe. It may in all likelihood be regarded as in-
tended to symbolize the idea that the young man is entering -
upon manhood and thus is passing out of the control of the
women and into the ranks of the men. The fact that he is
using the boomerang is indicative of this, and his throwing it
towards his mother’s camp is an intimation to her of the fact
that he is passing away from her control-; at the same time
there remains the curious feature, the exact significance of
which it is difficult to see, that it is thrown towards the
Alcheringa camp rather than towards the mother herself.
After the throwing of the boomerang, the Ertwa-kurka is
led forward by the /rkoa-artha man, holding, as before, his
shield before his face, and is placed squatting on a fire which
has been prepared by the women, and which is now covered
by green leaves. Behind this the women stand making the
movement of invitation already described and _ shouting
“terra, tirra, tirra.’ The women place their hands on his
shoulders and gently press him down. After remaining on
S) 2
the fire for a short time he is taken off by the /rhoa-artha
and handed over to a few young boys who have not yet been
initiated, and who are told to camp with him but on no
account to speak to him. After three days, during which
he speaks to no one, men who are his O&z/éa come out from
the men’s camp and invite him to join them, after which he
becomes a permanent member of the camp. Before, however,
he may speak to any of the officials who took any part in
the various ceremonies he must go out into the bush and
procure game as an offering to each one of them, this gift
being known as Chaurtlia.
At the presentation of Chaurilia the man to whom it is
given always performs some sacred ceremony, after which the
mouth of the Ertwa-kurka and those of all present are
touched with some sacred object which has been used during
the ceremony, such as a Nurtunja, and in this way the ban of
silence is removed. When these ceremonies have been passed
through the native is regarded as an initiated member of the
tribe and may take part in all the sacred ceremonies of his
group, though it is not until he has passed through the
Engwurra that he becomes what is called Urliara or a fully-
developed man.
The following names, which may be called status names,
indicating the different grades of initiation, are applied to
the boy, youth and man at the times indicated :-—
1) Ambaguerka, up to the time of throwing up.
2) Ulpmerka, after the throwing-up ceremony and until
that of circumcision.
3) Wurtja, after the first ceremony of painting in con-
nection with circumcision.
4) Arakurta, after circumcision and before sub-incision is
performed.
5) Ertwa-kurka, after sub-incision and until he has passed
through the Engwura.
6) Urtiara, after the Engwura has been passed through.
In the northern part of the tribe the ceremonies agree in all
essential points with those which have been described in the
case of the natives living along the Finke river. There are
however, certain differences in detail which may be~men-
tioned. Early on the day on which the ceremony of Lartna
Or Circumcision is to commence, the Ulpmerka is taken away
from the camp on some pretext, while the men and women
spend the day in preparing the collected food supplies, such
as the seeds of acacia or munyeru. Every now and then they
break out into the monotonous chant of a corrobboree, to
which the women, but not the men, dance, while a feeling of
Suppressed excitement throughout the camp indicates that
some ceremony of more than ordinary importance is about to
take place. At sundown the boy is brought into camp, and,
unconscious of what is in store for him, spends the evening as
usual at the men’s camp, lying down to sleep there. Towards
the middle of the night, when all is quiet, an elder brother
of the boy, after seeing that the latter is sound asleep, wakens
the other members of the camp, and all together, men and
women, they go to the spot close at hand which has previously
been selected. The women stand quietly on one side while
the men, with as little noise as possible, clear the grass and
rubbish away, and thus prepare the Apud/a ground. Then all,
except three brothers of the boy and two young women, sit
down around the Apudla, while the five selected ones go to the
camp to awaken and bring the boy. The two women go in
advance, each of them carrying an A/parra, which is a
scooped-out piece of wood such as the women use to carry
food and water in, and, creeping quietly up to the U/pmerka,
suddenly strike him sharply with their Adparras, crying out
loudly at the same time, “ Utchaz.! Utchai!” The boy,
naturally dazed and startled, springs to his feet, when the
three men take hold of him, and tell him that the time has
come when he must no longer remain an Ul/pmerka, but must
be made into a man—an Ertwa-kurka. So soon as the cry
of “ Utchaz” is heard the men begin to sing and the women
to dance.
The subsequent proceedings, including the painting by
Uwitlia men and the handing of the fire-stick by an Unchal-
kulkna woman, though there may be more than one of these,
are much the same as those already described. On the day
on which the actual operation is to be performed there is,
however, a slight variation in the procedure. After being
ornamented with twigs of Eucalyptus, two rows of spears are
fixed upright, one row on either side of the Apudla path.
They form a kind of grove, with the path running between
them, About midday, when all is ready, some of the men
leave the camp to go and bring the boy in. When the signal
of their return with the boy, who is hidden out of sight of the
women, is given, then the latter at once go in between the
line of spears, and, while some of the older men sing, perform
the Unthippa dance, and then, standing by the poles, strip
these of their leaves. As the men with the boy approach
they all throw pieces of bark at the women, a signal to them
to disperse and go to their camp, out of sight of the Apudla.
The boy is placed at one end of the path behind a brake
of boughs, of which, in this instance, only one and not two, as
described before, is made. At night the women are brought
back, and sit on either side of the path at the base of the
stripped spears. Two Ofzva go to where the boy is as yet
hidden from the women, throw on one side the boughs, and
then, accompanied by the Ulpmerka, hop down the path
until they have traversed half its length, when they diverge,
one to the right and one to the left, while the boy goes on
until he collides with a man who has been purposely placed
so that he shall do this. This man is here called Zapunga,
and at once he rolls over on to his back, and the boy lies on
the top of him. Silence is now maintained by all. In this
position the painting is rubbed off the Ulpmerka’s back.
Then the Avachitta poles are brought in, and as the men
dance the women strip the poles, which are tied on to the
legsvasi described, |The) menuremain calm, but the women
grow wilder and wilder, singing :—
““Atnintu rappira ka perka-a-a
Ok nar inta
Yur a puncha kwi
Yur a puncha kwi.”
Whilst this is in progress the boy gets off the man’s back and
sits up watching the dance, which suddenly ceases when the
sound of a bull-roarer is heard. At once the women run off,
and very shortly after the operation is performed. _In this dis-
trict the man who holds the shield is termed the Urinthantima,
and he must belong to the moiety of the tribe to which the
boy does not. The operation is almost always performed by
a man who is /kuntera to the boy, and who is assisted by one,
or it may be two men, who are called AK7//arina, and who must
also belong to the other moiety of the tribe. When all is
over the boy is given a bundle of Churinga and sent out
in charge of a man as previously described, until he has
recovered, and is ready for the further operation.
The rite of sub-incision, which may be said to be charac-
teristic of the great group of tribes occupying the interior parts
of Queensland,! New South Wales, and South Australia, right
away to the far north, and at all events a very large part of
West Australia,? has frequently been alluded to by Curr and
other writers under the name of the “terrible rite”—a term
which, as Dr. Stirling suggested, may well be discarded. It
consists, as is well known, in sub-incision of the penis, so that
the penile urethra is laid open from the meatus right back to
the junction with the scrotum. It is certainly a most extra-
ordinary practice, and one which it might be thought would
be frequently attended with serious results ; but none such ap-
parently ever follow, though in their native condition the
operation is performed merely with a sharp chipped piece
of flint or a small knife made of a hard flaked quartzite. The
Arunta natives have no idea as to the origin of the practice,
and it seems almost useless to speculate upon it. Mr. Roth
has suggested that the mutilation of the women, which takes
place, so far as is known, in all those tribes where sub-incision
is practised by the men, was indirectly the origin of the latter,
“that, on the principle of a form of mimicry, the analogous
sign was inflicted on the male to denote corresponding fitness
on his part.” This still leaves unexplained the- mutilation of
the women, and it would seem to be almost simpler to imagine
that this was a consequence of the mutilation of the men.
1 Cf. Roth, loc. cit.
2 Mr. A. Morton, who has recently been engaged in anthropological work in
West:Australia, informs us that the operation is universally carried out amongst the
tribes with whom he came in Contact. See also Helms. Zvans. Roy. Soc. South
Australia, vol. xvi., p. 276.
In the Arunta tribe tradition ascribes the origin of the custom
to the members of the wild cat totem and points clearly to
the fact that it was introduced by the members of some
powerful group at a time subsequent to the introduction of
the rite of circumcision.
One thing is clear, and that is that at the present day, and
as far back as their traditions go, the Arunta natives at least
have no idea of its having been instituted with the idea of its
preventing or even checking procreation. In the first place
it does not do this. Every man without exception throughout
the Central area, in all tribes in which the rite is practised, is
sub-incised. Under the normal conditions he must be before
he is allowed to take a wife, and infringement of this rule
would simply mean death to him if found out. Though
it is true that the number of children rarely exceeds four
or perhaps five in a family, and, as a general rule, is less still,
perhaps two or three, yet the cause of this is not sub-incision.
It is infanticide which is resorted to for the purpose of keeping
down the number of a family. And here we may say that
the number is kept down, not with any idea at all of regu-
lating the food supply, so far as the adults are concerned, but
simply from the point of view that, if the mother is suckling
one child, she cannot properly provide food for another, quite
apart from the question of the trouble of carrying two children
about. An Australian native never looks far enough ahead
to consider what will be the effect on the food supply in future
years if he allows a particular child to live ; what affects him
is simply the question of how it will interfere with the work
of his wife so far as their own camp is concerned ; while from
the woman’s side the question is, can she provide food enough
for the new-born infant and for the next youngest ? i
The Arunta native does not hesitate to kill a. child——
always directly it is born—if there be an older one still in
need of nourishment from the mother, and suckling is con-
tinued up to the age often of three years or even older,
With an easy solution, which moreover he does not
hesitate to practise, of the difficulty arising from the birth of
too many children, it is scarcely conceivable that the men
should deliberately pass through: a most painful ordeal
with the idea of achieving a result which can be obtained
otherwise without pain or trouble to themselves, and when
also they know perfectly well that the desired result is not
obtained by the performance of the operation. Added to this
we have amongst the Arunta, Luritcha, and Ilpirra tribes, and
probably also amongst others such as the Warramunga, the
idea firmly held that the child is not the direct result of
intercourse, that it may come without this, which merely,
as it were, prepares the mother for the reception and birth
also of an already-formed spirit child who inhabits one of the
local totem centres. Time after time we have questioned
them on this point, and always received the reply that the
child was not the direct result of intercourse ; so that in these
tribes, equally with those dealt with by Mr. Roth, the practice
of sub-incision cannot be attributed to the desire to check
procreation by this means.
In the south of the Arunta tribe the ceremonies again are
somewhat different from these, both in the west and in the
east. At Charlotte Waters, for example, the following is an
account, in outline, of what takes place.
When the time arrives for a boy to be initiated, his Ok¢/ia
talks to men who are Umbirna to the boy and arranges with
two of them to carry out the first part of the proceedings.
Towards evening the two Umdbzrna go to the boy, who has no
idea of what has been arranged, and one of them takes hold
of him while the other comes up from behind, carrying a
special small white stone called aperta irrkurra, which he
puts under the armpit of the boy. Then taking hold of him,
one by each arm, they take him along with them to the camp
of his mother and father. Here, by previous arrangement,
the different members of the camp are assembled. All the
men sit ina roughly semi-circular group, and together with
them are women who stand in the relationship of M/za and
Uwinna to the boy. The latter, with an Umdzrna man on
either side of him, is then told to lie down in front of the
group, and behind him again are gathered together the
women who are Ungarattcha, [tia, UVnawa and Unkulla to him.
These women commence to dance to the singing of the men,
and when this has gone on for some little time they retire
266 NATIVE TRIBES, OF ‘CENERAL AUSTRALIA. cHaAp:
behind the group of men, and then the boy is allowed to go
to sleep, watched over during the night by the two Umdbzrna
who are called Ukarkinja. The latter wake him early and,
after tying up his hair with whitened string, decorate it with
tufts of eagle-hawk feathers. When this has been done the
boy is called Au-aritcha. This over, the boy’s Ungaraitcha
and /¢za bring him food in the shape of sunyeru or grass seed,
of which he eats some and gives the rest to his two Umdzrna.
Then, if she be present, the Jaa woman whose daughter has
been allotted as wife to the boy, or, in her absence, the
Umbirna men, paint him all over with red ochre. After this,
the further ceremonies may either be carried out on the spot
or else the boy may be taken away to a different local group,
where the first part of the ceremonies will then be performed.
There does not appear to be any rule in regard to this. In
the event of the boy being taken away, he goes under the
charge of the same two Umdbirna men, wearing, as he walks,
his hair-string, and carrying the stone under his arm. On
approaching the strange camp the men call out “Pau! Pau!”
sharply and loudly, while at the same time each of them
swings backwards one of the boy’s arms. The strangers
recognise what is happening, and the men get up, leave the
camp near to which the visitors have halted, and while the
women lie down in camp they come out to meet the three.
The hair-string and stone are then taken away from the boy,
who is thrown up in the air by the strangers, who catch and
strike him as he falls. This throwing up is called Au-arttcha
zwuma. When this is over the stone is given back to the
‘boy, but the hair-string is given to the strangers. The boy
himself has to go some little distance away and may not be
spoken to by the women, though the men go near and speak
to him freely.
Preparations are then made for the return to the home
camp, all the men and women coming, while the boy, with
his two Umédzrna, walks behind. At some little distance from
the spot at which the men have, during the boy’s absence, made
the camp at which the operation of Lartna will be performed,
a halt is made, and here the boy and the two Umédzrna stay
behind for the purpose of painting his body with white pipe-
clay, tying up his hair and putting on the waist band which
he now wears for the first time. The strangers, marching on,
announce their approach by the usual sharp cry “Pau / Pau!”
The resident old men and women are sitting down at the camp,
but the young men have to go away, to some little distance,
So as not to be seen as yet by the boy. At first the strangers
sit down in the customary way at a short distance from the
camp, which they do not enter until, at a later time, they are
invited to do so by the oldermen. When the Ax-arttcha and
the Umbirna come up they take a position in front of the
strangers and between them and the resident group. After a
short pause the boy’s Ungaraitcha come out and give him
food, and then, together with his two guardians, he returns to
the bush, which is the signal for the younger men to come
from their hiding place and join the strange group, the
members of which come into camp usually about dusk.
In the evening the same women dance as on the previous
occasion, the dance being called JWchilcha-intum wutha-
perrima. The dance is repeated during the course of the
following evening, and during the two days whilst the boy is
out of the camp there takes place both a lending and an inter-
change of women, the usual class restrictions being, however,
observed. Two men belonging to the resident group will, for
example, determine without saying anything previously to
two visiting men to lend their wives each to one of the latter.
During the dance these two men will get up from the group
of men watching the dance, and each one taking a fire-stick
will give it to his wife, who is amongst the dancers. The
woman knows what this means and retires to some distance.
Then the two men return to the main group, and each going
behind the man to whom he desires to show attention, either
in return for some past act of kindness or in anticipation of
favours to come, lifts him up by his elbows and informs
him of his intention. The exchange, or lending, is merely a
temporary one, and in this instance only takes place between
those who are Unawa to each other.
When the two days are over the boy is brought back and
the women are sent away from the camp where the dancing
has taken place and where the operation of Lartna will
shortly be performed. As in the case of the south-western
or the Larapinta groups already referred to, various cere-
monies are performed in which a Wanznga is used, and
this the boy is made to embrace before the operation is
performed. When this is about to take place, the boy is
told to lie down on the ground while an Ofz/za puts his hand
over the former’s eyes, and a man who is Unkulla to the boy
goes away to some little distance. While this takes place, a
few, perhaps half a dozen, men lie down on the ground so as
to form a kind of table, and when the Ofz/za lifts his hand
from his eyes the boy sees the Unkul/a man approaching at
arun. This man places him on the top of the prostrate men,
whom the boy afterwards calls zruntuwura, and at once the
operation is performed by an /kuntera man whom the boy
calls urtwe-urtwa. The Okzlia stand by shouting “ arakwirra,
arundertna”—“ You be quiet, do not cry.”
As always, the blood is collected in a shield and is handed
over to the Okz/za, who thereupon makes a hole in the ground
and buries in this the blood and the foreskin ; then small
stones are put on top of the latter, and the hole is filled
with sand, on the surface of which a short piece of stick,
perhaps six inches long, is laid down horizontally. This
stick is called U/tha, and neither the boy who has been
operated upon nor yet any woman, may go near to it.
When the operation of Lavina is over, the boy is called
Atnurrinia. As soon as he has recovered, the operation of
Ariltha is performed in much the same manner as already
described, except that in this southern district no Nurtunja is
made. The men who lie down on the ground are called
Atrapurntum ; the Unkulla man who sits on the boy’s chest
is called /ewarta, and the Zkuntera man who performs the
ceremony ts called Pzwznya. It is usual during the ceremony
for the Unkulla man to take off his hair girdle and to lay
it down close beside the boy with the object of preventing
too great a flow of blood.
After the operation of Ariltha the novice is called A//a/-
lumba, When it is over he is taken out into the bush by
an Okilia who may be accompanied by a Gammona man,
and after recovery his body is painted white, the hair-string
girdle and the pubic tassel are put on, he is brought up to
the men’s camp and then taken on to where, close to the
Erlukwirra, the women are waiting. The throwing of a
boomerang, the meeting between the boy and his Ungarattcha,
when the latter hit him on the back, and the smoking of the
novice are carried out in essentially the same way as already
described. When all this is over, the novice returns with
the men to their camp, and during the night a ceremony
concerned with the owl totem is always performed; why
this is so we have not been able to discover. For some time
the newly initiated man may not speak to any of the men or
women who have taken part as officials in any of the cere-
monies, but, as previously described, the ban of silence is
ultimately removed after he has presented to each one
separately an offering of food.
In regard to the initiation ceremonies of women, it is clear
that, as was first shown by Roth, there are certain ceremonies
which are evidently the equivalents of the initiation cere-
monies concerned with the men. Such ceremonies occur,
though not to such an extent as described by Mr. Roth, in
the Central tribes. The first one takes place when the girl’s
breasts are rubbed with fat and red ochre, and the second, when
the operation of opening the vagina is performed. This is
clearly regarded as the equivalent of sub-incision in the male,
the name of the latter ceremony being pura ariltha kuma,
while in the case of the woman it is called atna ariltha
kuma. There is no special name given to a female after
any initiation rite. Up to the first menstrual period she is
called guzaz, the ordinary name for a girl, just as zvzaz is the
ordinary name for a boy; after that she is called wunpa, a
name which she retains until the breasts hang pendent, after
which she is called arakutja, the ordinary term for a grown
woman. The first ceremony may perhaps be regarded as
the equivalent of the throwing up and painting of the boys,
there being amongst the women no equivalents of the Lartna
(circumcision) or Engwura ceremonies of the men.
We have described the ceremonies attendant on what may
be called the initiation of women, the first in connection with
other ceremonies peculiar to women,! the second in the
chapter dealing with the social organisation, as it has im-
portant bearings upon this, and may be most conveniently
dealt with in connection therewith.
INITIATION CEREMONIES (continued )
THE ENGWURA CEREMONY (concluded)
Third phase : Changes occurring in customs—The ceremonies refer to times when
customs in regard to such matters as marriage restrictions, cannibalism, etc.,
were different from those of the present day—The Engwura may serve both
to maintain customs and also as a means of introducing changes—Further
examination of Churinga—Oruncha, or ‘‘ devil-devil” men—Arunta have no
conception of a permanently malevolent spirit—Final handing over of Churinga
—Rubbing of Churinga to promote growth of beard—The Zvathzga stone and
tradition—Tradition concerning wild cat men changing into plum tree men
eating plums—Performance of a special ceremony concerned with the frog
totem—Association of particular objects, such as Wurtunjas and Churinga,
with particular animals and plants—Fourth phase : 7//pongwurra sent out into
the bush—They have to bring in food for the old men—Fire-throwing in the
women’s camp at morning and night when the ///fongwurra go out and return
—Ceremony representing the cooking of a man—The last fire-throwing in the
women’s camp—Cutting down the tree to form the Aaawa—Throwing fire-
sticks over the women in their camp at night—The Amézlyerikirra ceremony—
Taking the Amdzclyertkirvra to the women’s camp—Possible explanation of
these ceremonies—Decoration and erection of the Aazawa—Putting the
Lilpongwurra on the fire out in the bush—Painting the backs of the Z//pong-
wurra—vVisit to the women’s camp and the placing of the ///pongwurra on
fires—Return to the Engwura ground—The newly-made U7dara remain out
in the bush—Fifth phase: Women’s dance—Ceremonies concerned with
removal of the ban of silence between men who are aé-7oara to each other—
Ceremonies of avalkaltlima and anainthalilima.
APART from the fact that the young men had now received
a definite name, and that each one had been made ad-moara
to some older man under whose charge he was, the details of
the third phase were closely similar to those described as
characteristic of the second. The same examination of
Churinga was carried on, and ceremonies of the same nature
as the preceding ones were enacted day after day and night
after night. The sustained interest was very remarkable
when it is taken into account that mentally the Australian
native is merely a child, who acts, as a general rule, on the spur
ofthe moment. On this occasion they were gathered together
to perform a series of ceremonies handed down from the Alche-
ringa, which had to be performed in precisely the same way
in which they had been in the Alcheringa. Everything was
ruled by precedent ; to change even the decoration of a per-
former would have been an unheard-of thing; the reply, “it was.
so in the Alcheringa,” was considered as perfectly satisfactory
by way of explanation. At the same time despite the natural
conservatism of the native mind, changes have come over the
tribe since the times when their ancestors lived, to whom the
ceremonies now being dealt with refer. For example, not a
few of them deal with the existence of cannibalism, and
though this may not yet have been wholly discarded, still
it is not practised amongst the Arunta except to a very slight
extent, whereas, if there be anything in the traditions, it must,
in the Alcheringa, have been largely practised. Then again,
the marriage customs are very different from those with which
we are brought into contact in the ceremonies concerned with
these Alcheringa people. We have already had occasion in
another place to deal with this question, meanwhile it may be
said here that the Engwura, from this point of view, appears
to serve two distinct purposes, or rather it always serves one,
and might serve a second. In the first place its main result
is undoubtedly to preserve unchanged certain customs, and to
hand on a knowledge of past history, or rather tradition, from
generation to generation, but in the second place, and to a
much lesser extent, it may serve as the vehicle for the intro-
duction of changes.
The third phase was ushered in by the examination of a
large number of Churinga which were brought in from the
witchetty grub storehouse in the Heavitree gap, which
cuts through the Macdonnell Ranges, and forms a passage
from north to south, for the Todd River. They were under
the charge of the Alatunja, who specially invited his
Gammona, Umbirna and lkuntera, to come up and take part
in the proceedings. The Churinga, wrapped up in bundles,
round which large quantities of human hair-string were tied,
were laid on shields in the bed of the creek, and the men sat
round them, those of the Panunga and Bulthara divisions
occupying the inner circle, and the Purula and Kumara men
the outer circle. This arrangement was due to the fact that
®
the witchetty grub totem is mainly composed of men belonging
to the Panunga and Bulthara moiety.
The Churinga having been solemnly spread out, the
Alatunja of the local totem took one up, and, having ground
up and placed on it some red ochre, the old Alatunja of the
Undoolya locality leaned over and pressed down on the
Churinga the hand of the son of the first-named ; then he
rubbed the young man’s hand up and down upon it while he
whispered to him, telling him to whom the Churinga had
belonged, who the dead man was, and what the marks on the
Churinga meant. Then it was passed on to a Purula who was
the young man’s Umbzrna, and who was seated on the outside
of the group. This over, a second Churinga was treated in
just the same way. Special attention was paid to the
Churinga nanja of one of the brothers of the local Alatunja
who had died a few years ago. It was first of all passed on
to a younger brother of the Alatunja who slightly rubbed it.
Then it was pressed against the stomach of another younger
brother, who kept it in this position for a minute or two while
he and others literally shed tears over it, amidst perfect
silence on the part of all the others present. Then two other
Churinga nanja of dead men were examined, rubbed over
with red ochre, and their meaning explained in whispers by a
Bulthara man to a Purula, who was his son-in-law. After an
hour had been thus passed, a particular Churinga belonging
to an Oruncha or “devil-man” was shown, and on the
production of this there was, for the first and only time,
general though subdued laughter. These Ovuncha of the
Alcheringa are always the source of a certain amount of mirth,
whether it be during the examination of their Churinga or on
the occasion of the performance of ceremonies concerned with
them. The particular individual] whose Churinga was now
examined has given his name, Chauritchi, to a rocky hill
close to Alice Springs where he is reported to have gone
into the earth and where his spirit still lives, Though they
laugh at him when they are gathered together in daylight, at
night-time things are very different, and no native would
venture across this hill after dusk. It will be noticed that
there 1s something very different in the case of these Oruncha
individuals from what obtains in the case of other people of
the Alchetinga gmat he emg. striking point is that ‘whereas,
like every one else, they had their Churinga and spirit part
associated with it, yet they never formed any Oknanzkilla ;
each one still inhabits the same spot in spirit form where, in
the Alcheringa, he went down into the earth, but he never
undergoes reincarnation. He is regarded as a more or less
mischievous creature, a kind of Bogey-man who, if met with
when out alone in the dark, will carry off his victim into the
earth. Partly, no doubt, the idea is a creation of men of old to
act as a wholesome check upon women who might be prone,
without the fear of some such mysterious and invisible creature,
to wander away under cover of the darkness from their
domestic hearth, and it does undoubtedly act as a strong
deterrent to any wandering about at night by men and women
alike. There are times when the Oruncha will take a man
down into the ground and transform him into a medicine
man. On the whole the Oruncha may be regarded as a
mischievous spirit who will in some way harm those whom he
comes across in places where they should not be, that is where
they know they are likely to meet him if they venture alone
after dark, rather than as a distinctly malevolent spirit whose
object is at all times to injure them. Of such a permanent
malevolent spirit, the Arunta do not appear to have formed a
conception ; in fact the place of such an individual is largely
supplied by their beliefs with regard to the Kurdaitcha and
various forms of magic.
Some few days later the ceremony of handing over the
lizard Churinga to their new owner, the initial stage in
connection with which has already been described, was
completed. After the Alatunja, who had previously had
charge of them, had brought them into camp, they were
placed in the store of the Panunga and Bulthara men at one
end of the Engwura ground. Together with a large number
of others, perhaps as many as two hundred in all, they were
again brought down into the bed of the creek where the old
men were assembled, only three of the younger men being
allowed to be present. The others were sent out of camp.
After the usual whisperings, handing round of the Churinga
and rubbing of them with red ochre, they were placed on a
shield and handed over to their new possessor. Then all the
old men in turn came and pressed their foreheads against the
young man’s stomach, he for some time trying, or pretending
to try, to prevent the very old Oknirabata—the Alatunja of
the Undoolya group—from doing so. This ceremony is a
somewhat striking one, and is evidently a form of recognition
of the new position held by the young man, who with the
presentation of the Churinga became the recognised head of
the local group of lizard people.
There was amongst the Churinga one curious one which
was also remarkable as being the only stone one present at
the Engwura, the reason of which is to be associated with the
fact that they are brought mainly with the object of using
them during the ceremonies, and for this purpose stone ones
are not suitable. This special one was elongate-oval in shape
and about six inches in length. From end to end ran a band
of black charcoal, an inch in width, the part on either side of
this being coloured red with ochre. The Churinga was that
of a Jerboa-rat totem, the rat in question having especially
long whiskers which were represented by the black band, and
it is supposed that the rubbing of this Churinga on the chin
of a young man is very beneficial in promoting the growth of
hair on the part touched. In connection with this, it may be
noted that the length and fulness of the beard is a striking
feature in the members of the Arunta and other tribes of
Central Australia.
Though the Churinga are now in the keeping of the
lizard man he is not supposed to have absolute possession of
them until he has, at some future date, made a present of a
considerable quantity of hair-string to the Alatunja of the
Unchalka or little grub group who took charge of, and
preserved them from harm upon the temporary extinction of
the old lizard group.
As already said, the days and nights during the third phase
were spent very much in the same manner as they were
during the second, so that we will only describe here, without
reference to the order in which they occurred, as this was a
matter of no importance, the more important and typical of
the ceremonies.
Two ceremonies were concerned with the Orumncha or, as
the natives call them, the Ovrunchertwa, the word ertzva
meaning man. The first of these was the Quabara Oruncha
of Kulparra, a place now called the Deep Well about fifty
miles to the south of Alice Springs. The ceremony belongs
to a Purula man, and the two performers were respectively a
Purula man of the “native pheasant”! totem, and a Kumara
man of the kangaroo totem. Each man wore, fixed into his
head-dress, four Churinga, while his body was decorated with
* Letpoa ocellata, the mound bird.
bands of charcoal edged as usual with white down, a bunch
of eagle-hawk feathers being fixed into his waist-band in the
middle of his back. When decorated they were led on to
the Parra ground with the usual high knee action. Then old
men, from the neighbourhood of the locality to which the
ceremony belongs, sat down and began beating boomerangs
on the ground while the two performers ran backwards and
forwards on all fours, sometimes chasing one another, some-
times turning round face to face and pretending to growl
and to frighten one another. After acting in a way which
much amused the audience for about five minutes, the two
Oruncha came and laid themselves down in front of the old
men, whom, after getting up again, they embraced.
The second of the ceremonies was the Quabara Oruncha of
Chauritchi, the latter being the native name for Alice Springs.
This ceremony belongs to the local Alatunja, and the most
remarkable feature connected with it was the enormous head-
dress formed of twigs of Cassia bush bound round with yards
and yards of human hair-string so as to form a solid mass
two feet six inches in diameter, the whole structure weighing
at least thirty pounds. It was, as usual in the case of all
the head-dresses, built up on the performer’s head, and, as can
be imagined, the strain upon the muscles of his neck must have
been severe, for though the actual performance only lasted a
few minutes the preparation for it occupied two hours. The
front of the head-dress and the face were covered with a mass
of white down; a band of blue-gray wad! ornamented his
shoulders and chest, and in the middle was joined to another
which ran round above the waist, each having an edging of
white down. From the front of the head-dress projected two
sticks, each of which was nearly a yard in length, and was
covered with rings of down. In the noonday heat of mid-
summer, with the sun shining straight down so that you sat,
or stood, on your own shadow, the remarkable and weighty
head-dress must have been particularly trying to wear. The
performer sat down on a heap of small gum tree boughs and
1 Wad is an oxide of manganese, which when powdered up produces a_bluish-
gray powder, and is rubbed on the body for decorative purposes. The wad is
obtained from a special spot near to Henbury on the Finke River.
began swaying about from side to side and brushing flies off
with little twigs. At the same time he kept constantly peer-
ing about as if he were on the look-out for some one ; every
The head-dress represents a man whom the Oruncha has killed. The two horns
are pointing sticks.
now and then he would crouch down amongst the boughs as
if to gather himself together into as small a space as possible ;
when he did so, the back view was a somewhat comical one,
consisting mainly of a glimpse of a large bunch of eagle hawk
feathers, and beyond this the great disc-shaped head-dress.
The idea was that he was in search of men with the object of
catching and eating them. When caught, his custom was to.
carry them on his head until they were wanted for consump-
tion, and the massive head-dress was supposed to represent a
man whom he had killed and was thus carrying about with him.
The two sticks in the front projecting like two horns are
somewhat suggestive. They are simply pointing sticks—
called in this instance zzzwuntna—which the Oruncha uses
for the purpose of pointing at and killing his prey, and the
thought suggested itself that possibly the two traditional
horns of the devil, as he is pictured amongst more highly
civilised peoples, may, sometimes at all events, owe their origin
to an early belief in the efficacy of pointing sticks like those
at present actually used amongst various races of savage
people, such as the Australian natives.
This particular Orwncha went in the Alcheringa down into
the hill close to Alice Springs, which is still spoken of as the
Mirra oruncha, that is the Oruncha’s camp, and he is supposed
at times to come out and seize upon men and women who
are wandering about after dusk. Every now and again he
will take some man down into the earth, and then, after a
time, the man is found in a dazed condition, but transformed
by the Oruncha into a medicine man.
In connection with the Quabara Iruntarinia Unjiamba of a
place called Apera-na-unkumna, a somewhat remarkable
Nurtunja was used. This was a ceremony which had been im-
parted to a Purula man by the/vuntarinza of the locality named.
It was now being presented by its owner to another man of the
totem with which it was concerned ; and, as this was the first
time on which it had been performed in this locality, etiquette
prescribed that only men of the Purula and Kumara moiety
should be present during the preparation, all others remaining
at some distance from the creek. The Wuztunza consisted of
a long spear, grass stalks, and hair-string bound together
in the usual way, but in addition, from near to the upper end,
there hung down a shorter pole about five feet long. Each
part was decorated with elongate lines of pink and white
down instead of the customary circles which are so character-
istic of the usual large Vurtunja. The large pole indicated a
Hakea tree, and the small one a young tree, and it was
supposed to be identical in form with a double Nurtunja
which two Alcheringa Unjiamba men carried about with
them in their wanderings.
Another ceremony associated with a remarkable tradition
was the Quabara Ambaquerka of Erathipa. This was in the
possession of the Alatunja of Alice Springs, and at his
request was performed by a Panunga man. The performer is
supposed to be a woman with a newly-born child, the latter
being represented by an oval mass of twigs and grass stalks
encased in hair-string and down, about two feet in length by
one foot in diameter. The whole was covered with close-set
bands of white down, two black spots being left to indicate
the eyes. The performer held the supposed child in his
hands while he sat down swaying about and quivering, the
other men dancing and singing as they ran round him.
When it was over the oval mass was pressed against the
stomach of the Alatunja, who then took and pressed it
against that of the old Purula man who presided over the
Engwura. é ;
The tradition with which this is associated is as follows:
In the locality of a plum-tree totem about fifteen miles S.S.E.
of Alice Springs, is a special rounded stone which projects
from the ground amidst mulga scrub for about a height of
three feet. This stone is called Hvathzpa. In the Alcheringa
aman named Inta-tir-kaka, who belonged to the plum-tree
totem and was not an Ulpmerka, came from a place called
Kulla-ratha, a fine waterhole out to the north of Mount
Heuglin, in the western Macdonnells, and, crossing a de-
pression in the latter range close to Mount Gillen, he
proceeded to Uk-ang-wulla, which means the hollow or hole,
and lies close to Quiurnpa, where he found a Murtunja
erected but could not see any people to whom it belonged,
so he proceeded to appropriate it; but, when he tried to
pull it up out of the ground, all that he could do was to
slightly loosen it; seeing that he could not secure it whole
he broke it off at the butt and down it tumbled with a loud
crash, The MNurtunja was the property of a plum-tree
woman, named Unkara, who, with her little baby boy, was
out hunting for the plums on which they fed. She had
originated at this spot and had lived alone here, having
nothing to do with the plum-tree U/pmerka men who lived not
far away. When she heard the crash she came quickly back
to her camp, and there she saw what had taken place and
was greatly grieved ; as the natives say, her bowels yearned
after her Nurtunja. She put her baby boy into the hollow
where the Murtunja was broken off, just below the surface,
and, leaving with him a large number of Churinga, went in
pursuit of the thief. The boy went into the ground, taking
with him the store of Churinga, and the Hrathipa stone arose
to mark the spot, and forms the centre of an Ofnantkilla of
the plum-tree totem, the stone being, of course, the home of
all the many spirit individuals, one of whom was associated
with each of the Churinga.
The women went straight up into the sky and, following
the course taken by Intatirkaka, she alighted at a place
called Oki-ipirta where he had camped, from here she walked
on towards the north-west, and then again went up into the
sky and did not descend until she reached Kulla-ratha, from
which place the man had come originally, and to which he
had returned. Here she found a large number of plum-tree
IX INITIATION CEREMONIES Sy/
people, but could not see her Vurtunja because the thief had
placed it right in the middle of a big group of Nurtunjas
which belonged to the party. In grief at not being able to
recover it she sat down and died.
However, to return to the Erathipa stone. There is on
one side of it a round hole through which the spirit children
are supposed to be on the look-out for women who may
chance to pass near, and it is firmly believed that visiting the
stone will result in conception. If a young woman has to
pass near to the stone and does not wish to have a child she
will carefully disguise her youth, distorting her face and
walking with the aid of a stick. She will bend herself double
like a very old woman, the tones of whose voice she will
imitate, saying, “Don’t come to me, I am an old woman.”
Above the small round hole a black line is painted with char-
coal, and this is always renewed by any man who happens to
visit the spot. It is; called /énula, and a black line such as
this, and called by the same name, is always painted above the
eye of a newly-born child, as it is supposed to prevent
sickness. Not only may the women become pregnant by
visiting the stone, but it is believed that by performing a very
simple ceremony, a malicious man may cause women and
even children who are at a distance to become so. All that
has to be done is for the man to go to the stone by himself,
clear a space of ground around it, and then, while rubbing it
with his hands, to mutter the words “ Arakutja wunka oknirra
unta munja aritchtka,’ which means, literally translated,“ Plenty
of young women, you look and go quickly.” If, again, a man
wishes to punish his wife for supposed unfaithfulness, he may
go to the stone and, rubbing it, mutter the words “ Avakutja
tana yingalla twupiwuma ertwa airpinna alimila munja
ichakirakitcha,’ which means, “That woman of mine has
thrown me aside and gone with another man, go quickly and
hang on tightly ;” meaning that the child is to remain a long
time in the woman, and so cause her death. Or again, if a
man and his wife both wish for a child, the man-ties his hair-
girdle round the stone, rubs it, and mutters, “ Avakutja thing-
unawa unta koanilla arapirima,’ which means, “ The woman
my wife you (think) not good, look.”
The word Erathipa means a child, though it is seldom used
in this sense, the word Ambagquerka being most often
employed. Similar Hrathipa stones are found at other spots.
There is one near to Hermannsburg on the Finke River,
another at the west end of the Waterhouse Range, and
another near to Running Waters on the Finke.
Another ceremony called the Quabara Anthinna of Arimurla
was associated with a curious and rather complicated tradition.
Anthinna is the opossum totem, and Arimurla is a place
now called Winnecke’s depot, by reason of its having been
used as such during early days ; it is in reality'merely a gorge
leading through the rocky ranges which form the eastern
continuation of the Macdonnells. The ceremony refers to
two Purula women of the opossum totem. They both
originated at and never left Arimurla. Each of the performers
had a curious T-shaped Murtunja on his head. From the
cross-bars of each there were suspended Churinga which had
once belonged to the two women.
When the ceremony, which consisted of the usual swaying
to and fro on the part of the performers, and of the running
round and round of the other men, was concluded, we were
told the following. In the Alcheringa a party of wild cat people
who, unlike the other wild cat parties, consisted for the ‘main
Vi, P2
part of Pulthara and Panunga, started from near Wilyunpa
out to the east of Charlotte Waters. They journeyed on to
the north, halting and forming Okfnanzkilla at various places.
After a time they came close to Arimurla, but passed by
without seeing the two Purula opossum women who were
sitting down there. Going on they met a man who had come
down from the salt water country far away to the north; he
was of the same totem as themselves, but lived alone and —
called atnabitta, a contemptuous name applied to a man
who is given to interfering with women. Him they killed,
and to the present day a stone in Paddy’s creek at a spot
called Achilpa Itulka represents the slain man. Having done
this, they walked on, eating Hakea and driving mosquitoes
before them, and, when they could not get water, drinking
their own blood. At a place called Irri-mi-wurra they all
died, but sprang up again as U/pmerka, that is uncircumcised
boys, and after that they went on eating plums. Reference
to this will again be made when dealing with the question of
the eating of the totem. In this, as in not a few of the
traditions, we see that the eating of the totemic animal or
plant seems to be a special feature, and one to which attention
is particularly drawn.
After eight days had been spent in the performance of
ceremonies, it was evident that an important change in the
proceedings was about to take place. Under the direction of
the leader of the Engwura the small gum boughs, which had
hitherto decorated the top of the Parra, were removed, and the
mound was left bare. All the young men were ordered away
from the ground, and spent the greater part of the day in the
bed of the river under the charge of the Alatunja of Alice
Springs. Meanwhile, close by the Parra, a group of elder
men who were already Urliara were assembled. All classes
were represented, and the next five hours were spent in
preparations for an important ceremony called the Quabara
Unchichera of Imanda. At Imanda, which is known to white
men as the Bad Crossing on the Hugh River, is an important
Unchichera or frog totem centre, and during the Engwura a
large number of ceremonies connected with this were enacted
as the leader came from this locality, and, though not himself
belonging to the frog totem, he had inherited a large number
of ceremonies concerned with this and the wild cat totem
from his father. He performed the ceremony himself. On
his head was a large somewhat flat helmet made in the usual
way, and completely covered with concentric circles of
alternate pink and white down. These represented the roots
of a special gum tree at Imanda. The whole of his back and
chest as far down as the waist was a complete mass of white
spots, each of which was encircled by white down ; they were
of various sizes, and indicated frogs of different ages ; on the
inner side of each thigh were white lines representing the legs
of fully-grown frogs. On his head he wore a large frog
Churinga, five feet in length, decorated with bands of down
and tipped with a bunch of ow! feathers. All around the
base of this were arranged tufts of black eagle-hawk feathers,
each fastened on to a stick, so that they radiated from the
head-dress. About twenty strings, each of them two feet in
length and made of opossum fur-string, had been covered
with pink and white down, and ornamented at one end with
tufts of the black and white tail tips of the rabbit-kangaroo.
These were suspended all round from the head so as almost
completely to hide the face, which was itself enveloped in a
mass of down. The Churinga represented a celebrated tree
at Imanda, and the pendant strings its small roots. When all
was ready%a shallow pit about a yard in diameter was scooped
out in the sand, and in this the performer squatted with a
short stick in his hands. Except for the presence of the
latter, it was difficult to tell that the elaborate decoration
concealed from view a man.
When he was seated in the pit, he sent out three old men
who were Urliara across the river. Two of them carried
small Churinga attached to the end of hair-string. The man
who did not carry one went behind the spot where the young
men were gathered together, while the other two went one to
each side. Then the sound of the bull-roarer was heard, as
the Churinga were whirled round and round, and, amidst
much shouting and excitement, the young men were driven in
a body across the river and up the opposite bank on to the
Engwura ground. Running through the scrub which bordered
the river, they suddenly came in sight of the performer, who
was slightly swaying his body from side to side and digging
the earth up with the stick in his hands. For a moment,
when first he came in view, the young men halted and lifted
up their hands as if in astonishment, and then driven up by
the three Ur/ara men they ran up to and circled round and
round the performer shouting, “wha! wha!” at the top of their
voices. The old men stood to one side, and the two with the
Churinga went round and round the young men as if to drive
them in as close as possible. This went on for about three
minutes, when one of the younger men, who was a Purula
and the son of a dead man of the frog totem of Imanda, laid his
hands on the shoulders of the performer, who then ceased
moving, and the ceremony was over. After a short pause the
decorated man got up, and first of all embraced the young
man who had stopped him, and then went round and did the
same to various old Bulthara and Panunga men, and touched
with a piece of white down the navel of the old Purula man
of the white bat totem, whose locality lay close to that with
which the cere MODY Was associated. 4a lhensherat down and
called the young Purula man up to assist him in removing
the decorations.
After each ceremony the down js carefully removed from
the body, though naturally a not inconsiderable portion ad-
* Imanda itself is the great centre of the frog totem ; but occupying a strip along
the southern bank of the Hugh River, close by, is a local centre of the Unchipera
or small bat totem, while Opposite to this on the north bank of the river is a centre
of the Elkintera or large white bat totem,
heres so firmly that it must be rubbed off, and so each per-
formance means the loss of a certain amount. As soon also
as ever a Churinga or a NMurtunja has once been used, the
decorations are taken off. No Nurtunja is used more than
once; even if two ceremonies follow close upon one another,
each of them requiring one, a fresh one is made for each. The
reason of this is that any particular Murtunja represents and
The Churinga represents a special tree at
Imanda, and the lines of down on the -hel-
met represent the roots of the tree.
is symbolic of one
particular object with
which the ceremony
is concerned, 1tsiay
be a gum-tree, a
Hakea, an semurorna
frog, and, when once
that particular Mur-
tunja has been used
in a ceremony, it is
henceforth symbolic
of one, and only one
thing, though, so far
as its appearance and
structure are con®
cerned, it may be pre-
cisely similar toa Vur-
tumja, which means
something totally dif-
ferent. Suppose, for
example, that, as on
the last occasion, a
large Churinga or a
Nurtunja represents
a gum-tree, then in
the mind of the native
it becomes so closely
associated with that
object that it could
not possibly mean
anything else; and ifa
precisely similar Chur-
inga or Vurtunja were
wanted an hour after-
wards to represent,
say anemu,then a new
one must be made.
The reason for the showing of the performance just de-
scribed, was that on the previous day the young Purula man
already referred to had gone out into the bush and had
brought in a present of game in the form of euro, as an
offering to the older man who had charge of the Unchichera
ceremonies of Imanda. This gift of food is called chauarzlza,
and when bringing it in he had told the old man that there
was food waiting for him along the creek. This remark was
perfectly understood as a request, though this must not be
made in any more direct way, that he should be shown some
ceremony connected with his dead father’s totem. With this
the third phase of the Engwura came to an end.
The fourth phase was a very well-marked one, as with it
were ushered in the series of fire ordeals which are especially
associated with the Engwura. The young men had already
had by no means an easy time of it, but during the next
fortnight they were supposed to be under still stricter disci-
pline, and to have to submit themselves to considerable dis-
comfort in order to prove themselves worthy of graduating
as Urlara.
Just at sunrise the ///pongwurra were collected together
close to the Parra. The leader of the Engwura had meanwhile
appointed three elder men, who were already Urliara, to look
after them during the day. About a dozen of the older men
had provided themselves with small Churinga, and with a
great amount of shouting, and amidst the strange weird roar
and screech of the bull-roarers, no two of which sounded
alike, the ///pongwurra were driven in a body away from the
camp. Each man amongst them carried his shield, spear, and
boomerang, for it was their duty now to go out into the
bush all day hunting game for the benefit of the old men
who stayed in camp performing ceremonies. The idea was to
test still further the endurance of the young men and their
obedience to their elders. Out in the bush they are not sup-
posed to eat any of the game which they catch, but must
bring it all in to the old men who may, or may not, give them
a share of it when they return to camp. Whether this rule is
rigidly adhered to on the part of the younger men may per-
haps be doubted, the temptation offered by the sight of a fat
little wallaby must be very strong to a full-grown young man
who has not been having too much to eat for some three
or four weeks past, and though old men go out in charge, it
can be scarcely possible to keep a strict watch over all of the
Lilpongwurra.
Avoiding on this, the first morning of the new departure in
the ceremonies, the women’s camp, which lay out of sight of
the Engwura ground on the other side of the river, the
Mpongwurra were taken out through a defile amongst the
ranges on the west side of the camp. As the day wore on
it became evident that there was unusual excitement and stir
in the women’s camp. One of the older ones had been in-
formed that the //pongwurra would return in the evening,
and that they must be ready to receive them. She had
been through this part of the ceremony before, and knew
what had to be done, but the great majority of the women
required instructing. About five o’clock in the evening all the
women and children gathered together on the flat stretch of
ground on the east side of the river. The Panunga and
Bulthara separated themselves from the Purula and Kumara.
Fach party collected grass and sticks with which to make a
fire, the two being separated by a distance of about one
hundred yards. A man was posted on the top of a hill
overlooking the Engwura ground on the west, and just before
sunset he gave the signal that the Illpongwurra were ap-
proaching. They stopped for a short time before coming
into camp, at a spot at which they deposited the game secured,
and where also they decorated themselves with fresh twigs
and leaves of the Eremophila bush.. These were placed
under the head-bands, so that they drooped down over the
forehead, under the arm-bands, and through the nasal septum.
Then, forming a dense square, they came out from the defile
amongst the ranges. Several of the Urliara who were carrying
Churinga met them, some going to either side, and some
going to the rear of the square. Then commenced the
swinging of the bull-roarers. The women on the tip-toe of
excitement lighted their fires, close to which were supplies of
long grass stalks and dry boughs. The LUpongwurra were
driven forwards into the bed of the river, pausing every now
“VAANMONOdUTII FHL AUAAO AYIA ONIMOWHL NAWOM aHL—'9L “DIA
350 INGA IEUIW IS, AIR INE TES) Oa (EIN IORVAIL, AMOS I IUALIUEL (Cia U AIP
and then as if reluctant to come any further on. Climbing
up the eastern bank, they halted about twenty yards from
the first group of women, holding their shields and boughs
of Eremophila over their heads, swaying to and fro and
shouting loudly “zhrr/ whrr/” The Panunga and Bulthara
women to whom they came first stood in a body behind their
fire, each woman, with her arms bent at the elbow and the
open hand with the palm uppermost, moved up and down on
the wrist as if inviting the men to come on, while she called
out “ kutta, kutta, kutta,’ keeping all the while one leg stiff,
while she bent the other and gently swayed her body. This
is a very characteristic attitude and movement of the women
during the performance of certain ceremonies in which they
take a part. After a final pause the //pongwurra came close
up to the women, the foremost amongst whom then seized
the dry grass and boughs, and setting fire to them, threw
them on to the heads of the men, who had to shield them-
selves, as best they could, with their boughs. The men with
the bull-roarers were meanwhile running round the J/ong-
wurra and the women, whirling them as rapidly as possible :
and after this had gone on for a short time, the Lllpongwurra
suddenly turned and went to the second group of women,
followed, as they did so, by those of the first, and here the
same performance was again gone through. Suddenly once
more the men wheeled round and, followed by both parties of
women who were now throwing fire more vigorously than
ever, they ran in a body towards the river. On the edge of
the bank the women stopped, turned round and ran back,
shouting as they did so, to their camp. The L/pongwurra
crossed the river bed and then ran on to the Engwura ground
where, sitting beside the Parra, was a man decorated for the
performance of an Unjiamba ceremony. Still holding their
shields, boomerangs,and boughs of Eremophila, they ran round
and round him shouting “zwha/ wha !” Then came a moment’s
pause, after which all the men commenced to run round the
Parra itself, halting in a body, when they came to the north
end to shout “wha! wha! whrr!” more loudly than before,
When this had been done several times they stopped, and
then each man laid down his shield and boomerangs
foal
and placed his boughs of Eremophila so that they all
formed a line on the east side of and parallel to the
Parra, at a distance of two yards from this. When this was
done the ///pongwurra came and first of all sat downin a row,
so that they just touched the opposite side of the Parra to
that on which the boughs were placed. In less than a
minute’s time they all lay down, in perfect silence, upon
their backs, quite close to one another, with each man’s head
resting on the Parra All save one or two old men moved
away, and these few stayed to watch the /épongwurra. For
some time not a sound was to be heard. None of them might
speak or move without the consent of the old men in. whose
charge they were. By means of gesture language one or two
of them asked for permission to go to the river and drink at
a small soakage which had been made in the sand. Ina
short time they returned, and then it was after dark before
they were allowed to rise. The sudden change from the
wild dance round the performer and the Parra, accompanied
by the loud shouting of the men whose bodies were half.
hidden by thick clouds of dust, which the strong light of
the setting sun illuminated, was most striking.
About nine o’clock the men got up and began the usual
singing, running sideways along by the Parra, shouting loudly
as they did so. Shortly before midnight a curious ceremony
was performed, which was associated with certain Oruncha
men of Imanda. There were four performers, and the
ceremony was divided into two parts. Three men were
engaged in the first and more important scene. A long hole,
just big enough to hold a man’s body, but not deep enough
to conceal it, was scooped out. In this, at full length, one of
the men lay while a second knelt down over his legs and the
third knelt at the head end. These two were supposed to be
Oruncha men, engaged in baking the man in the earth oven,
and each of them with two boomerangs imitated the action of
basting him and of raking the embers up over his body, whilst
he himself imitated admirably the hissing and spluttering
noise of cooking meat. After a few minutes the three got up
1 They have to lie down so that the Parra fis between them and the women’s.
camp, and the latter must always lie to the east of the Parra.
and joined the audience, and then out of the darkness—for the
fire beside the Parra served only to light up the ceremonial
ground—came a decorated man who was supposed to repre-
sent an Alcheringa man of the frog totem. He moved about
from spot to spot, sniffing as if he detected the smell of
cooking, but could not detect where it came from. After a
minute or two he joined the audience and the performance
stopped.
There was not much rest to be had that nicht; the
Mlpongwurra lay down again while the older men close to
them kept up an incessant singing, and at two o’clock all
were called up to witness the performance of a ceremony of
the wild cat totem, in which three men took part, who were
supposed to be performing an ordinary dancing festival or
altherta in the Alcheringa. Just at daybreak another cere-
mony was ready, which was again connected with the frog
totem of Imanda. It was performed by one of the oldest
men present, the old white bat man, and he was decorated to
represent a particular tree at Imanda, which suddenly appeared
full-grown on the spot, where an Alcheringa man of the frog
totem went into the ground ; it became the Nanja tree of the
spirit part of him which remained behind associated with his
Churinga.
It was now getting daylight. The leader decided upon
three Urizara, who were to accompany and take charge of the
Mlpongwurra during the day, and just after the sun rose they
were once more driven out of the Engwura ground amidst the
whirling of bull-roarers. The old men spent the day in camp
preparing two or three ceremonies, but reserving a somewhat
elaborate one for the benefit of the Ilpongwurra, who were
driven in at dusk by way of the women’s camp, where the fire-
throwing was repeated. Once more the ceremony of first
sitting and then lying down: by the Parra was enacted ; in
fact this was carried out every evening during the next two
weeks.
At midnight the Lilpongwurra were aroused to witness a
ceremony of the white bat totem. Eleven men—the greatest
number which we have seen taking part in any one of these
sacred ceremonies—were decorated, Ten of them stood in a
‘dNVO OL SNINYNLAY NAHM AUYVO ATHL HOIHM SAHSAA AHL
GaMOVLIS GUV HOIHM GNIHAd ‘VYUNVd AHL NO SGVAH WIGHL HLIM NMOG ONIAT VYXAMONOdTII AHI— ‘LZ ‘ola
row facing and parallel to the Parra, and they were all con-
nected together by a rope of human hair-string, which was
decorated with pink and white down, and was passed through
the hair waist-girdle of each man. Four of them had
Churinga on their heads, and were supposed to represent
special gum trees near to Imanda, the long rope being the
roots of the trees; the other six were supposed to be bats
resting in the trees. The eleventh man was free from the rope
and his decoration differed from that of the rest, who were
ornamented with white pipe-clay and red and white down,
while he hada long band of charcoal on each side of his body,
outlined with red down. He began dancing up and down in
front of the others, holding his body in a stooping position,
and making all the while a shrill whistling noise, like that
made by a small bat as it flies backwards and forwards. In
his hands he carried twigs which he rubbed together. The
ten men meanwhile moved in line, first to the right and then
to the left, and with the other man dancing in front of them
the whole formed a curious scene in the flickering light of the
camp fire. Ata signal from the leader of the Engwura two
men went out from the audience, each carrying a long spear
which was held behind the line of performers so as to touch
the back of each man—the signal for them to stop. Each
performer in turn touched with a piece of down first the
stomach of the leader, and then that of the old white bat man
to whom the ceremony belonged.
During the next day ceremonies were held as usual, but
there was no fire-throwing. At sunrise on the following
morning the //dpongwurra were driven out of camp to the
sound of bull-roarers, by way of the women’s camp, where
they again had fire thrown over them, and in the evening the
same ceremony was repeated when, just at sunset, they were
brought in to camp over the ranges on the eastern side.
The following day saw a slight change in the programme.
The ///pongwurra were taken out to the west, not going near to
the women’s camp. During the day news was brought in of
the death of a very old and very celebrated Razlichawa, or
medicine man, who lived far away out to the west. We were
assured that his death was due to the evil magic of a native
GYTTIVO SI GNOOW ONINNOAY SIHL fANOWAUNTO V AO SUANUNOAUAA AHL
GQNOOW VYYNMONOdTII AHL AO HONVa—'gf
who lived at a place called Owen Springs on the Hugh
River—an instance of the fact that the native is quite unable
to realise death from any natural cause, as the old man in
question had died simply from senile decay. The sounds of
wailing came all day long from the camp of the women,
who struck each other blows with their waddies and cut
themselves with knives.
During the day the old men performed ceremonies con-
cerned witha group of wild cat people who, in the Alcheringa,
marched out from the south of what is now Oodnadatta, and
then turned northwards and followed a track which led them
across the west part of the present Arunta country and through
certain spots such as Illamurta in the James Range. At
sunset the //pongwurra came in from the west and found two
ceremonies prepared, one belonging to the Bulthara and
Panunga men, to which they went first. After dancing round
the performer, who represented one of the Ulpmerka of the
plum-tree totem sitting at the foot of a Nurtunja, they came
to the second, which belonged to the Purula and Kumara.
This ceremony was associated with the frog totem of Imanda,
and was performed by two men, both of whom had Churinga
on their heads, and had their bodies decorated with patches
and lines of down representing frogs and roots of trees. First
the /pongwurra danced round them and then rushed off to
the Parra, round and round which they ran, raising clouds
of dust through which they could be dimly seen. After a
short pause and led by the two frog performers, who had
removed the Churinga from their heads and carried each two
boomerangs which they kept striking together, they ran across
the river to the women’s camp, where the fire-throwing was
performed in the usual way, after which the Mpongwurra
came back to camp and lay down beside the Parra.
W hen it was dark the men were arranged in a double line
close to the Parra, and then, with their bodies bent almost
double, their arms extended in front, and their hands clasped
together, they moved, first in one direction and then in the
other, parallel to the length of the mound, stamping on the
ground as they did so and shouting “wha! wha! whrrt”
at the top of their voices. This peculiar dance is one which
{ 9
eta
is especially performed by the members of the Ilpirra tribe
during the course of the Engwura, and as one or two Iipirra
men had come down to take part in this Engwura, it was
danced on this occasion. Just before midnight a wild cat
ceremony was performed, and it was not until early in the
morning that the dancing and singing ceased, and the
Lilpongwurra were allowed to take a little rest.
While the Z//pongwurra were out in the bush during the
next day they had to undergo the first of another form of fire
ordeal, an account of which will be given subsequently in
connection with its second performance. In camp the old
men performed a ceremony called the lIngwurninga inkinga,
which is associated with the emu totem of a spot close to
Imanda. The Quabara belongs to the Alatunja of the locality,
and he requested two men, one a Panunga of the snake, and
the other a Bulthara of the wild cat totem, to perform. Each
man was decorated with the usual head-dress, the front of
which, as well as their face and beard, was covered with white
down, while on each side of the body and extending down to
the knee, was a line of circular patches of charcoal edged with
white down. .These patches were supposed to represent
the skulls of slain and eaten men. The two performers were
called ulthana, that is, the spirits of dead men, and in this
instance they were supposed to have arisen from the bones of
two men who had been eaten. They came up from the creek
and remained at first crouching behind and hidden by a small
bush from the sight of the old men who gathered by the
Parra. Then they got up and came on, each of them bending
forwards and supporting himself by a stick in either hand, as
if they were decrepit old men who could hardly walk. For
some time they prowled about looking first to one side and
then to the other, as if they were in search of something ;
and, following an irregular course, came towards the Parra,
where the old men were seated beating the ground with
boomerangs,
At sunset the Lilpongwurra once more came in by way of
the women’s camp where the fire-throwing took place, and
then, on the Engwura ground, they stood in a long line beside
the Parra watching the performance of an emu ceremony,
which consisted in a man decorated with a tall head-dress
tipped with a bunch of emu feathers and having his body
The two performers are supposed to be men who have been killed and eaten and
come to life again. They are in search of their slayers. The circular patches
represent skulls of eaten men.
decorated with a large number of parallel lines of white down
walking backwards and forwards in the}aimless way of an emu.
That night was at last a quiet one, as every one seemed
to be getting somewhat exhausted. The next morning a fish
ceremony was performed, and at sunset when the W/pongwurra
came in—this time direct on to the Engwura ground—a
ceremony called the Quabara Ungamillia of Ulkni-wukulla was
prepared. Ungamillia is the evening star and Ulkni-wukulla
is the name of a spot close to a gap in the Macdonnell
Range, about fifteen miles to the west of Alice Springs.
Kumara woman of. that totem is supposed to have originated
and to have lived'there during the Alcheringa. The natives
say, “she had a Vurtunja and lived alone.” The woman’s name
was Auadaua, and there is now living near to Bond Springs a
woman who is the reincarnation of that particular individual.
The Alice Springs natives have a legend with regard to the
evening star, according to which it goes down every evening
into a big white stone at Ulkni-wukulla, where Auadaua sat in
the Alcheringa. The stone lies in the middle of a tract of:
country, which, just except this spot, belongs to the large
lizard people. If a woman imagines that a child enters her
when she is at that stone, then it is one of the spirit
individuals who belonged to one or other of the Churinga which
Auadaua carried with her and left behind when she went
into the earth, where the stone now stands ; and therefore the
child must belong to the evening star totem ; if, however, she
thinks it entered her in the bed of the creek close by, then it
belongs to the lizard totem.
Late at night an emu ceremony was performed, and the
whole evening was occupied until midnight in singing by the
Parra, the old men as before sitting in the midst of a large
circle of young men, all being huddled close together. On
occasions such as this the singing is always a monotonous
repetition of a few phrases such as “ the sand hills are good,”
“the Achilpa walked in the Alcheringa to Therierita,” “Bind
the Vurtunja round with rings and rings,” and so on; and itis
wonderful to see for how many hours they will continue,
without apparently their spirits flagging or their voices
becoming husky.
The next day, as the thermometer registered 114° in the
shade, it was too hot for even the old men to venture on a
performance until late in the afternoon, but as a fitting
close to a warm day the ///pongwurra were brought in by way
PURMANTHELINIG SOs ee
of the women’s camp, and on this occasion some of the men
as well as the women took a share in the fire-throwing,
scorching more than usual some of the less fortunate men
who did not efficiently shield themselves with boughs. On
the Engwura ground an Unjiamba ceremony was performed
when the ///pongwurra came across the river.
During the next two days various ceremonies of the
kangaroo, wild cat and bandicoot totems were performed, the
most important being a kangaroo one concerned with
Undiara near to the Finke river at Henbury. The Nurtunja
for this was made of twenty long spears lashed together and
reached a height of eighteen feet (Fig. 81). To it. were
attached fourteen Churinga, and the ceremony was performed
just at daylight. At night-time the singing was mainly con-
cerned with the putting up of the Kawaua or sacred pole, the
erection of which marked the close approach of the termination
of the Engwura.
In connection with one of the wild cat ceremonies a
somewhat curious performance took place. The Nurtunja
used represented one which in the Alcheringa had belonged
to wild cat men, who had at first stayed for some time close to
Imanda, and at a later time had carried it away with them
when they travelled northwards to a place called Arapera,
with which the ceremony now performed was associated. It
was made by men of the northern groups belonging to the
Bulthara and Panunga moiety, and, whilst it was being made,
no southern men were present. When it was completed, but
some time before the performance of the ceremony for use in
which it had been made, the northern men called up the
southern men and showed them the Nurtunja. One special
man who belonged to the wild cat group near to Imanda,
from which the Alcheringa Nurtunja had been originally
taken, was first of all embraced by one or two of the
northern men, and then led up to the Vurtunja, upon which his
hands were pressed. Then the leader of the Engwura, who
also belonged to Imanda, was similarly embraced, and his
hands placed on the Nurtunja, the idea being, so the natives
said, to assuage the grief of these men, which was caused by
the sight of a Nurtunja which had passed away from their
country, to; the morth and solinto the possession of another
group of wild cat people.
ne INITIATION CEREMONIES 303
The ceremonies now became more and more interesting,
though the exact meaning and significance of some of them
it isimpossible to state. The leader of the Engwura remained
in camp preparing, with the aid of the men of his locality, a
special sacred object which consisted of two large wooden
Churinga, each three feet in length. They were bound
together with human hair-string so as to be completely
concealed from view, and then the upper three quarters were
surrounded with rings of white down, put on with great care,
and so closely side by side, that when complete the appearance
of rings was quite lost. The top was ornamented with a tuft
of owl feathers. When it was made, it was carefully hidden
in the bed of the creek, so that none of the Lilpongwurra
could see it. This object is called the Ambilyerikirra.
Whilst this was being made, three of the older men, who
had been especially associated with the leader throughout the
ceremonies, had gone out of camp across the hills to the west,
and had cut down a young gum tree, the trunk of which was
about nine inches in diameter and some twenty feet in height.
This was to serve as the Kauaua, and it had to be cut down
with care, as it was not allowed to touch the ground until it
was brought on to the Engwura ground. The branches were
lopped off and it was stripped of its bark, and then, while the
Mlpongwurra were away in the bush, it was carried into camp
and placed out of sight in the bed of the creek.
As usual the W/pongwurra returned at sunset, coming in from
the west without, on this occasion, going to the women’s camp,
as the last fire-throwing ceremony by the women had been held.
At the northern end of the ground an Ulpmerka ceremony was
held, and then they came on to the Parra in front of which sat
the leader of the Engwura, supported on one side bya
Bulthara, and on the other by a Kumara man ; these two
were to assist him during the night. Perfect silence was
maintained while the men placed their branches of Eremophila
on the long heap which had been gradually accumulating, and
then came and lay down with their heads upon the Parra, the
ground in front of which had been dug up by the older men
during the day, so as to make it softer to lie upon.
Until shortly before nine o’clock perfect silence was main-
tained by the Mpongwurra, and even the old men only spoke
in low whispers, and then very rarely, as they moved quietly
about, the three men seated in front of the Lllpongwurra
remaining motionless and silent. Then a number of small
fires were made, and bundles of sticks, each one about two
feet long, were arranged in radiating groups with one end in
the fire. There would be from four to eight of these radiating
bundles in each of the fires. When the leader, who remained
seated, gave the signal, the old men told the Wpongwurra to
get up. This they did, while a few of the older men went
across the river to where the women and children were gathered
together, and stood amongst them, holding sticks and boughs
over their heads, and telling the women to do the same, and
to protect themselves as best they could. Then at a signal
from one of the old men on the Engwura ground, each of the
Llpongwurra took a bundle of fire-sticks, and in a body they
went towards the river. On the bank they broke up and
rushed pell-mell across the bed and on up the opposite bank,
dividing, as they ran across the level stretch between the
river and the women’s camp, into three parties, one going to
each side of the women and one to the front of them.
When they were twenty yards away from where the women
stood, and still running on, all, at a given signal, hurled their
fire-sticks in rapid succession over the heads of the women and
children ; hundreds of them whizzed like rockets through the
darkness ; the loud shouting of the men, the screaming of the
women and children, and the howling of scores of dogs
produced a scene of indescribable confusion. Suddenly all
once more became dark, the men turned back, and, running as
rapidly as they could, crossed the river and reached the Parra,
where they again laid themselves down, and once more there
was perfect silence inthe camp. They were not again allowed
to move under any pretext. While they were away the
leader, who had remained on the Engwura ground, had taken
the Amézlyertkirra in his hands, and with his arms linked in
those of his supporters, he lifted the former up and down
without any cessation, save for a few seconds at a time, during
the whole night. When the /pongwurra returned from their
fire-throwing, he was hidden from their view by a group of
‘old men who sat down in front of him, so that they did not
actually see him until morning.
All night long the ///pongwurra lay silent. One old man
who had been told off to watch them, walked backwards and
forwards along the line, now and then joining in the singing
which, after a short time, was started by the old men, but in
which the //pongwurra took no part, or halting in his walk to
whisper instructions or information about the Alcheringa to
one or other of the young men. There was very little rest to
be had, the monotonous rising and falling of the A mbilyerikirra
went on without ceasing, as also did the singing of the old
men, the aged white bat being particularly prominent.
Shortly after five o’clock the Lpongwurra, who had been
instructed by the old men keeping watch over them what
they had to do, were roused. Then, for the first time since
nine o’clock on the previous evening—that was after a stretch
of eight hours’ duration—the leader and the two men sup-
porting him ceased from lifting the Ambzlyerikirra up and
down. There was little wonder that they looked tired and
haggard, but even yet their work was not quite done. Getting
up, they moved to the north end of the Parra, the two sides-
men still retaining hold of the leader’s arms. The Lllpong-
wurra went to the line of wet¢a and, having taken boughs of
this, arranged themselves so as to form a solid square behind
the leaders.5 Mosteef the older/men ‘remained on the
Engwura ground, from which one of them, the watcher over
the /d/pongwurra, shouted instructions across to the women,
The main party, headed by the three men bearing the
Ambiyerikirra, and accompanied by a few of the older men,
moved in the form of a solid square out from the Engwura
ground, over the river and up the opposite bank to where the
women stood grouped together. All stood beckoning to the
men to come on in the way already described, and at the
same time they called quietly “kutta, kutta, kutta.”’ The
party approached slowly and in perfect silence, and when
within ftve yards of the front rank of the women, the men
who carried the Ambilyerikirra threw themselves headlong
on ‘the ground, hiding the sacred object from view. No
sooner had they done this than the Llipongwurra threw them-
selves on the top, so that only the heads of the three men
could be seen projecting beyond the pile of bodies, Then,
after remaining thus for two minutes, the /Zpongwurra got
up and formed into a square facing away from the women,,
after which the three leaders rapidly jumped up, turned their
backs on the women, and were hustled through the square
which they then led back to the Engwura ground, and with
this the Ambzlyerikirra ceremony came to an end.
As will be noticed, there are three leading incidents ; the
first is the throwing of fire-sticks over the women, the second
the lying down of the /pongwurra all night without moving,
while the Ambdzlyerikirra, incessantly rising and falling, is
held upright before them ; the third is the carrying across of
the sacred Churinga to the women’s camp.
All that the natives can say in explanation of this is that
the rushing across to the women’s camp represents an attack
by a party of wild cat men, who are ///pongwurra and not yet
made Urliara, upon another party, and that the lying down
quietly in front of the Amédzlyertkirra represents the “ taming “
of the wild Z//pongwurra under the influence of the sacred
Churinga. They also say that if from any cause the
strength of the men who are lifting up and down the
Churinga should fail, then the ///pongwurra will die. They
have no idea as to what is the meaning of the third incident
—the carrying over of the Churinga to the women’s camp.
Whilst any explanation must at best be a mere conjecture,
it is perhaps worth while suggesting that the whole ceremony
may be commemorative of a reformatory movement which must
at one time have taken place in the tribe in regard to the
question of cannibalism. Traces of this still linger on, but
only traces, and two or three of the ceremonies which had
been performed during the few days immediately preceding
that of the Ambilyerikirra seem to show that at a much
earlier time it was practised to a much greater extent. The
natives say that the idea of attacking another party, as
represented in the first incident, is connected with eating
the men who were killed. This, taken in conjunction with
the fact that the second incident indicates a taming of the
wild men whose natures are thereby made less flerce, may
perhaps point back to a time when some powerful man,
or group of men, introduced a reformation in regard to the
habit of cannibalism. The Asmbilyeribirra is a ceremony of
the Unchichera or frog totem, the Imanda centre of which
is one of the most important in the tribe, as close by are also
local centres of the Achilpa or wild cat the Elkintera or
white bat, and the Unchipera or little bat totems. Engwuras
were held in the Alcheringa, and one tradition relates how,
while the frog people, aided by the white bats and the little
bats, were holding one at Imanda, the Achilpa gathered there
also and took part in it, and were made Urliara by the
Unchichera men, after which they started on their travels to
the north.
One important feature of the Engwura is that it is
supposed to make the men who pass through it more kindly
natured, and perhaps we have in the few traditions bearing
upon the point sufficient evidence to warrant the conjecture
that the Unchichera men whom we know to have formed an
influential totem introduced the reformatory movement in the
matter of cannibalism. If so it will explain the fact of the
IX INITIATION CEREMONIES 36g
Ambilyertkirra ceremony being associated with the Unchichera
totem, and we can see why the wild Lilpongwurra who rush
with fire-sticks over to attack the women should be represented
as Achilpa men who have not been made into Uriiara.
The third incident, though the natives can give no
explanation of it, may possibly be capable of being explained
somewhat as follows. It takes place after the taming of the
wild J/pongwurra, who are, it will be noticed, led across,
following the old men and the sacred Churinga by means of
which their natures are supposed to have been changed.
Instead of on this occasion attacking the strange party, they
fall down in front of them as if to show that their fierce
nature has been changed. The showing of the Amdzlyerikirra
to the women is very difficult to understand, but in this
instance it may be pointed out that they are supposed to
represent the members of a strange camp, men and women
included, not merely women, and, further, that they represent
individuals of the Alcheringa, living at a time when women
not only saw but carried about with them Churinga and
Nurtunjas. At the Engwura, when the men are living
together separated from the women, if there is to be a strange
party for the ///pongwurra to attack, it must be composed of
the women, to whom the whole affair is a matter of the
deepest mystery, which is probably not a little heightened by
the small part which, every now and then, they are allowed to
take in it. They do not actually see the Churinga, though
doubtless the older ones amongst them are quite aware of the
nature of the Amdbzlyer:kirra, but that it is a most unusual
occurrence is emphasised by the fact that the moment the
men come close to the women they fall flat down so as
completely to hide from view the sacred object, and when
they arise they rapidly turn round and are immediately
surrounded by the other men.
At the fire-throwing in the women’s camp it will have been
noticed that the men who carry the Churinga actually go close
up to the women and children, but the Churinga are kept in
such rapid and continual movement that there is no chance of
their being actually seen ; still there remains the fact that on
these two occasions women are present when Churinga are
used, whereas there is no doubt whatever that the most severe
punishment follows even the accidental seeing of one of them
by a woman under any other circumstance. We could get no
explanation whatever from the natives in regard to the matter,
except the inevitable one that it had always been so in the
Alcheringa ; and it can only be added that, as a matter of fact,
what little the women do see simply serves to add to their
mystification.
It was still early morning when the Lilpongwurra returned to
the Engwura ground from the women’s camp, and, just after
sunrise, they were sent out with instructions to remain away
for two days. In camp everything was quiet, as the night had
been an exhausting one, and no one, except perhaps one or
two of the younger ones, had had any sleep. During the day
about thirty short sticks made out of gum-tree wood were
prepared. Each was about an inch in diameter and from Six
to nine inches in length. They were carefully rubbed with
red ochre, and then later on in the day the leader hid them in
the loose soil forming the Parra mound. These sticks are
called Unchichera irrunpa, they may not be seen by women,
and are supposed to represent young frogs. When it became
dark theolder men assembled by the Parra from which the sticks
were taken, as if they were frogs hiding in the ground, as most
of the Central Australian species do, and then, accompanied
by the continuous clunk, clunk of the sticks, the one held in
the right hand being allowed to fall upon the one in the left,
the men sang for two or three hours.
On the next day, while the Llipongwurra were all far away
out in the bush, the sacred pole, or Kauaua, was first of all
ornamented and then erected in the middle of the ceremonial
ground. It had been lying all night in the bed of the creek,
where the preparations for ceremonies were made, and in the
morning the men who had brought it in began to decorate it.
First of all one of these men, a Kumara, bled himself, opening
for the purpose a vein in his arm, From this he allowed
blood to flow until there was enough to fill five times over the
haft of a shield. This was quite the equivalent of five half pints,.
and, as if that were not enough, he ended by walking slowly
once up and down by the side of the pole, allowing the blood.
to spurtle over it in the form of a thin stream. He did not
seem to be any the worse for the loss of so much blood ; in
fact, during the whole Engwura, an astonishing quantity was
used, and the natives appeared to think nothing whatever
about it, no one objecting for a moment to open a vein in his
arm or, just as frequently, to obtain it from the subincised
1B 1 2
urethra, these being the two parts from which the blood is
obtained. The blood in the shields was then smeared with a
small brush, made of a stick and opossum fur-string wound
round one end, on to the pole, until the latter was reddened
all over, and, being upwards of twenty feet in length, it took,
as may be imagined, a considerable amount. Then to the top
was affixed a large bunch of eagle-hawk feathers; white Chilara
or head-bands were tied round under this; then Alpita tail
tips were suspended in two bunches, one on either side, and
just below the C/z/ara a long nose bone was attached,—in fact
the decoration was just that of a human head. Then a few
Churinga, which might be of any totem, were strung on near
to the top, and the pole thus decorated was brought on to the
ground." A hole was dug two feet deep by means of a
pointed digging stick, and in this it was firmly implanted at a
distance of about six yards from the Parra and opposite to the
middle of the mound.
In the early part of the afternoon of this day the J//-
pongwurra had to submit themselves for the second time to
an ordeal by fire. A secluded spot amongst the ranges some
two miles away from Alice Springs was selected, and here,
while the young men rested by the side of a water-hole in the
bed of the Todd, the Urliara, who were in charge of them,
went to the chosen spot and made a large fire of logs and
branches about three yards in diameter. Then the young
men, of whom forty were present, were called up, and putting
green bushes on the fire they were made to lie down full
length upon the smoking boughs, which prevented them from
coming into contact with the red-hot embers beneath. The
heat and smoke were stifling, but none of them were allowed
to get up until they received the permission of the Urliara.
After they had all been on once, each one remaining for about
four or five minutes on the fire, the old men came to the
conclusion that they must repeat the process, and so making
up the fire again, they were once more put on in the midst of
dense clouds of smoke, one of the older men lifting up the
green boughs at one side with a long pole so as to allow of the
* The possible significance of the Kanaua is dealt with in connection with the
description of the decoration of objects used during sacred ceremonies, Chap. XIX,
access of air and ensure the smouldering of the leaves and
green wood. There was no doubt as to the trying nature of
the ordeal, as, apart from the smoke, the heat was so great
that, after kneeling down on it to see what it was like, we got
up as quickly as possible, and of course the natives had
no protection in the way of clothes.
When this was over, the ///gongwurra rested for an hour by
the side of the waterhole, for the day was a hot one, the
thermometer registering 110°5° F. in the shade, ceneh fey! Jaleutel
the sun, while the ceremony was in progress.
‘Later on in the afternoon they came into camp and
witnessed the last of the ceremonies prior to the final fire
ceremony which was to take place in the women’s camp.
Two men, one a Purula of the emu totem and the other a
“I
Kumara of the little bat totem, performed a Quabara_ belong-
ing to the frog totem of Imanda. Each was decorated on
the head and body with longitudinal bands of white down
while the Purula man carried a Churinga five feet long on his
head. The /Mpongwurra having put down their shields,
boomerangs, and boughs of ze/ta, stood in a long line by
the side of the Parra facing the Kauaua, which they now saw
for the first time. Then the two performers came up from
the bed of the creek which lay on the Opposite side of the
ground, the man with the Churinga walking behind the other
one and carrying a shield at his back. Both at first adopted
the high knee action, but when about thirty feet from the
Kauaua, the front man suddenly knelt down and then moved
forward, jumping on his knees with his hands behind his back.
The idea is that the front man was a frog which suddenly
jumps out of a tree, the latter being one of the special gum-
trees growing at Imanda. When this was over the Lllpong-
wurra lay down by the side of the Parra for two or three
hours.
After dark a dozen or more fires were lighted around the
base of the Kawaua, and around these the men were grouped,
each ab-moara amongst the elder men taking charge of and
decorating his protégés. That night no one in either the
men’s or the women’s camp went to sleep. On the opposite
side of the river to the Engwura ground, the light of the
women’s camp fires could be seen flickering amongst the trees,
All night long also the old men kept shouting across to the
women, who answered back again, and the scene was one of
great excitement. An old man would shout out, “ What are
you doing?” and the women would answer, “ Weare making a
fre.” “What are you going to do with the fire?” to which the
reply would come, “We are going to burn the men.” Then
the old men would dare the women to come across into the
Engwura camp; one ancient Panunga man was especially
active in calling to his Mura woman, to whom under ordinary
circumstances it would not be permissible for him to speak in
this way, calling her by name and saying, “ Urliwatchera, are
you there?” and she would answer, “Yes, I'am here; what is
it?” and then he would call out to her to come across. The
‘20.1 & ‘ssaIp-pRay SIY UL PBULANYD 95rL[ VY} ILA ouO oy} pu “Soy v syuasoidar soouy SITY UO sUO Jy
‘srauttojiad OM] YI JQ. “‘vRDNDY IY) Spreao} Sulovy puv vareg ayy Jo apis oy Aq uty e ur Surpuvys ore patnarsuogy 7 WWI,
“men would ask the women derisively if they were going to
send the Kurdattcha after them, and, indeed, this kind of
badinage was kept up at intervals all night long. In the
women’s camp all were gathered together at one spot, and
here, side by side, the Panunga and Bulthara women on the
one hand, and the Purula and Kumara on the other, dug out,
each of them, a shallow pit about two yards in diameter, and
in each of these, towards daybreak, they made a fire.
In the Engwura camp it was a busy and also a picturesque
scene. The leader had, during the day, consulted the older
men who were especially associated with him, and it had
been decided what brands should be painted on the various
young men. Each brand was distinctive of some special
totem, but the most striking point in connection with the
painting was that the brand of any particular individual had
no relationship of necessity to his own totem, or to that of
the man who painted him. It was purely a matter of what
the old men, and especially the leader of the Engwura,
decided upon. The following cases will illustrate the point :—
A Panunga man of the snake totem decorated an Umbitchana
man of the plum tree totem with a brand of the frog totem.
A Kumara man of the wild cat totem painted a Bulthara
man of the emu totem with a brand of the kangaroo totem.
An Appungerta man of the witchetty grub totem painted
an Umbitchana man of the wild cat totem with a brand of
the Hakea totem, :
A Kumara man of the little bat totem painted an
Appungerta man of the bandicoot totem with a brand of the
frog totem.
A Bulthara man of the wild cat totem painted a Purula
man of the native pheasant totem with a brand of the same
totem, this being the only instance in which a man was painted
with a brand of his Own totem, and the old men said that
there was no special reason for its being done in this special
case,
A Purula man of the emu totem painted an Uknaria man
of the lizard totem with a brand of the frog totem,
decorated, and still more for the total absence of any between
the man who was decorated and the totem with a brand of
which he was decorated, we could find out no reason what-
ever. Certainly the natives have no idea why it is so.
The materials used in the painting were charcoal, red and
yellow ochre, white pipeclay and wad. In some few cases
bands of wad edged with white down were drawn on the
chest, but in almost all cases the totemic brand was confined
to the back, so that, as the Lilpongwurra might neither speak
to, nor in the presence of, their @4-1moara men who were doing
the painting—a rule strictly observed during the decorating—
none of the men, unless they could detect it by the feel, were
aware of what design they were personally branded with,
though each one could of course see the brands on the other
men. The arms of each man were tightly encircled with
bands of £ulchia made of opossum fur-string, which had been
Specially spun by men and women for the purpose. Every
man wore his waist-girdle, and the forehead bands were
painted up for the occasion. A characteristic ornament
always worn on this occasion was a necklet, called zwupira,
consisting of a single thick strand of well-greased and red-
ochred fur-string, one end of which hung down the middle of
the back as far as the waist, and terminated in a little tuft of
kangaroo-rat tail tips. Tufts of the latter were also suspended
over either ear.
It was five o’clock in the morning before the painting was
complete. Then, having shouted across to the women that all
was ready, the leader of the Engwura went and broke through
the middle of the Parra, and then through the line of boughs,
Each of the ab-moara men then led his protégés round the
' Parra, all singing out « whrr, whrr,? as they ran round for the
last time. When all had been round, the men grouped
themselves at the base of the Kauaua, and then, in perfect
silence, the whole party walked in single file through the break
that when grouped round the Kauaua, and looking towards the women, the men
face eastwards, the Parra lying between them and the women. The direction jin
the various wandering group of Achilpa travelled north and south ; the facing of
the men towards the east has nothing to do with the rising of the sun.
‘dues s,uatu0M ay] 07 Lea May} UO ssed 0} Jnoqe 318 VAAMALSUO~[ZT A} opeUl sNYy Sutuado oy
ysnoryi pue ‘Cuowa1a9 oy} Jo 1apeey ay} Aq ysnory} uayorq useq aavy Aoy} + Usas or¥ saysnq Jo oul] puw MLN IU} punoisser0; ay} ut
‘VAVOAVM FHL GNNOWU GAYAHLVD VAYAYAMONOdTTII AHL—'S8 “O14
in the Parra and the line of bushes, each ab-moara leading
his own men, all linked hand in hand. It was a most
picturesque scene in the early morning light, for the sun had
not yet risen, as the men filed down into the sandy bed of the
river, on which they formed a long string reaching across from
one bank to the other. On the opposite side they halted
about fifty yards from the group of women and children who
were standing behind the two fires, which were now giving off
dense volumes of smoke from the green bushes which had
been placed on the red-hot embers. The women, bending
one leg while they slightly swayed the body, and beckoned
the men forwards with their hands, kept calling “kutta, kutta,
kutta.” First of all one ab-moara man with his Llpongwurra
ran forwards, taking a semicircular course from the men
towards the women, and then back again. After each of
them had done this, then in turn they led their men, running,
up to the fires, and on one or other of these the Lilpongwurra
knelt down, the Panunga and Bulthara men on the fire made
by the Purula and Kumara women, and vzce versa, while the
women put their hands on the men’s shoulders and pressed
them down. In this way the performance was rapidly gone
through, not a word being spoken when once the ceremony
had begun, each man simply kneeling down in the smoke for
at most half a minute. In less than half an hour all was
over ; the women remained for a short time behind their fires.
and then dispersed, and the men, in silence, marched back to:
their camp on the Engwura ground, where the newly-made
Urliara grouped themselves around the Kauaua. With this
the ceremonies on the Engwura ground came to a close ; the
Kauaua was taken down and dismantled, all traces of the blood
being rubbed off; the Churinga were sorted out and returned
to their respective owners,
The older men now returned to their camps, but the newly-
made Urliara men had still to remain out in the bush until
the performance of a ceremony at which the ban of silences
between them and. their ab-moara men was removed. The
Engwura. ground was deserted, and for months afterwards it
must not be visited by women and children, to whom it was.
Strictly, ekévinja, or forbidden,
The fifth phase may be described very shortly. When
the old men return to their camps and the newly-made
Urliara go out into the bush, one or more ordinary dancing
festivals take place. A special one associated with this
period is a woman’s dance. At night the men and women
all assemble in the main camp. A few, perhaps six or eight
of the men, are painted with bands of ochre, and the dance
opens with these men, one after the other, coming out of
the darkness into the light of the camp fire behind which a
group of men and women are seated, beating time with
sticks and boomerangs on the ground and singing a corrob-
boree song. As each man approaches the fire he looks about
him as if in search of some one, and then, after a short time,
sits down amongst the audience. After the men have
separately gone through this short performance a number
of young women, who have been waiting out of sight of the
fire, come near. Each one is decorated with a double horse-
shoe-shaped band of white pipe-clay which extends across
the front of each thigh and the base of the abdomen. A
flexible stick is held behind the neck and one end grasped
by each hand. Standing in a group the women sway slightly
from side to side, quivering in a most remarkable fashion, as
they do so, the muscles of the thighs and of the base of the
abdomen. The object of the decoration and movement is
evident, and at this period of the ceremonies a general
interchange, and also a lending of, women takes place, and
visiting natives are provided with temporary wives, though
on this occasion in the Arunta tribe the woman allotted
to any man must be one to whom he is wnuawa, that is,
who is lawfully eligible to him as a wife. This woman’s
dance, which is of the most monotonous description possible
goes on night after night for perhaps two or three weeks, at
the end of which time another dance is commenced. By the
time that this is over, or perhaps earlier still, for there is no
fixed time, the final ceremonies commence in connection with
the newly-made Urlzara. Each of them has to bring in an
offering of food to his ab-moara man. Under ordinary cir-
cumstances such a food-offering is called chaurzlia, but this
particular one is called ertwa-kirra, that is, man’s meat.
When the present has been made, the @d-smoara man either
performs, or else requests some one else to perform, a sacred
ceremony which belongs to himself. These ceremonies are
of the nature of those already described, and the description
of one or two. will suffice to illustrate the nature of them
all. A Panunga man of the lizard totem brought in a wallaby
as ertwa-kirra to his ab-moara, who was a Purula man
of the emu totem. It need hardly be said that the food
brought in belongs neither to the totem of the giver nor
to that of the recipient. The latter in this instance prepared
a ceremony of the wild cat totem in a secluded spot amongst
the ranges away from the Engwura ground. A remarkable
feature in connection with this and other of these special
ceremonies concerned with the offering of food was the
sprinkling of the older men with blood drawn from the arms
of the younger men, not necessarily from the younger man
who was making the offering. Early in the morning of the
day on which the ceremony was performed, one of the young
men had opened a vein in his arm and had allowed the blood
to flow out in a thin stream over the bodies of four of the
older men who were present, including the @b-moara man
to whom the food was being given. Some of the blood had
been allowed to flow into their open mouths, the idea being
to strengthen the older men at the expense of the younger
ones, and it had trickled down and over their bodies in thin
streams and had dried up. The ceremony itself was of the
usual description, and was accompanied by the dancing round
of the young men who came running into the narrow defile
in which it was held, and where the decorated men were
waiting for them. When it was over, the men all grouped
themselves close together and began singing, while the elder
ab-moara man took a bunch of feathers which had been
used as part of the decoration and touched with it the
mouths of all those present, By means of this action, which
is called Aralkalilima, the ban of silence was broken. Some-
times, as in this Casem apart of the decoration of some
individual was used; at others, when one had been used
in the ceremony, a Nurtunja was brushed against the mouths
of the men present, and in many, but not all cases, not only
exe INITIATION CEREMONIES 383
the mouth of the man who was being released from the
ban was touched, but also that of all the men who happened
to be present. When this part was over, the man who
was receiving the food sat down together with the older
men, and then the young man, or perhaps two or three
together who were making the presentation, went back to
the spot at which the food had been deposited, and, bringing
it in, placed it before the ad-moara man and then sat down
close in front of him. After singing for a minute or two
the old man took up the food, and holding it, or a frag-
ment of it, in his hands, placed it against the mouth of the
young man or men. In this way, after the lapse of some time,
the ceremonies of the Engwura were brought to a close.
In another of these ceremonies of 4 ralkalilima, a wild cat
Quabara, belonging to a place called Atnyraungwuramunia,
was performed by two men, one an Apungerta of the
witchetty grub totem, and the other his son, a Panunga of the
Irriakura totem, the object being to release from the ban
of silence two Purula men, who were aéd-moara to the first-
named. man. For use in the ceremony a Nurtunja was made,
and during the making only the xakrakia of the performers
were present. The ceremony itself, with the performers
squatting at the base of the Nurtunja, was much as usual,
the crowd who took part in the running round comprising
all classes. One of the ab-moara men carried his ertewa-kirra
offering in his hands as he ran round, the other left his
some distance away. The performance came to an end by
the ab-moara men suddenly squatting down behind the per-
formers. All then stood up, and one of the Purula men
offered his ertzva-kirra, having done which he and all the other
Purula and Kumara men moved to one side, forming a group
with the two ab-moara men in the centre. The old man
now lifted out the Nurtunja, and all the men belonging to
his moiety of the tribe stood in two lines with the Nurtunja
held horizontally between them, every man supporting it
with his hands and lifting it slowly up and down while they
sang, and at the same time gradually approached the other
group of men. The front rank of the latter now opened
out, leaving the two ab-moara Purula men in front of the
Nurtunja. Still singing, and with an occasional] “ wah! wah!”
the faces of the two men, but of none of the others, were
stroked with the Nurtunja, after which the latter was again
replaced in the ground, and for some minutes they continued
to sing of the Nurtunja and Kauaua of the Alcheringa. This
ceremony is one of those which for some reason has special
associations with one moiety of the tribe, and during its
The following ceremony is of interest in one or two respects.
It was performed on the occasion of an offering of ertea-
kirra made by two men, one a Panunga and the other an
Uknaria, who were ab-moara to a Kumara man, and com-
prised’ two separate performances. The first of these was
concerned with the Unchipera or small bat totem, and the
performer personated a man carrying about the body of a
dead man which he intended to eat, and which was repre-
sented by a semi-circular structure made of grass stalks
bound round with fur-string, which is called A/fnuta, and is
supposed to be emblematic of the limp body. The second
part of the ceremony was concerned with the Elkintera or
white bat totem, and one of the two performers also carried
one of these Aznuta objects, representing a dead man, on his
head. When the two performances were over, the three
performers, one of whom was the Kumara man to whom the
offering was being made, stood up, and the ceremony of
Aralkalilima was performed, the Atnuta being used to stroke
the mouth of the ad-moara men. This over, the performers
Cre
sat round the ertzwa-kzrra, but the difficulty arose that the man
to whom the offering was being made was Gammona of one
of the ab-moara men, and for a Gammona to receive food from
his /euntera (in this case a tribal father-in-law) is contrary to
custom. To obviate this difficulty the Gammona man turned
his back on the food while his /kuntera came up, tore a small
piece of meat off, and with it rubbed the Gammona’s mouth,
and then thrust it into the latter, thus for the time being
removing the tabu.
A man is not supposed to come into the presence of his
ab-moara until such time as he has made an offering of
ertwa-kirra to the latter, and if it be inconvenient to the
ab-moara man to perform a Quabara and go through the
whole Avavkalilima ceremony, he performs a minor ceremony
called Anazntalilima which, though not releasing a man from
the ban of silence, permits him to come into the presence of
the ad-moara. In this case a messenger is sent :to the
ab-moara asking him to come and receive ertwa-kirra. He
goes to a certain spot—there is no particular place but it
must be out of sight of the main camp so that the proceedings
cannot be witnessed by women and children—and there he
sits down and powders up some red ochre, which he places
beside him on a shield. The man brings up the offering of
meat (sometimes there may be more than one man), places it
on the ab-moara’s lap, and then kneels down close in front.
Not a word is spoken, but the ab-moara gravely rubs him all
over with red ochre. The ban of silence is not removed, but
he may now go into the presence of his ad-moara, by whom at
some future time a sacred ceremony will be performed, and
the ban removed in the usual way. This second ceremony
will probably, though not of necessity, entail a second offering
of ertwa-kirra and very often a hint is conveyed from the
old ab-moara that such an offering will facilitate matters,
Chapter 10
The early, middle and later Alcheringa—The early Alcheringa—Transformation
of the Zvafertwa creatures into human beings by the Ungambthila—Tradition
referring to the U/pmerka of the plum tree totem—The two lizard men kill
the Oruncha at Simpson Gap—Marital relations not restricted by totem in
the Alcheringa—The middle Alcheringa—The Ullakupera men and their
stone knives—Introduction by them of circumcision by means of a stone knife
Endeavour of the Utiara men to secure stone knives—Wanderings of the
Ullakupera from Atnaturka to Utiara—The Ullakupera transform J/7afertwa
into human beings and give them class names—An old Echidna man dis-
approves of the use of stone knives—The men of the Elonka totem who had
not been circumcised by the Usganbikula are operated on and made into
Arakurta—The Echidna mutilates and kills the last man on whom the Ulla-
kupera were about to operate—He is himself killed, and the spears which
were thrown into his body are represented by the spines of the Echidna—In
consequence of this there are no more Echidna men and women—The Ulla-
kupera men march on, and another Echidna man murders one upon who
they were about to operate, and is killed—The murdered man comes to life
again—End of the Ullakupera wanderings—The wanderings of the Achilpa or
wild cat people and the introduction by them of the ceremony of sub-incision
—The first group of wild cat people start from the east sidesand travel north
The wild cat men feed on Hakea flower and drink their own blood—They
join a party of plum tree men, die, and come to life again as U/pmerka of the
plum tree totem—The second group of wild cat people—Divides into two
groups, one of which travels north by way of Imanda on the Hugh River, and
then on beyond the Macdonnell Ranges to a spot at which they are all drowned
in blood by a wild cat man—The third group travels to the west of the second
group, crosses the Macdonnell Ranges, reaches the centre cf the continent,
and there the men die—The fourth party travels still further to the west,
crosses the Macdonnell Ranges, and journeys on to the north until the Salt
Water country is reached—The later Alcheringa—Restrictions with regard to
marriage in the middle Alcheringa—Men and women of the same totem living
together—The emu people establish the present class system—Outline of
stages supposed to have been passed through in the development of the social
organisation, &c., according to tradition.
WE have hitherto spoken of the Alcheringa in general
terms, using the word to denote the whole period during which
the mythical ancestors of the present Arunta tribe existed.
In reality the traditions of the tribe recognise four more
or less distinct periods in the Alcheringa. During the first
Ce 2
of these men and women were created ; in the second the rite
of circumcision by means of a stone knifewin ye place Ofea
fire-stick, was introduced; in the third the rite of Avzltha
or sub-incision was introduced, and in the fourth the present
organisation and marriage system of the tribe were established.
The second and third periods are, however, by no means sharply
defined, and to a certain extent they are contemporaneous, or
rather they overlap one another.
We may speak of these periods as the early, the middle
(comprising the second and third), and the later Alcheringa.
The earliest tradition with which we are acquainted is
as follows. In the early Alcheringa the country was covered
with salt water (Kwatcha alia). This was gradually with-
drawn towards the north by the people of that country
who always wanted to get it and to keep it for themselves.
At last they succeeded in doing so, and the salt water has
remained with them ever since. At this time there dwelt
in the Alkira aldorla, that is the western sky, two beings of
whom it is said that they were Ungambikula, a word which
means “out of nothing,” or “ self-existing.” From their
elevated dwelling-place they could see, far away to the east, a
number of /zapertwa creatures,” that is rudimentary human
beings or incomplete men, whom it was their mission to make
into men and women.
In those days there were no men and women, and the
Lnapertwa were of various shapes and dwelt in groups along
by the shores of~the salt water. They had no distinct
limbs or organs of sight, hearing or smell, and did not
eat food, and presented the appearance of human beings all
doubled up into a rounded mass in which just the outline
of the different parts of the body could be vaguely seen.
Coming down from their home in the western sky, armed
with their Lalira or great stone knives, the Ungambikula took
1 Though it is scarcely credible that there can be any tradition relating to a time
* In the Report of the Horn Expedition, vol. iv., p. 184, this word was written
Inaperlwa, and translated “Echidna,” or ‘ Native Porcupine.” The spelling
and explanation now given are the correct ones,
hold of the /vapertwa, one after the other, First of all the arms
were released, then the fingers were added by making four
clefts at the end of each arm; then legs and toes were added
in the same way. The figure could now stand, and after this
the nose was added and the nostrils bored with the fingers.
A cut with the knife made the mouth, which was pulled open
several times to make it flexible. A slit on each side
separated the upper and lower eye-lids, hidden behind which
the eyes were already present, another stroke or two com-
pleted the body, and thus, out of the /uapertwa, men and
women were formed.
These /nvapertwa creatures were in reality stages in the
transformation of various animals and plants into human
beings, and thus they were naturally, when made into human
beings, intimately associated with the particular animal or
plant, as the case may be, of which they were the transforma-
tions—in other words, each individual of necessity belonged to
‘a totem the name of which was of course that of the animal
or plant of which he or she was a transformation. This
tradition of the Ungambzkula only refers to a certain number
of totems, or rather to a certain number of local groups of
individuals belonging to particular totems; in the case of
others such as, for example, the Udnirringita or witchetty
grub totem, there is no tradition relating to the /napertwa
stage. The Ungambikula made into men /napertwa who
belonged to the following totems :—Akakia or plum tree,
Inguitchika or grass seed, Echunpa or large _ lizard,
Erliwatchera or small lizard, Atninpirichira or Alexandra
parakeet, and Untania or small rat. In the case of all
except the first they also performed the rite of Lartna or
circumcision by means of a fire-stick.
The same tradition relates that, after having performed
their mission, the Ungambikula transformed themselves into
little lizards called Amunga-quiniaguinia, a word derived
from amunga a fly and guintaguinia to snap up quickly.
There is no reason given for this, and in no other tradition do
we meet with either the Ungamdikula or the special kind of
lizard into which they changed.
In the case of a group of plum tree men who lived at a
spot called Quiurnpa,! which is associated with many traditions
and in the case also of certain of the Unguitchika (grass seed
totem) men, the Ungambikula first of all made them into
human beings but did not circumcise them, so that they
were what the natives call Ud/pmerka,—the term applied to
boys before this rite has been performed upon them, ale
Ungambikula, so the tradition goes on to say, intended to
return and complete the work, but they were annoyed by the
behaviour of certain Oruncha, that is “devil-devil ” men, who
lived at a place called Atnuraquina, which is near to a gap
in the Macdonnell Range now called Temple Bar. These
evil beings killed and ate a lot of lizard men and women
whom they had made out of Inapertwa, so they did not
return, and therefore the plum tree people of Quiurnpa, and
one or two other groups of men and women, remained in the
State of Ulpmerka or uninitiated. The same Oruncha ate
a number of Alexandra parakeet, grass seed and small
rat people. Of the lizard men only two survived the
slaughter. They were brothers (how they came to be so the
tradition does not say) and the younger of the two, together
with his wife, was away down south when the slaughter took
place. Upon his return he at once saw the tracks of the
Oruncha, and being frightened he placed his wife, who
was also a lizard, in the centre of his Llpilla, which is
the large bundle of eagle-hawk feathers worn in the hair-
girdle in the middle of the back, and thus concealed her
from view. Then he searched for his Okita or elder brother,
and at length found his head, to which he spoke, with the
result that the man at once came to life and said, “the
Oruncha killed us but they threw away my head ; they will —
come again, take care of yourself,”
Then he pointed to the track which they had made, and
the two men, arming themselves with strong Urumpira,
that is spears of heavy wood such as mulga, all made
in one piece and only used for fighting at close quarters,
went to- opposite sides of a narrow gorge which is now
known as the Simpson Gap, and is at the present day an
important local centre of the lizard totem. The natives
1 The locality of the various places named is indicated on the maps.
point out special stones which mark the spot where the two
men. stood,
When the Oruncha made their appearance, the two brothers
rushed down upon them, and with their good Urumpzra killed
them all. They fell ina great heap just at the entrance to
the gorge, and to the present day a great pile of jagged
boulders marks the exact spot. After having thus destroyed
their enemies, the elder of the two brothers stayed at the
gorge, and there finally died, though his spirit remained in
the Churinga, which he, like every other Alcheringa individual,
carried about with him ; the younger brother travelled away
to a place a long way to the south called Arumpira not far
from Erldunda, where he died, and so, by leaving his spirit
behind in his Churinga, together with those associated with
other Churinga which he carried, formed there a local
Echunpa or lizard totem centre. S)
The above tradition is of considerable interest ; it is in the
first place evidently a crude attempt to describe the origin of
human beings out of non-human creatures who were of
various forms ; some of them were representatives of animals,
others of plants, but in all cases they are to be regarded as
intermediate stages in the transition of an animal or plant
ancestor into a human individual who bore its name as that of
his or her totem. It has already been said that the tradition
only refers to certain totems » We shall see subsequently that
in the middle Alcheringa the making of men out of Lnapertwa
was continued by individuals of the Ullakupera or little hawk
totem. The reference in the tradition to the Ulpmerka men
of the Akakia (plum tree), and Ingwitchika (grass seed)
totems is of importance, as it serves to throw light upon what
had been to us for some time a matter of considerable
difficulty, and one for which no explanation had been forth-
coming. We were acquainted with numerous ceremonies
concerned with a group of individuals who were always
spoken of as the Ulpmerka of a place called Quiurnpa, and
we were also acquainted with ceremonies concerned with
certain so-called Avakurta men. In each case the men were
groups of individuals who belonged to special totems. One
man, for example, would be an Akakia or plum tree man,
while another would be an Ulpmerka of the Akakia totem.
In just the same Way one man would be an) Flonka (a
Marsdenia fruit) man, and another would be an Arakurta of
the Elonka totem. In the above tradition and in those con-
were subsequently operated upon by the Ullakupera and
were thus changed from Ulpmerka into A rakurta.
brothers, who carried his wife in the bunch of eagle-hawk
feathers, and it is expressly said of her that she was a
lizard woman, that is, she belonged to the same totem as
that to which he himself did. In fact, during the Alcheringa
period concerning which we have very numerous and full
traditions, some of which will be dealt with subsequently, it
will be clearly seen that we are dealing with a time in-which
marital relations were not restricted by totem. We have
definite indications of the existence of such relations between
men and women of the same totems. We have been con-
stantly on the watch for any tradition which would deal with
the regulation of the marital relationship in times past, but
though, as will be seen shortly, there are clear indications ofa
time when the restrictions which now obtain were adopted,
there is no indication whatever of a time when a man of any
particular totem was obliged to marry a woman of another
one. Such indications as there appear on the contrary
rather point towards the usual existence of marital relations
between men: and women of the same totem. There are,
however, one or two traditions which deal with the relationship
of men and women of different totems, and these will be
discussed later ; meanwhile it may be said that in the matter
of totems and the restriction by these of marital relationship,
a sharp line of separation may be drawn between the northern
central tribes as exemplified by the Arunta, and the southern
central tribes as exemplified by the Urabunna.
We may now pass on to deal with the middle Alcheringa -
period. Tradition relates that a great Oknirabata! of the
Ullakupera or little hawk totem arose at a place called
Atnaturka by the side of a stream now called Love’s Creek.
He and the men of his group were remarkable for the posses-
sion of very fine stone knives, called Lalira, with which they
performed the operation of Lartna or circumcision. Amongst
the men of all other totems up to that time stone. knives
were not used for this purpose, and the Operation was always
performed with a fire-stick.2
One of the Ullakupera men, who was a Purula named
Ulpmurintha, flew from Atnaturka to Utiara,a place about
ten miles north of Alice Springs, where at an earlier time the
Umgambikula had made into Ulpmerka certain Lnapertwa
freatures of the: Untaina or small rat totem. Along with
these people there dwelt two Ullakupera men, one a Kumara
named Irtaquirinia and the other a Purula named Virapur-
tarinia,a Kumara man, both of whom are at the present time
represented by living men, who are in fact simply regarded as
their reincarnations.
Previous to the arrival of Ulpmarintha the two Ullakupera
men had prepared a large Apulla, that is a special ground on
which the rite of circumcision is performed, and on this they
intended to operate on the Ulpmerka with the usual fire-stick.
When, however, Ulpmurintha appeared upon the scene, the
two men went to him and said, “How must we cut these
Ulpmerka men?” and he replied, “You must cut them with
Lalira.” They replied sorrowfully, “ We have no Lalira but we
" This term is applied to a man who is especially learned in all matters apper-
taining to tribal customs and traditions ; the term is never applied except to old
men, and is regarded as a very high distinction,
* In the southern Arunta tradition ascribes the introduction of a stone knife for
this purpose to an old woman of the Unchichera or frog totem.
will cut them with Ura-clyabara” (that is a fire-stick). The old
man said, “ No, do not do that, follow me to Atnaturka and I
will give you some Lalira.” Then he flew back quickly to
Atnaturka and told two old men of his group what he had
seen and said. One of these old men was a Kumara ‘named
Intumpulla, and the other was a Bulthara named Ungipur-
turinia, and these two went and hid away the good Ladzra,
leaving only the poor ones in sight. Shortly afterwards the
two Ullakupera men flew across the country to Atnaturka,
and there they were given some Lalzva swathed in bark.
After receiving these they, without examining them, at once
started back on their return journey, very much Biened with
their good fortune in securing the knives. Upon arriving at
Utiara they opened their parcels and found, very much to their
annoyance, that the stone knives were very rough, and quite
unlike those described to them by the old men. After this
they paid several visits to Atnaturka with the object of
securing some good Lalira, but were always treated in}the
same way, and being very desirous of securing them in some
way or another they finally invited the old Ullakupera men to
again visit Utiara, where a great number of Udpmerka were
ready to be operated upon. Accordingly a party of Ullakupera
led by the two old men already named started from Atnaturka
taking with them some women and carrying some good
Lalira. They made their first camp at a place called.Urtiacha,
where the two streams now called Love’s Creek and Todd
River unite. They had no Murtunja with) them nor any
bird’s down, but only Zguzna, or white pipe-clay, and Apzrka,
or powdered charcoal, with which to decorate themselves.
Here they found an Agzlla in readiness, at which were
assembled a number of men, some of whom belonged to the
Ertwaitcha or bell bird totem, and others to other totems.
The Ullakupera men here performed the operation upon some
of the young men, and afterwards upon a number of the local
men who considered the Laliva to be a great improvement
upon the fire-stick.
Close by the Agu//a ground there were a large number of
Inapertwa creatures of the same totem as the local men who
had been operated upon. These the Ullakupera, with their
stone knives, made into men and women, and at the same
time conferred upon them the class names which they ever
afterwards bore. It was these Ullakupera men who for the
first time conferred upon the Arunta people the names of
Panunga, Bulthara, Purula, and Kumara.
The Ullakupera were very quick in performing the
operation of circumcision, and an Inarlinga (Echidna or
“ Porcupine”) man who dwelt close by was very angry when
he arrived and found that it was all over. He very strongly
disapproved of the introduction of the stone knives.
Where the Apulla ground had been made a fine clay-pan
—that is a shallow depression capable of holding water for
some time after a rainfall—was formed to mark the spot, and
here several of the Ullakupera men went into the ground with
their Churinga, from the Spirits associated with which men and
women, some of whom are now living, have sprung.
Leaving this camp the party travelled a little north of a
spot called Wurungatha, followed by the Inarlinga man.
Here again they operated upon some more men; the Inar-
linga man came up too late, and was angry as before, and
another clay-pan arose to mark the spot. The Inarlinga man
did not follow them any further. Travelling on the party
came to a spot called Iturkwarinia, where they found a number
of men of the Arwatcha totem (little rat), but they did not
Operate upon these people, because there was no Afuzlla in
readiness, but they transformed a number of /vapertwa into
' Arwatcha men and women. At this place one Purula woman
and a Kumara man were left behind, the Lalira which the
what is now Mount Undoolya, where they came across a
number of Jvapertwa of the Alchantwa (a seed) totem, who
were transformed into human beings, and to the present day
a fine group of gum trees marks the spot where they performed
the operation. Thence, crossing the range, they came to
Urwampina, and here they found that the Arwatcha (little rat)
people had prepared an 4 pulla, and therefore they performed
Lartna upon them, and - also operated upon Lnapertwa
creatures, Here also one Purula man remained behind and
went into the ground. He has since undergone reincarnation
in the form of a man who was the father of a woman now living
at Alice Springs.
Travelling on they came to a place called Bulthara, because
at the suggestion of the old Bulthara man, the party divided,
the one half, that is the Panunga and Bulthara, going to one
side, while the other half, that is the Purula and Kumara, went
to the other side. Turning their faces towards the east they
looked back upon the course which they had come, and as soon
as they had done this two hills arose to mark the spots on which
they had stood. Then they again mingled together and some
Inapertwa of the Irritcha (eagle hawk) totem were operated
upon, and others also who belonged to the Untaina (small rat)
totem. These newly-made beings were divided into two
groups and made to stand apart just as the other men had
done before. Then they marched on to a place called Harcha-
inquila, on the present Jesse Creek, to the north of Undoolya,
where they found, and operated on, some more /napertwa
of the eagle-hawk totem; at Pitcharnia they found and
operated upon some more, and at Chirchungina they met
with Oruncha Inapertwa, and at Chara there were some be-
longing to the Arthwarta (a small hawk) totem; on all of
these they operated.
At Chara they were met by two men, who came from
Utiara, and said, “We have brought back your stone knives
which you gave us, they are of no use, why did you not give
us good ones?” The old men said, after they had looked at
the Lalira, “Yes, these are no good, you may take some
others.” They accordingly took some, and saying, “Come
quickly to our Apzd/a,” at once returned to Utiara. Some
curious looking stones, now regarded as sacred, arose to mark
the spot were the Zalra were spread out. At Kartathura
some /napertwa of the Erlia (emu) totem were operated upon,
and then, without camping, the party moved on to Thungu-
mina, which lies some seven or eight miles to the north of
Alice Springs, where again more /vapertwa of the emu totem
were operated upon. At Thungamina they deposited some
inferior Lalira, which were, however, afterwards picked up by
the local people, and being by them regarded as sacred were
placed in the store-house or Ertnatulunga at Utiara. Then the
party travelled on to Thungarunga, and operated there upon
Lnapertwa creatures of the Marsdenia fruit and rat totems, and,
having done so, cleaned up and sharpened their Ladira with
ashes and walked on to Utiara, where they stood waiting to
hear the Lartna song which would show them that the
Apulla was ready. As soon as the singing was heard they
went on to the Agul/a ground, a number of stones stand-
ing up on end now marking the spot where they stood and
waited.
Standing to one side of the Apulla they watched while
the two local men for the first time Operated with stone
knives. They were not, as yet, expert in the use of the
knives, and after two or three operations the old Ullakupera
man named Intumpulla said, “Stand aside, I will do the
cutting ;” and so he cut all the Ulpmerka who had previously
been transformed out of Lnapertwa by the Ongambikula.
He told them to go away altogether to the Utiara Range
where they went into the ground and so formed there an
Oknanikilla which is called that of the Arakurta of the Elonka
totem, and which is the only ones of «this snaciremin the
neighbourhood.
After sending the Arakurta away the old man still went
on cutting, and when about to operate on the last man, who
was markilunawa, that is a married man, an old man of
the Inarlinga (Echidna) totem rushed on to the Apulla ground
and said, “I must cut this man with my Lelira,” and drawing
a knife from a socket in his skull just behind his ear, grasped
the man’s penis and scrotum, and with one Savage stroke
of his knife cut them off, and the man fell down dead.
The old Echidna man at Once ran away, but was followed
by the Ullakupera and other men, who killed him, ridd-
ling his body with Spears. Since then no Echidna men
Or women have ever Sprung up in the country, but only
animals covered with spines, which represent the spears
with which the Alcheringa. Echidna man was killed.
to be covered with spines. By thus killing the man on the
sacred Apulla ground the Inarlinga “ spoilt” himself, and all
the totem kindred, and so they cannot rise again except in
the form of little animals covered with spines which are
simply Alcheringa spears.
When the wives of the murdered man missed him they
went to the Apu//a ground and there they found him dead,
and, noticing his mutilated state, they searched for many days
for the missing organs. They dug up the Apulla ground
without success, and were much troubled until one day the
younger of the two women, who was Quzéza or younger sister
of the other, found the missing organs under the bank on one
side of the Apulla ; placing them in her a/para or pitchi, she
took them to the body and tried to join them on again, but
they would not remain in position, and so she called her elder
sister and both tried many times without any success, until
finally, placing the organs on the ground, they laid the body
on the top of them, face downwards, so that they might rest
in the proper position. Then, feeling very mournful, the two
women sat down, one on each side of the dead man, and all
three then turned into the stones which still exist to mark the
spot. A little distance away is another stone which represents
the mother of the two women, who came to look for her
daughters and would not go away without them. Being
Mura to the dead man she could not come close up to him
and so sat down a little distance away.
At this spot the Ullakupera men left some women, thus
forming another Oxnanzkilla, and of these women, one a
Purula, called Chitta, has at the present day a living repre-
sentative.
From Utiara the party flew up into the sky, and travelling
northwards descended again to earth at Ilkania, a spot
close to what is now known as the Burt Plain, where they
found bandicoot, carpet snake and one old Echidna man
assembled at an Afwl/a ground. Here they performed
Lartna with their stone knives, and once more, just as they
were about to cut the last man who was an Okranina or snake
man, the old Echidna man rushed up, and, before they could
stop him, mutilated the man with a stone knife which he
carried, as before, in a socket behind his ear. The Echidna
was at once speared, but ran a short distance from the Api/la
while the spears were pouring in upon him, until, after having
run round in a circle, he fell down dead. A circular rock hole
appeared to mark the spot. All the men who had been
operated upon ran away, followed by their women ; the wives
of the murdered man remained behind and called to him many
times, but received no reply, and as it was night-time they
could not see him, and so they sat down and waited anxiously
for the daylight. Early in the morning they went to the
Apulla ground, and there they found him dead and mutilated,
For some time they mourned over him, and then they started
to search for the missing parts, which, after a time, they found
close to the Apud/a. Then they lifted the body into a sitting
position, placing it in a large pztch?, and replaced in their
position the parts which had been cut off, and then after
much crying, being hungry, they went away in search of
food. Shortly after their~departure the man awoke as if
from a dream, perfectly sound, but of course an Ulpmerka, for
the old Ullakupera man had not operated upon him. He at
once found the women’s tracks and followed them to where they
were eating Okranina, or snake, which was their totem. They
were rejoiced to see him, and then all of them went into the
earth, carrying their Churinga with them, and three stones
arose to mark the spot where they went in.
After killing the Echidna man and leaving behind one
little hawk woman, who has no living representative, the party
once more took wing: and travelled on to Urangipa, where
they found a lot of Kakwa men assembled at an Apulla
ground. Here the old Intumpulla insisted upon performing
Larina. He also transformed a number of Lnapertwa into
human beings, and, so says tradition, being enamoured of the
Kakwa women he decided to stay at Urangipa,and accordingly
stayed there altogether, together with another Kumara man
named Unchinia. The rest of the party went on under the
leadership of the Bulthara man. For some distance they
took wing and then came down to earth at the ALtrra or
camp of the Ullakupera, where they found a Yarumpa or
honey-ant woman of the Panunga class, who had a Nurtunja
which she did not wish the strangers to see. She did her
best to drive them away, using abusive language, which very
much annoyed the old Ullakupera man, who killed her with a
x TRADITIONS AS TO.ALCHERINGA ANCESTORS gor
spear, but did not interfere with her Martunza, which is now
represented by a large gum tree. At this spot a Panunga
man was left behind, and hence they travelled on to Urumbia,
which lies to the north of the place which was named Anna’s
Reservoir by Stuart, the early explorer, during his journey
across the continent. This lies within the country of the
Ilpirra tribe, and the party changed its language to that of
the Ilpirra) Here also they met with a number of extra-
ordinary -looking Jnapertwa creatures of the honey-ant
totem, who were engaged in performing an Engwura
ceremony. These they made into men and women, and then,
leaving a Panunga woman behind, they went away, flying off
towards the west to a place called Ungapirta, where they
found Jnapertwa of the Ullakupera totem, whom they
transformed into human beings; and then they all went into
the ground, where the Churinga with their associated spirits
ever after remained, so that at this place there is a large and
important Oknanzkilla or local centre of the Ullakupera
totem.
It will be seen that there are two points of importance so far
as these Ullakupera men and the work which they carried out
is concerned. In the first place they introduced the use of a
stone knife in place of the fire-stick! at the ceremony of
circumcision. They were apparently not the only men who
possessed stone knives, as the Echidna men are distinctly
stated to have had them, and in the southern part of the tribe
a woman of the frog totem is said to have possessed one.
Probably we have in this tradition an indication of a time
when a more primitive method of cutting was retained in con-
nection with a sacred ceremony than was used in the case of the
ordinary operations of life.» In the southern Arunta tradition
1 We have translated the word zra-clyabara by the usual term fire-stick. In
reality z/yabava means a piece of bark.
2 It is not perhaps without interest to note that even in savage tribes, suchas those
of Central Australia, we meet with evidence of the remarkable way in which
ancient customs are preserved in connection with “ sacred” rites. The retention
of the fire-stick at circumcision after the use of stone implements was evidently
known, finds its parallel in the retention of stone implements for the same operation
after the use of iron was well known. Cf. Tylor, Zarly History of Mankind
3rd Edit., 1878, p. 217.
says that one day the men were, as usual, circumcising a boy
with a fire-stick when an old woman rushed up and, telling
the men that they were killing all the boys because they were
using a fire-stick, showed them how to use a sharp stone, and
ever afterwards the fire-stick was discarded.
The second point of importance is the introduction of the
class names, but it must be also noticed that there is no men-
tion of any restrictions with regard to marriage connected
with them, nor is any reason assigned for their introduction.
In fact, as yet, we have no indication of any restrictions on
marriage so far as either totems or classes are concerned, such
restrictions we shall meet with in traditions referring to a later
period in the history of the tribe. It will also be seen that
there is no attempt to offer any explanation of the origin of
the ceremony of circumcision, and in connection with this
subject it may be noticed that, so far as the Arunta tribe is
concerned, circumcision is represented as being practised
upon men who are already provided with wives, and this,
which is the earliest tradition dealing with the subject, gives
no indication whatever of the reason for the fact that circum-
cision is, at the present day, one of the most important cere-
monies which must be passed through before any youth is
allowed to have a wife.
Concerned with the middle Alcheringa people, but coming
at a later date than the Ullakupera men, who introduced the
use of the stone knife at Lartna, we meet with traditions con-
cerning certain early Achilpa, or wild cat men, who in their
turn introduced the ceremony of Ariltha, or sub-incision.
Amongst the Achilpa there are four distinct groups, with
regard to the doings of whom the natives have traditions as
follows.
' The first group started from a place called Okira, somewhere
to the east of Wilyunpa, which itself lies on the Finke river,
out to the east of the present telegraph station at Charlotte
Waters. They carried with them a sacred pole called a Kauaua,
which they erected at various stopping places. To this special
ceremonial object, reference is made in the account of the
Engwura ceremony, as it is always, and exclusively, used in
connection with this. When during the. course of their
marchings they performed the rite of Arztha or sub-incision
they always erected a special Vurtunya.
Leaving Okira the men came to Therierita, where they
performed Ariltha, made Engwura, and left some members of
the party behind them. ‘Thence they went on to Atymikoala,
a few miles to the east of Love’s Creek, and there they
performed quabara undattha, that is a sacred ceremony con-
cerned with one or other of the totems in connection with
the decoration for which wzdattha or bird’s down is used.
Each of the sacred cerernonies, as performed at the present
day, is supposed to be the exact counterpart of one of these
ceremonies of the Alcheringa. The Quabara Achilpa of Theri-
erita, as a particular ceremony is now called, is, for example,
the special ceremony which was performed on the occasion
when the wild cat men visited Therierita, and the ceremony
was the special property of one member of the party. It was
in this way—by their performance at certain particular spots—
that the ceremonies became, each one of them, associated
with these spots.
From this resting place they marched on to Achilp-ilthunka,
which means where the Achilpa was cut to pieces, and is close
to the present Arltunga out in the eastern Macdonnell Ranges.
Here they met a wild cat man who had come down from
the salt water country away to the north. He is recorded as
having been abnormally developed, and as having ravished and
killed women all along his route. He was also atnarbita or
foul-smelling, and intended going on to Therierita, but the
Achilpa being enraged with him on account of his conduct,
killed him and mutilated him, and a large stone arose to mark
the place where they buried him. Leaving this spot they
marched on, driving enormous numbers of mosquitoes on in
front of them. Tradition also says that they lived on
Unjiamba, or Hakea flower, and that when they were thirsty
they drank their own blood, as the natives often do at the
present day. As they journeyed on they passed Unchipera-
wartna, but did not see two women of the opossum totem
who lived there, and then they reached a place now called
Aurapuncha. Before, however, they came quite close up, they
smelt Akakia or plum tree men, and as soon as they came
iby 1a
into the bed of the creek they saw a number of men and boys.
eating plums. With them they stayed for some time, and after
performing quabara undattha they went into the ground; in
other words they died, and after a time arose again, no longer
as Achilpa men, but changed into Upmerka or uninitiated
men of the Akakia or plum tree totem. Taking along with
them the local Ulpmerka of the Akakia totem, the newly
arisen U/pmerka went on toa place called Erlua, somewhere
in the neighbourhood of the Strangway Range, and leaving at
various spots a few members of their party behind them, so as
to form Oknantkilla, they came at last to Arwura-puncha,
where they met a large number of Ulpmerka men, who had
come up from Quiurnpa under the leadership of a celebrated
man called Kukaitcha, and were carrying with them a large
Nurtunja. The two parties joined forces, and when they had
performed guabara undattha they left two men behind and
proceeded to Urangunja, where they found two women of
the Urpura totem (magpie) who had a Nurtunja and owned
certain ceremonies which they showed to the men. These
women had their arms, heads and_ necks covered with fur-
string and the tail-tips of the rabbit-kangaroo, called Alpita,,
which at the present day are always worn as a decoration by
women at special ceremonies. The Ulpmerka camped _ here
for some time performing sacred ceremonies, which, however,
the women were not allowed to see. Leaving here they passed
on to Ilchartwa-nynga, where they made a great Altherta——
that is, an ordinary so-called corrobboree which has no sacred
nature and may be seen and taken part in by women and the
uninitiated—and here a large number of stones standing up
on end arose and still exist to mark the spot where the
Ulpmerka danced, They are now called Ulpmerka atnimma,
that is the standing Ulpmerka. After this they journeyed on
to Alawalla, which lies to the east of Central Mount Stuart,,
which, as its name implies, is situated in the very centre of the
continent, and there they made Quabara. As they did so a
curious phenomenon was witnessed—the Akakia trees shed
their plums so thickly that it was just as if it were raining
plums ; the fruit ran along the ground like a flood, and the
Ulpmerka would have been drowned in them if they had not
quickly gone into the ground and so made their escape. ‘They
emerged at Incharlinga on the Stirling Creek, where they
performed ceremonies, and from here Kukaitcha led them
right away north to the country of the salt water.
The second group of Achilpa or wild cat people came from
the country of the Luritcha tribe, far away to the south-west
of the present Arunta land, and camped at a place called
Yungurra to the west of Henbury on the Finke river. The
party was led by two Oknirabata, or wise old men, who on
account of the abnormal development of their organs were
called Atnzmma-la-truripa.
At Yungurra the party divided into two groups, one of the
old men going with each of them. Of these two parties one
will now be spoken of as the second and the other as the
third group of the Achilpa.
The second group crossed the Finke river about twelve
miles south of Henbury, and travelled on to Imanda on the
Hugh river, where they changed their language to the Arunta
tongue. Like the first party they carried a sacred pole or
Kauaua. On arriving at Imanda they found a large number
of Unchichera (frog), Elkintera (white bat), and Unchipera
(little bat) men who were engaged in performing an Engwura
ceremony in which the new comers joined, the young men
amongst the Achilpa being sent out daily into the bush
along with those of the other totemic groups. The head of
the Unchichera totem at this spot was also A¢tnzmma-la-
truripa, and his name was Kartuputapa. The Achilpa
remained for a long time at a spot close to Imanda, where
they left some men behind them and so established an
important Oknanikilla. When they left Imanda they were
accompanied by Kartuputapa, and camped first at a big clay
pan called Itnuna-twuna in the James Range, where they
performed ceremonies and saw a Purula woman of the frog
totem whose name was Umbalcha. She possessed a Nurtunja
and sacred ceremonies which she showed to the Achilpa.
This woman had arisen in this spot. Then they travelled to
Ooraminna, where they made an Engwura and discovered
a number of men who were suffering from Erkincha—a
disease common amongst the natives and concerning which
there are certain traditions to which reference will be made
subsequently. They also saw a number of Unjiamba (Hakea
flower) men and women who had originated there, and also the
two Unjiamba women who had come from Engwurnanunga.
After performing Ari/tha upon the Unjiamba men and also
upon some of their own young men, they performed the
initiation ceremony called Atna ariltha-kuma upon the two
women just referred to. At Ooraminna they left three men
and here also Kartuputapa, the frog man, left the party
and went back to his own country at Imanda. The wild
cat men journeyed on to Urthipata, a swamp on the Emily
plain, journeying, as they went northwards, close by, but not
actually along, the tracks of the Unjiamba women who had
travelled in the opposite direction. Here they made Engwura
and found a man and woman both of whom belonged to the
Unjiamba totem ; the man was a Purula and the woman a
Kumara. Each of them possessed a Nurtunja and guabara
undattha, and when the Achilpa men attempted to interfere
with the woman they could not do so because of her guabara.
Leaving here they were seen by a Purula man of the
witchetty grub totem! who had originated in the locality,
but as he hid himself the Achilpa did not see him,
The next camping place was at a small hill on the Emily
Plains on the top of which a stone arose to mark the spot ;
here they made Ampurtanurra? that is a long series of
ceremonies concerned with the Achilpa totem, and then they
went on to Okirra-kulitha, a depression in the Macdonnell
Range a little to the east of the Emily gap. They camped.
right on the top of the range, performed guzabara undattha,.
and also the rite of Ari/tha on some of their young men, and
then went on eastwards for five or six miles to a hill called
Irpai-chinga near to the Emily Creek and performed some
more ceremonies, ere they noticed plenty of witchetty
grubs, feeding on grass, but they did not interfere with them
1 This is one of the very few cases in which the
not Panunga or Bulthara,
? Various totems have a name similar to th
ceremonies concerned with that Special totem
is Latuspa.
Alcheringa witchetty grubs were
is which is applied to a long series of
- In the owl totem, for example, i
and went on to Achilpa-interninja, a hill about two miles
away from the Emily soakage. Owing to the breaking
of the string with which a bundle was tied together,
they lost a small Churinga, from which sprung afterwards a
Purula man named Ultanchika, whose descendant now lives at
Alice Springs ; then they went on to Okilla-la-tunga, a-plain
amongst the ranges, and there found a Purula woman of the
Unjiamba totem whose name also was Unjiamba, and who
possessed a Nurtunja and guabara undattha, which she
showed to the Achilpa men, who danced round her Nurtunja
and then showed her their guabara undattha. Then they
went on to Ulir-ulira, which means the place where blood
flowed like a creek, and is a water-pool on the Todd Creek.
The young men opened veins in their arms and gave draughts
of blood to the old men, who were very tired. Ever
afterwards the water at this spot was tinted with a reddish
colour: indeed it is so at the present day. After again making
Ampurtanurra they journeyed on and came to a place called
Ertua, where they saw two women of the Ertua (wild turkey)
totem, one a Purula named Ulknatawa, who had a little boy
child, and the other a Kumara. An old Kumara man of the
same totem lived with these women, but was out hunting at
the time. His name was Arungurpa, and he was the husband
of the Purula woman. The women had neither Vurtunja nor
guabara undattha. Passing on, the Achilpa camped at
Arapera, a big stone hill to the east of Bond Springs, where
they stopped for some time making Engwura and performing
Ariltha. "ere they found a Purula woman of the Achilpa
totem whose name was Ariltha-mariltha, and who has a
descendant now living. She had a large Nurtunja which was
erected and stood so high that it was seen by the Achilpa
from a long way off. The woman showed her guabara
undattha, and they afterwards performed Ana ariltha-kuma
upon her, and then all of them had intercourse with her. At
this spot they left one man, a Kumara named Achilpa, whose
descendant is now alive. Leaving Arapera they reached
Ilchinga and, being tired, camped for a few hours, the old
men painting the newly-made Urliara with long parallel lines
from the feet to the head. Here they found a Bulthara
woman of the Unjiamba totem named Cho-urka, who had
a Nurtunja and guabara undatiha, and whose Nanja was a
large stone which can still be seen. With her they did not
interfere, but after a short rest marched on to a place called
Ungwurna-la-warika, which means “ where the bone was
struck,” because here one of the men while swinging a
Churinga accidentally struck another man on the shin with it.
At this spot they found two Bulthara women of the Unjiamba
totem, one named Choarka-wuka, and the other Abmoara, who
possessed Murtunjas and guabara undattha, which they showed
tomthe Achilpas (One suis man was left behind here.
Walking on they came to IIchi-lira, where they made guabara
and found two men of the Unjiamba totem, one a Bulthara
named Wultaminna, and _ the other a Kumara named
Ungarulinga, the last descendant of whom has recently died.
There was here another Unjiamba man whom they did not
see. They also saw one Unjiamba woman, a Bulthara. All :
these people had Nurtunjas and sacred ceremonies, and had
originated on the spot. The Achilpa left behind them one
Purula man, ;
marched on to Arara. Here they remained for a long time
and made Engwura ; when doing this the Kauaua, or sacred
pole, was always erected and made to lean in the direction in
which they intended to travel. Starting on their travels once
more they came near to a Spot on the Harry Creek where they
first smelt, and then Saw, some Achilpa men who were suffering
from Erkincha. These men had no women, but close to them
lived two Unjiamba women, both of whom were Panunga.
The latter hid themselves on the approach of the Achilpa and
SO escaped being seen by them. One of them was called
Thai-interinia, and has a living descendant. After seeing the
men with Erkincha the party moved on and camped on a
tableland close by, where they found an Unjiamba woman
named Ultundurinia, who has now a living descendant.
Marching on towards the west, they reached Ungunja and
found there a Panunga man of the Unjiamba totem, whose
name was Ultaintika, who is now represented by a living
descendant. Then they followed the course of the Harry
Creek to Apunga, until finally they came out on to the Burt
Plain which lies just to the north of the Macdonnell Ranges.
Here there was no water and the old men were very thirsty ;
they dug for water without finding any and the holes which
they dug out remain to the present day. The young men
again bled themselves, but the blood was too hot to drink, so
some of them were sent back to Ituka-intura to bring water
which they carried back in their shields. While the young men
were away, the old men dug out holes in the sand and lay down
in them as wild dogs do. At this spot they found a Purula
woman of the Quirra (bandicoot) totem whohad a Vurtunja,and
is now represented by a living descendant. They also founda
Panunga man of the same totem named Chimurinia, who also
has a living descendant. Hence they moved on northwards to
a big clay pan called Ilthwarra, where they performed Ariltha
upon a number of their young men and made Engwura.
While travelling on from here they crossed the Hamm Range
at a gap where they saw an old Bulthara man Of gine
Undathirka (carpet-snake) totem named Kapirla who lived
entirely upon carpet-snakes. The Achilpa men passed on and
camped at Ilchinia-pinna, a little to the north of the range
and here they made Engwura and every night heard the
sound of distant NMammatwinnas (or small bull-roarers).
Thence they went to Utachuta, a little to the west of what is
now called Ryans Well, where they found a large number of
Quirra or bandicoot men who were engaged in making an
Engwura. The Kawauva which these men had erected was
visible from some distance, and it was from this place that the
sounds of the bull-roarers had come. The Achilpa and
Quirra men mixed together and joined in the Engwura, the
old men of both parties sending the young men out into the
bush every day. The rite of Avitha was performed on all of
the Quirra men and also on some of the Achilpa, and it is
stated that the Quirra men consisted of all classes.
When the ceremonies were completed, the Achilpa men
journeyed on to Inta-tella-warika and, being too tired to
carry it, dragged the Kawaua behind them. At this place
they found an old Panunga man of the Achilpa totem who
had a large Nurtunja, and who, on seeing them approach,
opened avein in his arm and thus flooding the country, drowned
the Achilpa men in blood ; a large number of stones sprang
up to mark the spot, and they still remain to show where the
men went into the ground. The men carried with them a
very large number of Churinga, which are now in the sacred
store-house at Inta-tella-warika.
The third party of Achilpa or wild cat people consisted of
one division of the original group which came out of the
country now occupied by the Luritcha tribe, and split into
two after arriving at Yungurra.
Under the direction of a Kumara man who was Atnimma-
la-truripa, the men took a north-westerly course, crossed the
Finke river just where it emerges from the long Finke gorge,
through which, hemmed in between lofty walls of quartzite, it
passes from north to south across the James Range, and
camped at Urapitchera near to a spot now called Running
Waters. Here they erected the Kauaua, which they carried
with them, and made an Engwura. At this place they found
a number of Inturrita (pigeon) men and women of all classes
who were cannibals. The Achilpa people saw them eating
human flesh, and two large round Churinga which are
preserved in the sacred store-house at Urapitchera represent
the heads of men who were eaten.
The Inturrita killed their victims with long stone Churinga
about the size of, and shaped like, the beaked boomerangs of
the Warramunga tribe. At this spot the Achilpa changed
their language to that of the Arunta people, and, leaving a
Purula man behind them, passed on to Itnunthawarra in the
present Waterhouse Range, where they camped for a short
time and performed ceremonies. Travelling slowly north-
wards amongst the ranges they came to Iruntira on the
Hugh river, where they left one man, a Bulthara whose name
was Iruntirinia. Then they came to Okir-okira, a place ten
miles to the north-west of the present Owen Springs, and
thence travelled on to the junction of the Jay and Hugh
where there was a Panunga woman living who showed them
her ceremonies. She belonged to the Alk-na-innira (a large
beetle) totem. The Achilpa in return showed the woman
some of their ceremonies and did not interfere with her.
Leaving her, the Achilpa followed up the Jay Crecknto
Chelperla, where some time was spent in performing Am-
purtanurra, and where the old leader remained behind.
At this spot many of’ the party developed Erkincha.
Journeying on they came to Mount Conway, a bold lofty
bluff in the Macdonnell Ranges, and close to its base
they rested for a few hours before attempting the steep
ascent. Then they crossed the mountain and camped at
Ningawarta, a little way over on the northern side of the
range, and here they performed ceremonies. Their next
stopping place was Alla (the nose), a sharply outlined hill in
the most northern of the series of parallel ridges which all
together form the Macdonnell Ranges. At this place they
made Engwura and while the young men, who were being
initiated, were out in the bush, they came across a Purula
woman of the Ulchilkinja (wattle seed) totem, with whom,
contrary to one of the most rigid rules by which the Engwura
is governed, and without the knowledge of the old men, they
all had intercourse. At Alla, two men who were Kumara
were left behind, and the party went on to Kuringbungwa,
and as, when they reached there, some of the old men were
getting very thin, the younger men opened veins in their
arms and, to strengthen them, gave them large draughts of
blood, by which treatment they were much benefited. At
Enaininga, a waterhole on the Jay Creek, they performed the
rite of Aritha upon a number of young men, leaving un-
touched those who were suffering from Erkincha. Further on,
at Iranira, they again performed the rite of Arztha, and here
they left one man called Unatta who was a Purula. Then
they went on to Okinchalanina, where they performed
ceremonies, and elaborately painted the backs of all the men.
They stayed here a short time making Okdnchalanina
(necklets), £u/chea (armlets), and wlzara (forehead bands), and
when they again started to march on they left one man, a
Panunga, behind them, as he was too ill with Erkincha to walk
any further. They considered that the unlawful intercourse
with the wattle seed woman had spread the disease: and
increased their sufferings! Still travelling amongst the
ranges, they camped at various places, at one of which, called
Lilpuririka, which means running like a creek, the old men
were again nourished with blood given to them by the young
men. Leaving behind them an old Panunga man who was
suffering from Lyrkzncha, they travelled on to Ilartwiura, a
waterhole on the Jay Creek, and erecting their Aawaua, they
performed sacred ceremonies, a large rockhole now marking
the spot where the Kauaua stood. Some more men
developed Erkincha here. At their last stopping place
amongst the ranges they stayed some little time, making
Ampurtanurra and performing Ar/tha, and then they crossed
the most northerly of the rocky ridges amongst the Mac-
donnell Ranges, and came down on to the Burt Plain which
stretches far away to the north. At Alpirakircha they found
an old Kumara man of the Achilpa totem named Alpirakir-
charinia, who had originated there and had a very large
Nurtunja which they had been able to see from the top of
the last ridge which they had crossed. They performed 4rz/tha
here upon a number of young men, including the local
Achilpa man, and also made Enewura. Leaving the man in
his camp, they went on to the west, away down the Burt Plain,
and met two Achilpa women who had originated there. One
was a Purula and the other a Kumara, and they had a
Nurtunja which they hid away when they saw the Achilpa
men coming. Without interfering with the women, the men
camped and performed certain ceremonies, and. then went on
to Ungatha where a man was left behind named Ungutharinia.
This man, like many of the party, was suffering from
Lrkincha ; at the present day he is represented by a living
descendant whose secret name is, of course, Ungatharinia,
Being now very tired the. men went underground and
* This does not mean that they reasoned from a strictly medical point of view;
their idea in a case of this kind is that a man suffering from Hykéncha conveys a
magic evil influence, which they call Arungquiltha, to the women, and by this
means it is conveyed, as a punishment, to other men.
followed a northerly course until they came to Udnirringintwa,,
where they made a great Engwura. Many of the party died
here from Erkincha,and a large number of Churinga representing
them are in the local store-house. A large sand hill also
arose to mark the spot where the Parra, that is the long low
mound always made on the Engwura ground, was raised, and
this hill can be seen at the present day. The surviving
members of the party—still a large one—went once more
into the ground and came out again at Alkirra-lilima, where
they camped for a long time and made Ampurtanurra. They
found there an old man of the Panunga class and Unjiamba
totem whose name was Alkaiya,and who had a big Nurtunja
and owned guabara undattha, Here again more men developed
Erkincha. Travelling now above ground, they came to
Achichinga in the vicinity of Mount Wells, where dwelt an
old Panunga man of the Unjiamba totem, whose name was
Achichingarinia. He possessed a large Nurtunja which the
leader of the Achilpa men tried to take by force, but the old
man clung to it so closely, and made such a very loud arrz-
tnkuma that he was forced to desist.
The party here made guabara undattha and changed its
language to Achicha, which is a mixture of the Ilpirra and
Kaitish tongues. Turning round they looked back upon
their tracks and all said “ We have come very far.”
Leaving here they passed Parachinta, without seeing the
Ullakupera and Quirra people who dwelt there, and camped
at Appulya, north of Parachinta, and close by here saw an
old Bulthara man of the Irritcha (eagle hawk) totem, who
was out hunting and so had not got his Nurtunja with him,
but when he saw the Achilpa men he ran back to his own
country. Aritha was performed upon some of the young
men, and an Engwura was made. Then they went on to
Atrarakwa, on Woodeforde Creek, where they found a
1 This is a loud sound made by shouting az-azt-au repeatedly, while the
hand is held with the fingers slightly bent, and the palm towards the face, and
moved rapidly backwards and forwards upon the wrist in front of the mouth. It
is frequently used by the natives to attract the attention of any one at a distance.
During the Engwura ceremony, for example, it was the signal used to call up the
men who had been away from the ground while the ceremony was being
prepared.
Panunga man of the Achilpa totem who was busily engaged
in making a Wurtunja. Upon himand others they performed
Aritha, and then, for some time, they camped at a spot
higher up the creek making Ampurtanurra. At this part, the
creek has a steep, high bank, which arose to mark the exact
spot where the Kawaua rested against it before being erected.
Here they left a Bulthara man and then went on to a place on
the Hanson Creek, to the south-west of Central Mount Stuart,
Where they found an old Bulthara man of the Yarumpa
(honey-ant) totem who was sitting by the side ofa Kauaua,
and they learned that Engwura ceremonies had just been
made, and that all the young men were out in the bush, By
and by they returned, and then the two parties mixed
together, and the Achilpa performed Ariltha upon all the
Yarumpa, including young and old men, and then commenced
another Engwura which they did not wait to complete, but,
leaving the Yarumpa people to finish it, they started on their
journey and travelled on to Kurdaitcha, a spot to the west of
Central Mount Stuart, where dwelt a large number of Achilpa
of all classes who had originated there. After performing
Aritha upon all of them, the two parties mixed together and
made a big Engwura. Going still further on, they met with a
number of men and women belonging to all classes and to
the Intilyapa-yapa (water beetle) totem, close to whom they
camped, but without mixing with them. At a place’ called
Okinyumpa an accident befell them which made them all
feel very sad; as they were pulling up the Kawaua which was
very deeply implanted the old Oknirabata, who was leading
them, broke it off just above the ground, and to the present
day a tall stone standing up above the ground at this spot
represents the broken, and stil] implanted, end of the pole.
Carrying on the broken Kauaua they came to Unjiacherta,
which means “the place of Unjiamba men” and lies near to the
Hanson Creek, They arrived here utterly tired out, and found
a number of Unjiamba men and women of all classes, They
were too tired and sad to paint themselves, their Kauaua in
its broken state was inferior to many of those which the
Unjiamba people had, so they did not erect it, but, lying down
together, died where they lay. A large hill, covered with big
stones, arose to mark the spot. Their Churinga, each with its
associated spirit individual, remained behind. Many of them
are very large and long, and are now in the Ertnatulunga
or store-house at Unjiacherta.
The fourth party of Achilpa or wild cat people was led by a
Purula man who was remarkable for his strength and abnormal
development, in which respect he is reported to have exceeded
the celebrated Atnzmma-la-truripa. He came from the
country now inhabited by the Luritcha people, far away to the
south-west of the Arunta, and brought with him two Panunga
women. He had a Kauaua, and carried under each arm a
large bundle called Unkapera which, when he arrived at
Erloacha, a place situated to the west of Hermannsburg on
the Finke river, he opened. They contained a great number
of men of various ages. After the parcels had been opened,
a great Engwura was made, in which they all took part, and,
after remaining here for a long time, they left two men behind,
one a Panunga and the other a Purula, and then they travelled
on. The old Purula who was leading them travelled at some
little distance to one side of the main party, and his progress
was slow owing to the size of his penis, which frequently struck
the ground, digging furrows in it as he went along. While
travelling they met at Yapilpa, a place now called Glen Helen
Gorge, a party of Unthippa or dancing women, who were
approaching from the west, dancing all the way along.
With them the Achilpa men did not interfere but passed on,
crossed the range, and then camped at Ulpmaltwitcha, a water-
hole lying a little to the west of the position of Mount Sonder.
After making guabara undattha they went on and crossed
Mount Sonder, which is one of the highest peaks in the
Macdonnell Ranges. While crossing they saw an old Illuta
(bandicoot) man making large wooden fétchis, and therefore
they called the place Urichipma, which means “the place of
pitchis.’ + Here they paused and, presumably from the summit
from which a very extensive view is to be obtained, looked
back to see their tracks and a row of stones arose and still
1 The natives of this part of the country are noted for the large pitchis, or
wooden troughs, which they make out of the wood of the bean tree (Zrythrina
vespertzlio).
remains to mark the spot. They went on and camped at
Kurupma, north of Glen Helen, and after holding an Engwura,
they left one man, an old Purula named Kurupmarinia, whose
aged descendant now lives there and has charge of the
store-house and Engwura ceremonies.
Leaving here they proceeded to Poara, where they per-
formed Ari/tha and made Engwura, and where they also found
a number of women of the Kakwa (hawk) totem, all of whom
were Purula and some of whom were called W/apurinja.1. These
women had a Nurtunja and sacred ceremonies which they
showed to the Achilpa men. The old leader of the latter
had intercourse with a great number of the women, many of the
younger ones dying in consequence. The Uv/iara, that is the
fully initiated men who had been through the Engwura, werealso
allowed access to them. Leaving behind several men of the
Kumara and Purula classes the men, being ashamed of their
excesses, started before daylight and travelled on to Irpung-
arthra, a water-hole ona creek running northwards. Here they
camped and found a Purula woman of the Arawa totem. She
had no Nurtunja but was in possession of several wooden
Churinga which she hid away on the approach of the party.
Here they made guabara undattha, which the woman was
allowed to see, and afterwards Aritha was performed upon
some members of the party. Journeying on, they came to
Al-lemma, a water-hole in one of the gorges which are often
met with in this part of the country, and here they found a
number of Kakwa (hawk) women and men who were all Purula
and Kumara, and with whom they did not mix. They
camped apart from them and then moved on to Ariltha,
where they changed their language to the Ilpirra tongue and
camped here for a long time, finding again a number of hawk
men and women all of the same classes as before. Here the
old leader caused his abnormal development to disappear and
he became like an ordinary man, and then the travelling and
resident groups mixed together. After the performance of
Ariltha, a big Engwura was made, the women, as at the
present day, making fur-string necklaces and armlets.
Thence they went on to a place in the scrub not far from Lake
1 Lalpurinja means ‘the changed one.”
Macdonald, where they found as before another lot of hawk
men and women. Here they performed ceremonies and left
one Kumara man whose descendant is now living. Then they
went to Irincha, a large clay pan, where they found a Panunga
man of the Irpunga (fish) totem who was engaged in catching
fish, of which the water was fuil. They were afraid of the
number of fish in the water and did not interfere with the
man, whose name was Ungunawungarinia, but camped a little
distance away, making Ampurtanurra, and stayed here a long
time. Then they went on to Alknalilika, a spot lying to the
south of Anna’s Reservoir, where they found a number of
Tulkara (quail) women who had no Nurtunja or Churinga
and lived entirely on Intwuta, a kind of grass seed. Upon
seeing these women the Achilpa men hid away their Kauwaua
and all had intercourse with them. Without performing any
ceremonies they went on to Inkuraru, where Ardtha was
performed upon a number of the party. A number of
Churinga were deposited in a mulga tree close to the
camp, where they still remain, and a large stone arose at
the spot where Avztia was performed. After crossing
one range they came to another lying away to the north
and called Irti-ipma, where was a large waterhole. Here
they camped, made guabara undattha and left one man,
a Bulthara, and then journeyed on, meeting a woman
of the Tchanka (bull-dog ant) totem who was a kind of
Oruncha (“ devil-devil”) creature of whom they were much
afraid, thinking that she might bite them. She had neither
Nurtunja nor Churinga, and giving her a wide berth they
went on to Kuntitcha, where they camped and found a
large number of Quirra (bandicoot) men who were unable
to walk, in fact they were creatures like the /napertwa.
All of these were killed, and then Ari/tha was performed
and an Engwura held. One man, a_ Purula named
Kuntitcharinia, was left behind whose descendant is still
living.
Tradition says that from here they journeyed northwards
and finally stopped in the country of the salt water forming
Oknanikilla or local totem centres as they travelled along.
13; 19,
We have already seen that, according to the traditions of
the middle Alcheringa, there were no restrictions to marriage
such as now obtain. At Urthipita, for example, a Purula man
and a Kumara woman, both of the Unjiamba (Hakea flower)
totem, are represented as having been found living together
by the Achilpa people. Again at Ertua there lived two
Ertua or wild turkey women, one of whom is expressly
stated to have had a child, and to have been the wife of
an old Kumara man of the same totem; and at other
places groups of hawk men and women, all of the Purula
and Kumara classes, who may not now marry one another, are
represented as living together.
The class names had been given in the first place by the
Ullakupera men who had traversed the country prior to the
advent of the Achilpa. It looks much as if the traditions
relating to the middle Alcheringa were concerned with a
people whose organisation and marriage system were very
different from those of the present Arunta tribe. The
traditions as we know them now cannot, in respect to this
matter, be simply explained by supposing that the references
to the classes and totems are due to the fact that they have
grown up amongst a people who have these class and totem
names. If it were nothing more than this, then we should
not expect to find such specific references to the living
together of Purula and Kumara men and women, which is
exactly the reverse of what now takes place, and is, by the
natives, regarded as having taken place ever since the later
Alcheringa times. It seems as if the traditions can only be
explained on the supposition that the class names which were
given by the Ullakupera men entailed restrictions upon
marriage, but restrictions which were of a different kind from
those introduced at a later period. What these restrictions
were, it does not seem possible to gather from the traditions
concerned with the early and middle Alcheringa times, and
there do not appear to be any now known to the natives
which throw any light upon the matter, though perhaps the
constant reference to the class and totem names may be
regarded as evidence that restrictions of some nature did
exist. One thing appears to be quite clear, and that is, that
we see in these early traditions no trace whatever of a time
when the totems regulated marriage in the way now
characteristic of many of the Australian tribes. There is not
a solitary fact which indicates that a man of one totem must
marry a woman of another; on the contrary we meet
constantly, and only, with groups of men and women of the
same totem living together; and, in these early traditions,
it appears to be the normal condition for a man to have as
wife a woman of the same totem as himself. At the same
time there is nothing to show definitely that marital relations
were prohibited between individuals of different totems,
though, in regard to this, it must be remembered that the
instances recorded in the traditions, in which intercourse took
place between men and women of different totems, are all
concerned with the men of special groups, such as the
Achilpa ; further still, it may be pointed out that these were
powerful groups who are represented as marching across
country, imposing certain rites and ceremonies upon other
people with whom they came in contact. The intercourse of
the Achilpa men with women of other totems may possibly
have been simply a right, forcibly exercised by what may be
regarded as a conquering group, and may have been subject
to no restrictions of any kind.
As to the people with whom the Achilpa came into contact,
and whom they found settled upon the land, the one most
striking and at the same time most interesting fact, is, as just
stated, that a man was free to marry a woman of his own
totem (as he is at the present day), and further still we may
even say that the evidence seems to point back to a time
when a man always married a woman of his own totem.
The references to men and women of one totem always living
together in groups would appear to be too frequent and
explicit to admit of any other satisfactory explanation. We
never meet with an instance of a man living with a woman
who was not of his own totem! as we surely might expect to
1 That is in connection with those groups with whom the various wandering
parties came in contact. The members of all wandering parties appear to have
had intercourse more or less freely with women of other totems.
BoE 2
do if the form of the traditions were simply due to their
having grown up amongst a people with the present organisa-
tion of the Arunta tribe. It is only, during these early times,
when we come into contact with a group of men marching
across strange country that we meet, as we might expectite
do, with evidence of men having intercourse with women
other than those of their own totem.
Turning now to the later Alcheringa period, we find that
it was after the time of the Ungambikula, the Ullakupera
and the Achilpa, that the organisation now in vogue was
adopted. The present system of marriage, and a proper
understanding of the class system, is traditionally ascribed to
the wisdom of the Erlia (emu) people of four widely separated
localities. The Oknzrabata, or great leader of the Thurathertwa
group, living near to what is now called Glen Helen in the
Macdonnell Range, proposed a system which permitted of
Panunga men marrying Purula women, and of Bulthara men
marrying Kumara women, and wie versa. According to
this, men and women who now stand in the relation of
Unkulla, as well as those standing in the present relation
of Unawa, could marry each other. His proposal was carried
out in his immediate neighbourhood, and he was also
supported by the Oknrabata of the southern emu people
living at a place called Umbachinga.
The Oknirabata of the Ulalkira and Urliipma groups, who
lived about one hundred miles to the north, were what is
called Charunka, which means very wise, and they said that
it was not good for Unkulla to marry. Ata meeting between
them and the two other Okntrabata, it was decided that the
plan of the northern men was the better one, and made, as
the natives say, things go straight, and it was decided to adopt
the new system.
Tradition says that the Oknirabata of one of the northern
emu groups living at Urliipma, sent out Inwurra, that is
messengers carrying the sacred Churinga, to summon. the
people from all directions. They assembled at Urliipma,
which jis situated in the country of the Ilpirra tribe away to
the north of the Macdonnell Range, and were led thence by
the Oknirvabata, whose name was Ungwurnalitha, to Apaura,
now called the Belt Range, where a great Engwura was held.
After this was over all the people stood up, each man with his
wife or wives behind him, and those who were wrongly united
were separated, and the women were allotted to their proper
Unawa men The old man Ungwurnalitha presided at the
Engwura, and he was assisted by old emu men of Ulalkira,
Thuratherita, Umbuchinia and other places, all of whom had
_ agreed with him that the change should be introduced.
The intermarrying halves stood in the relationship of Unawa
to each other, this term being a reciprocal one, while the other
halves were Unkulla to each other. Thus if we take the case
of a Panunga man, under the old system all Purula women
were eligible to him as wives, but under the new one’ only
half of the Purula were Unawa to him, and half were Unkulla ;
with the former, or rather with those of them assigned to him,
he might have marital relations, but the latter were strictly
forbidden to him.
Taking all these traditions together we can see in them
indications, more or less clear, of the following stages which
are supposed by the natives to have been passed through in the
development of the tribe so far as its organisation and certain
important customs are concerned.
We have :—
(1.) A period during which two individuals who lived in
the western sky, and were called Ungambikula, came down
to earth and transformed /napertwa creatures into human
beings whose totem names were naturally those of the animals
or plants out of which they were transformed. The Ungam-
bikula also performed the rite of circumcision on certain,
but not all, of the men, using for this purpose a fire-stick.
(2.) A period during which the Ullakupera or little hawk
men introduced the use of the stone knife during circum-
cision. In addition they carried on the work commenced by
the Ungambikula of transforming /napertwa creatures into
human beings, and further still, they introduced the class
names now in use, viz. Panunga, Purula, Bulthara, Kumara.
We may presume that along with the introduction of the
class names there was instituted in connection with them
some system of marriage regulations, but what exactly this
was, there is not sufficient evidence to show.
(3.) A period, following closely upon the latter, during
which the Achilpa or wild cat men introduced the rite of
Aritha or sub-incision. It is said of the Achilpa, also, that
they arranged the initiation ceremonies in their proper order,
first circumcision, then sub-incision, and lastly the Engwura.
(4.) A period during which, first of all, the marriage system
was changed owing to the influence of certain Erlia or emu
people, with the result that Purula men might marry Panunga
women, Bulthara men Kumara women, and wice versa.
Secondly, and at a later period, each of these classes was
divided into two, so that, to a Panunga man, for example,
only half of the Purula women were eligible as wives, the
other half being Unkulla or forbidden to him.
It is not without interest to note that, according to tradition,
the emu men who introduced the division of the classes now
in use, lived away to the north, because the adoption of the
distinctive ‘names for the eight groups thus created is at
the present time taking place in the Arunta tribe, and asia
matter of actual fact, these eight names did originate in the
north, and are now slowly spreading southwards through the
tribe.
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Chapter 11
The Udnirringita totem—Alice Springs group consists of forty individuals at the
present day—Emily Gap the centre of the totem—Wanderings of Udnirringita
people from various places into the Gap—The wanderings of two women—A
bandicoot woman performs A7z/tha on an Unjiamba woman, and then changes
the totem of the latter—Two women join the wandering Ujpmerka men and
travel on with Kukaitcha northwards—Wanderings of the wild dogs—Two
young men steal the two Churinga of an old man, who pursues them to
Mount Gillen—They kill and eat wild dog people—The old man is killed on
Mount Gillen—The young men travel to the north and go down into the.
ground—Wanderings of two Unjiamba women—Travel southwards and
stop at Ooraminna—Wanderings of emu, honey-ant and lizard men—The
Unthippa women—Give rise to deposits of red ochre—Line of hills arise to
mark their route—The Unthippa dance at circumcision—Tradition of LErkincha
Tradition of the snake of Imyunga—The fire totem—Origin of fire—The
Orunchertwa and the Okndrabata—Association of birds with particular totems.
THE most important group of the Udnirringita totem is
located in the neighbourhood of Alice Springs in the northern
part of the Macdonnell Ranges, and consists all told—men,
women and children—of forty individuals, which is the
largest number, in any one local group, with which we are
acquainted. The totemic name is derived from that of a
grub or larva, which in turn derives its name from a bush
called Udnirringa, upon which the insect feeds and deposits
its eggs. The bush bears a berry of which emus are very
fond.
The Udnirringita people in this locality occupy a tract
of country which is about 100 square miles in extent, and
through the centre of which runs a range of often lofty hills,
424 INPAIEIAVGS, “Mss ars) NP (Ca INICRVAIL, ANUS IIRL ION CuEETE
amongst which occur the gaps or gorges with which they are
especially associated. The western boundary of their country
is co-terminous with the eastern wall of the gap called by the
natives Untariipa, and by the whites the Heavitree Gap.
The eastern boundary is formed by the Adnurinia or Jessie
Gap.
At various places throughout this district Udnirringita
people originated in the Alcheringa from their animal ances-
tors, and these Alcheringa people deposited Churinga at
various spots during the course of their wanderings, or where
they originated. The Alcheringa Udnirringita people, both
men and women, are supposed to have been full of eggs,
which are now represented by rounded water-worn stones,
many of which are stored in the Ertnatulunga at the various
gaps, and are called Churinga Unchima. Every prominent,
and many insignificant natural features throughout this strip
of country—the most picturesque part of the great central
area of the continent—has some history attached to it. For
example, a gaunt old gum tree, with a large projecting bole
about the middle of the trunk, indicates the exact spot where
an Alcheringa man, who was very full of eggs, arose when
he was transformed out of a witchetty grub. When he died
his spirit part remained behind along with his Churinga, and
used to especially frequent this tree, and therefore, when that
spirit went inside a woman of the local group and was re-
incarnated in the form of a man who died a few years ago,
that special tree was the Vanja tree of that man. An insig-
nificant looking splinter of black, gneissic rock, projecting
from the ground at another spot, indicates the exact place
at which a woman of the Alcheringa arose whose living
reincarnation—an old woman—is now to be seen at Alice
Springs.
Emily Gap, or, as it is called by the natives, Unthurqua, is,
probably, owing to its central position, the most important
spot in the Udnirringita country. It is a narrow gorge not
more than a hundred yards from end to end and about thirty
in width, hemmed in by precipitous rocks of red quartzite,
and runs from north to south right across the long ridge
which, for some 200 miles, bounds the Horn or Mercenie valley
on its southern side. Within a radius of two miles of this
gap there are eight or ten holes, varying from three to five
feet in depth, which are supposed to have been sunk, in the first
instance, by the Alcheringa men. They are called Mthura,
and are strictly tabu to women and children, who must.not on
any pretence go near to them, and their exact locality is well
known to all of the members of the local group. Each hole
contains, carefully covered ,over, one large stone called
Churinga Uchaqua, which represents the witchetty in its
chrysalis stage, and a smaller, more rounded stone, called
Churinga Unchima, which represents the egg stage.
It was just within the northern entrance to the gorge, at
a spot marked now by a large stone, close to which stands
the trunk of an old and long since dead gum tree, that the
great Alcheringa leader of the witchetties, who was named
Intwailiuka, sprang into existence. With him and with the
people whose leader he was many of the natural features of
the gorge are, as we shall shortly see, associated in tradition.
The stone has since been associated with the spirit, not only
of the dead Intwailiuka, but also with one or two men who
have been regarded as his successive reincarnations, the last of
whom was the father of the present Alatunja of the group.
A number of smaller stones close by represent men who sat
there with him, for during his life he spent much time in this
spot, which he chose because, owing to its position, he could
easily guard the approach to the gap and at the same time
keep watch over the sacred store-house of the Churinga, which
was always located in one of the many clefts which he made
in the rocks for this purpose.
In the western wall of the gap is situated the sacred cave
which is called the //thura oknira, or the great //thura, at
which he performed the ceremony called Jntechiuma, the
object of which was then, as at the present day, to increase
the number of the Udnirringita grub on which he and his
companions fed. Directly opposite to this, but low down on
the eastern wall of the gap, is the sacred //kzuza, a drawing on
the rocks which it is believed sprang up spontaneously to mark
the spot where the Alcheringa women painted themselves, and
stood petring up and watching while Intwailiuka and his men
performed /xtechtuma. This spot is called the Erlukwirra, or
camp of the women, in the Alcheringa, and one of the draw-
ings is supposed to represent a woman leaning on her elbow
against the rocks and gazing upwards. In this, as in many
other instances, we meet with traditions showing clearly that in
past times the position of women in regard to their associa-
tion with sacred objects and ceremonies was very different
from that which they occupy at the present day, when,
for example, no woman dare to venture near to the sacred
spot while Jntichiuma was being performed there. About
200 feet below the lithura, a steep, broad belt band of
quartzite, less weathered than the surrounding rock, stands
out and dips steeply down into the bed of the creek. This is
called Adknalinta, which means “ eyes painted around,” and
indicates where, in the Alcheringa, Intwailiuka stood in the
bed of the creek at the base of the rock. Standing here
he threw numbers of Churinga Unchima, or eggs, up the
face of the rock, just as is now done during the Znvtéchiuma
ceremony. Here also he used to sit while he pounded up
large quantities of the grub. On the northern edge of the
rock is a long, deep, ridge-shaped depression, which looks as if
the stone had been cut out with a great knife, and this marks
the spot where the special fztéchz of Intwailiuka rested while
he poured into it the pulverised grubs. A high precipitous
wall of rock rises abruptly from the top of the A/knalinta, and
in a line with the mass of rock an old pine tree stands
The block of stone in the foreground is the Maza rock of Intwailiuka, the leader
of the Witchetty grubs.
and marks the spot where Churinga Unchima were stored by
Intwailiuka for J¢échiuma purposes, and where they are still
stored by his successors, These special Churinga represent
the eggs which the Alcheringa people carried in their bodies,
and at the present day every man belonging to the totem has
a few of these which he believes were carried thus by his
Alcheringa ancestors, and when he dies they are buried with
him. Any round pebble found in the vicinity of the gap may
be one of these Churinga, but only the old men are able
to tell whether it is genuine or not.
Looking south from the spot last referred to, a group of
stones can be seen which mark the spot where a group of
men coming into the gap in the Alcheringa sat down. At
the west side of the northern entrance a great jumble of
quartzite boulders, much weather-worn, indicates the spot
where the grub men, who marched into this, the headquarters
of the totem, from a place called Ulathirka, sat down. Just
outside the northern end of the gap a group of gum trees indi-
cates where the people who marched in from Ungunja sat down,
and further still up the creek, a large boulder, standing in the
bed, indicates where a celebrated old man, the leader of one
group of the Alcheringa, sat down. Up on the western bank,
a group of gum trees and acacia scrub indicates where the
men coming in from Urliipma sat.
The Udnirringita people of this, their central group, did not
wander about, and they are not recorded as having had
any /napertwa ancestors, but the grubs are supposed to have
been transformed directly into human beings. Whilst, how-
ever, those who originated at the Emily Gap, according to
tradition, remained there, other groups are recorded as having
immigrated to the same spot from outside parts of the
country.
The first to come were the Udnirringita from a place called
Urliipma, which lies twenty miles away to the east of the
present telegraph line, where it passes on to the Burt Plain at
the northern side of the Macdonnell Ranges. They were led
by an old Bulthara man, who was what is called Eriénabata,
that is, a very wise man of the Alcheringa, his wisdom being
commensurate with the length of his name, which was
Irpapirkirpirirrawilika, They travelled at first under the
ground until they reached Atnamala, a place a little to the
east of Painta Springs, where they fed on Udnirringita,
painted their bodies with the totemic design, and fixed many
Lalkira, or nose bones, in their hair. Thence they travelled
above ground, and came on south to Okirilla, where they
cooked and ate many Udnirringita, and also made Jntichtuma,
and left the Churinga Uchagua stones, which now remain
there, in the //thura which they used. Thence they travelled
to Unthurqua, or the Emily Gap, where they sat down on the
northern entrance, the old man Intwailiuka warning them to
come no further.
The next party to immigrate consisted of men from a place
out to the west in the neighbourhood of Mount Heuglin. Un-
like the Urliipma people they had some women with them and
were led by a Panunga man named IIpiriiwuka, who, when he
found that Intwailiuka would not allow him to come within
the sacred precincts of the Emily Gap, became angry and,
leaving his party, returned to Ulathirka, where his descendant
is now living amongst the Udnirringita of that locality: This
party travelled first-of all to Atnamala, where, like the first
group, they painted their bodies with the //ézuza of the totem
and made /ntichiuma. Thence they travelled south-east to
Yia-pitchera, about six miles west of Alice Springs, where
again they painted themselves and fed upon the grub, a large
waterhole springing up to mark the spot where the grubs
were cooked. Thence, after travelling only half a mile to
Nang-wulturra, they again painted themselves, ate grubs, and
another waterhole was formed. Travelling south they came
to what is now called Charles Creek, where they performed
sacred ceremonies and left a Panunga woman, ‘Then,
following down the creek, they came to Ilpillachilla, where they
stopped for a few hours and decorated themselves with the
Ilkinia designs. Then they went on to Kiula, a clay-pan
about three miles to the south of Alice Springs, where they
again painted the //ézuza on their bodies and left one man, a
Bulthara named Ulaliki-irika, whose last descendant died a
short time ago. Then they travelled on to the east along the
plain which is bounded on the south by the range through
which the Emily Gap runs, and at a spot about three miles
further on, which is now indicated by a great heap of stones,
they stopped to listen for the voice of Intwailiuka, and
presently they heard him singing about the coming of a
Panunga man. Leaving behind them a Panunga man named
Ilpiriiwuka, whose descendant is now living in the person ofa
little boy, they travelled on to an /Mthura about two miles
away from the gap, where they met a number of the local
Udnirringita people whom they joined, and then all of them
went into the ground and came out again at the entrance to
the gap on the western side. They were warned by
Intwailiuka not to come any further on, so they sat down and
their leader at once returned to Ulathurka. Where they sat
down, a large number of black stones arose to mark the spot.
At a later time Intwailiuka led the party to the Jthura
Oknira, where they assisted him to perform Jntichiuma.
After this party, there came another. from Wulpa, a spot
amongst the sand hills west of Mount Burrell on the Hugh
River. This was led by an old Panunga man named Akwitha-
intuya. The men of this party travelled underground to
Yinthura passing, but at some miles distant, Imanda, where
at that time the Achilpa and Unchichera were making
Engwura. Here they made guabara undattha and ate
Udnirringita. They then travelled on, above ground, to
Nukwia, east of Ooraminna, where they left a Panunga man ;
thence they came to a large clay-pan on the Emily Plain,
made Engwura and then passed on to Intiripita, where they
performed ceremonies and left two men, onea Panunga named
Urangara, and the other a Bulthara named Irchuangwa. Then
they passed on to IIpirikulla, where a Panunga woman was left,
and finally they reached the southern entrance to the Emily
Gap where they were stopped by Intwailiuka and sat down,
a group of stones now marking the spot. After their arrival
they performed Avitha upon some members of their party,
the operator being a great medicine man named Urangara.
Another party came from Untburkunpa, a range about fifty
miles away to the east of Alice Springs, where there still
exists a witchetty totem centre. They were led by a
Bulthara named Intwailiuka, whose living descendant is the
present Alatunja of the Alice Springs, or, to speak more
correctly, of the Emily Gap group of Udnirringita. The
members of this party at first travelled underground to
Entukatira, a creek some miles to the east of Undoolya,
where they ate witchetty grubs and painted themselves with
ilkinia. Thence they went on to Hiarinia, where they again
painted and left a Bulthara man named Unchalka. Then
they travelled on to the south and, after one or two halts,
PPS ae aS ee
reached the entrance to the Jessie Gap, where they saw a
number of witchetty men, amongst whom was a Bulthara
named Kakathurika, who warned them not to approach any
nearer to the gap and whose descendant is now the Alatunja
of that group of the totem.!
Then they journeyed on to Laliknika on the Emily Creek
about four miles north of the gap, where they painted //énda
on their bodies and left one woman, a Panunga, whose
descendant is one of the daughters of the present Alatunja of
Emily Gap. Thence they travelled on to the Todd River,
where some men and women were left, and then, following the
banks down to a spot, about half a mile away from the gap,
where a Panunga man named Pitcha-arinia was left, they
rested for a short time and then went on till they came to the
eastern side of the Emily Gap, where they sat down all together
and a group of trees arose to mark the place.
The last party of immigrants came from Ungwia in the
Hart Ranges. The members of this party were of both sexes,
and they travelled underground until they reached I]pirulcha,
a spot on the Emily Creek a few miles to the north of
the gap, where they painted themselves with //éznza and ate
witchetty grubs Then they went on to Achilpa-interninja, the
spot at which one of the travelling groups of the Achilpa lost
a small Churinga. After painting themselves here and
eating some more of the totemic grub, they came to Laliknika,
and then on to one of the //thura, where they halted because
they heard the voice of Intwailiuka singing. Here they left
one Bulthara man, and going on stopped every now and then
to listen for the singing. Camping on the Emily Creek half
a mile to the north of the spot called Chalipita, they left here
a Bulthara woman named Chantunga, and then going on
they performed some sacred ceremonies. Leaving behind one
1 This warning on the part of Intwailiuka at the Emily Gap, and of Kakathurika
at the Jessie Gap appears to indicate the exclusive right over a particular area of
country which was claimed by, and accorded to, the inhabitants of that area.
Even men of the same totem are not allowed to enter without permission from the
head man. The same feeling very clearly exists at the present day, as is shown
by the fact that a strange black, coming up to a camp, never thinks of going
straight up to it, but sits down at some little distance and then waits until he is
invited to come forward by the old men
Bulthara man, whose descendant is now living, they came to
I-yathika, and found there a Bulthara man of their own totem.
Here they could plainly hear Intwailiuka singing of the coming
of the men from Ungwia, so they at once went on to the
mouth of the gap, a group of trees arising to mark the
spot where they stood. Intwailiuka objected to their passing
through the gap, so they entered the ground and came up
again on the south side at Ertichirticha, where they found the
Wulpa people had previously sat down. The only living
descendant of this group is a man named Ertichirticharinia,
who now lives at Alice Springs. They wished to continue
their journey to Wulpa, but Intwailiuka told them to remain,
so they sat down and stayed at the gap, and a group of gum
trees marks the spot where they sat down.
At the present time there are just forty individuals who are
regarded as the descendants of the original resident group of
Emily Gap and of the immigrant parties. Of these forty,
twenty-six are the descendants of the former and fourteen are
the descendants of the latter, and out of the total number only
five belong to the Purula and Kumara moiety of the tribe.
A woman of the Panunga class and Quirra (bandicoot)
totem, left a place called Iki-ira, lying to the north of Anna’s
Reservoir, and, carrying with her a Nurtunja and Churinga,
travelled south to Intita-laturika, where she found another
Panunga woman of the Unjiamba totem who also had a
Nurtunja. She took this woman and her Nurtunja with her,
and, still travelling south, came to a place called Allniara, to
the east of, and not far, from Mount Heuglin. Here they
camped and made guabara undattha, and the Quirra woman
performed the operation of Atna ariltha-kuma on her com-
panion, a great gully arising at the spot, and, in the middle of
this, a large stone to mark the exact place where, after the
performance, the women went down into the ground, under-
neath which they travelled southwards to Ariltha. Here
they made guabara undattha and then went on to. Arur-
umbya, where they found erected the Nurtunja of a Bulthara
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man named Akwithaka, of the eo totem. The bandicoot
woman here painted her Unjiamba companion with Quzrra
undattha‘ and so caused herto change her totem to Quirra, after
which, the tradition says, she fed exclusively on bandicoot. The
owner of the Vurtunja was absent searching for bandicoot, and
they did not see him, but, being afraid lest he should follow
their tracks, they entered the ground and went on to Urtiacha
in the Waterhouse Range, where they again made guabara
undattha, and then came on to a spot five miles to the east
of Owen Springs, where by means of guabara undattha the
woman who was originally Unjiamba and Panunga, changed
herself into a Kumara and remained there altogether. Her
name was Illapurinja, which means, the changed one.
The remaining woman now went on alone to Urapitchera,
near to what is now called Boggy Waterhole on the Finke,
where she found a number of Achilpa people making Engwura;
she caused blood to flow from her sexual organs in great
volume, directing it towards the people, who at once fled to a
spot close by which is now marked by a number of stones
which sprung up where they took refuge. The blood covered
the Engwura ground and formed a fine clay-pan which
remains to the present day.
Finding at Urapitchera a Kumara woman of the bandicoot
totem, she took her on as companion and started off under-
eround towards the north-east. After making guabara at
various places they were chased by an old Kumara man of
the lizard totem, named Yukwirta, but he could not capture
them, and so they went on until they camped at Inkila-quatcha,
where they found the U/pmerka of the plum-tree totem who
subsequently travelled northwards under the guidance of
Kukaitcha and were at that time engaged in making Churinga
by means of opossum teeth, which they used to draw the designs
with. With the U/pmerka the two women went to Quiurnpa,
which was close by,and there Kukaitcha decorated the Kumara
woman with sacred down, and thus caused her to change her
class from Kumara to Panunga, and thus she became Quztza,
that is, younger sister of the other woman.
1 Ouirra undattha is bird’s down which has been used for decoration in connec-
tion with a sacred ceremony of the Quirra or bandicoot totem and has thus become
identified with the latter. oe
It has been already described in the account of the
Engwura how these two women accompanied the U/pmerka
as they travelled northwards from Quiurnpa under the
guidance of the great Kukaitcha. It was this party of
Ulpmerka who were camped at Aurapuncha, when one of the
wandering parties of Achilpa came and joined them, and
finally changed into Ulpmerka men of the plum-tree totem.
WANDERINGS OF THREE WILD Doc MEN
In the Alcheringa there dwelt at Chilpma, about one
hundred miles east south-east of Alice Springs, three men of
the Ukgnulia or wild dog totem; one was anold Bulthara man
named Kaltiwilyika, and two were young men, both Panunga,
one named Kalterinya and the other Ulthulperinya. The
old man had a string bag, called Zruka or Apunga, in which
he kept two Churinga. The two young men stole this bag
and ran away followed by the old man who carried a great
stabbing spear called Wallira. Thetwo younger ones travelled
away towards the north-west, and came to Uchirka, where they
found an old woman of the wild dog totem, with a newly-born
child, both of whom they killed and ate, leaving some meat
for the old man. Here they left a Churinga from which
“sprang subsequently a man called Uchirkarinia, whose descen-
dant is now living.
Leaving Uchirka they travelled quickly, being afraid of the
old man, and during the day passed Therierita, where
they saw a large mob of Achilpa. They went on and camped
at Itnuringa, where they found some Oruncha men with whom
they were afraid to interfere and camped at Ulkupiratakima,
a rock-hole on the Emily Plain, about eighteen miles to the
south-east of Alice Springs. Here they found an old woman
of the wild dog totem, whom they killed and proceeded to eat,
and while thus engaged, the old man came in sight. They
just had time to conceal the bag with the Churinga in it, when
he came and sat down a little distance from them without
speaking. They gave him meat, but he only ate a very little
of it, being sulky. That night they were afraid to sleep lest
the old man should kill them, and _ before daylight they ran
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away and came on to Pilyiqua, where there are some small
rock-holes. Here they camped and found some small wild dog
men, some of whom they killed and ate. The old man again
overtook them and again they gave him meat, of which he
would only eat a little, being still very sulky and on the
look-out for an opportunity of killing them. Once more
they ran away before daylight and, passing a hill called
Irpalpa, about seven miles south of Alice Springs, they
travelled on to Okniambantwa or Mount Gillen, where they
camped on top of the range and found an old woman of the
wild dog totem whom they killed and ate. The old man
came up later on, but the two young men had hidden them-
selves. He saw, however, a lot of wild dog men who had
originated here (this lies in a wild dog locality at the present
day), and thinking the two might be in their midst he attacked
them with his great spear and killed several, after which
they all combined together and killed him.
The local men were very angry, and so the two young
men being afraid to join them, went up into the sky taking
the bag with them. They went away towards the north-
west and did not alight until they reached Ulthirpa, which is
nearly seventy miles from AliceSprings. Here they camped and
found a Bulthara man of the wild dog totem named Ulthir-
pirinia, whose descendant is now living, and who lived only
on wild dog flesh (the animal not the man), of which he
consumed large quantities. Hehad a Murtunja and guabara
undattha, which he showed to the two young men, who then
went on foot to Erwanchalirika, where they found a Bulthara
wild dog man whom they killed and ate. He had no Nurtunja
or Churinga. After eating him their faces became suffused
with blood, producing a most uncomfortable feeling, so that
they relieved each other by sucking one another’s cheeks.
Travelling on they passed the spots now called Johnston’s
Well and Harding’s Soakage, both on the Woodforde Creek,
and at the latter found a big Wurtunja erected which belonged
to an old Panunga wild dog named Kalterinia, who was of
remarkable appearance, having a broad white streak down
the centre of his face. They joined him and he showed them
his guabara undattha. At Imbatna, seven miles further north,
1p 2
they found another wild dog man with a Murtunja and
ceremonies, and then they turned slightly towards the west
and came to Eri-quatcha, where they opened up the bag
and looked at the Churinga which fluttered about in the most
extraordinary manner. They closed it up again, and travelling
on crossed Hanson Creek at Urumbia, and reach Kurdaitcha
away to the west of Central Mount Stuart, where, long after-
wards, one of the Achilpa parties camped. Here they
deposited the bag containing the Churinga, from which
sprung a Kumara man whose name was Kurdaitcharinia. A
large stone arose at the spot where the Churinga was deposited.
Only one wild dog man can arise, at a time, at the spot which
lies in the middle of an Achilpa locality. After they had
deposited the Churinga one of the men mounted on to the
back of the other and went into the ground, and it is only the
far away western people who know where they came out
again.
WANDERINGS OF Two UNJIAMBA OR HAKEA WOMEN
Two women of the Unjiamba totem, named respectively
Abmoara and Kuperta, sprang up at Ungwuranunga, about
thirty-five miles north of Alice Springs, where they had a
Nurtunja and Churinga, and dwelt alongside their Ertnatu-
dunga. Leaving this place they entered the ground, and came
out again at Arapera, where they saw a Purula wild cat
woman named Arilthamariltha, who originated here and had
a big Nurtunja, and whose descendant is now alive. The two
women did not join her but camped close by, and ate
Unjiamba, on which they always fed. Thence, travelling
above ground, they went to Okillalatunga, where they erected
their Nurtunja and walked about looking for Unjiamba, but
did not see another Unjiamba woman, a Purula of that
name, who was camped in the locality with a large
Nurtunja, round which one of the Achilpa parties danced
when they passed by. Taking their Vurtunja to pieces, they
went on to Atnyra-ungwurna-munia, where they camped and
ate Unjiamba. Thence they went to Unthipita, where they
erected their Murtunja again, played about, and looked for
TEE hy an ae Ey VTC GT MU ive eA SY Weape rs ee eS UY
Unjiamba. Then they once more took their Vurtunja to pieces
and travelled on to the Ooraminna rock-hole, where they went
into the earth, and two large stones arose to mark the spot
beneath which were their Churinga. The descendant of
Abmoara is now living, and one of the two stones is her
Nanja. The descendant of Kuperta died recently, and it will
be some time before she will again undergo reincarnation.
In the following accounts, which refer to the wanderings of
Erlia, or emu, Yarumpa, or honey-ant, and Echunpa, or
lizard men, we omit the greater part of the details, as these
are closely similar to those already given in the case of other
totemic groups.
These people originated at a place called Erliunpa, about
ten miles to the east of Giles Creek, which is situated eighty
or a hundred miles east of Alice Springs. A party of men,
accompanied by three women, left this place, travelling nearly
due west. They carried Vurtunjas on their heads, and their
bodies were at first covered with feathers, which they gradu-
ally shed along their line of route until at last they had
all disappeared. Their first camping place was at Oniara,
where they went into the ground. They came out at Ulpira
and travelled to Karpirakura, a little west of Soda Creek,
where they found a group of emu people of both sexes.
Here they left a number of men and travelled on in a
general westerly direction, following the trend of the main
Macdonnell Ranges and forming totem centres at various spots
as they went along, the exact locality of which is known to
the natives. About fifty miles to the west of Alice Springs
they shed their few remaining feathers, and a short distance
beyond what is now called Glen Helen, they entered the
earth and did not come out until they reached Apaura in the
Belt Range, at the western end of the Macdonnells, where
they found and stayed with a local group of emu men and
women, forming there an important emu totem centre.
The Yarumpa or honey-ant people, who were of all classes,
originated at a place called Iyaba, in the Mount Hay country.
From this spot, which is the great centre of the totem, they
dispersed in various directions. A great Oknirabata, named
Abmyaungwirria, started out from Ilyaba to see what the
country out northwards was like, and, returning after many
days, told his people that he had found another mob of
honey-ants far away in the north-east, and that he intended
leading a party to them. After performing a lot of ceremonies
which the women were allowed to see, he started off with the
party, and after finding two or three honey-ant men living in
the scrub in various places (it may be noted that the honey-
ant is found in mulga scrub), they came to Inkalitcha, where
the water-hole by which they camped was dry. They suffered
much from thirst, and so opened veins in. their arms and
drank blood, some of the old men consuming immense quan-
tities. Then they went into the ground, and alternately.
travelling above and under ground, came.to a spot on
the Burt Plain, where it is related that they made J/pzrla.
This is a drink made by steeping the bodies of the honey-
ants in water, and then kneading them until the honey
is pressed out and mixed with the water. The //pirla was
mixed in the hafts of their shields. After drinking some of
it the Oknzrabata left the party, and went on ahead to find
the honey-ant people whom he had seen before. He found
them at Koarpirla making an Engwura, and, returning at
once to his party, he led them to that place. The local
people were very angry, and refused to have anything to do with
them, and moreover they opened veins in their arms, making
such a flood that all the party were drowned except the
Oknirabata who returned to Ilyaba, where finally he died. A
black hill covered with black stones arose where the wanderers
perished, and their Churinga are now in the store-house of
the local group. A spring of fresh water is said to mark the
central spot of the Engwura ground, which lies far out in
sand-hill country, and has the natives say, never been visited
by white men.
A Ol Os aes ae
Another party of honey-ant people started out west under
the guidance of two Oknzrabata. At a place called Tan-
ulpma a large Wurtunja was erected, and here one of the
leaders remained behind with the Vurtunja, a large gum tree
arising to mark the spot where this stood. At Umpira the
party met a honey-ant woman, who, like all those seen along
the course of their travels, had a NMurtunja and guabara
undattha. When she died a large stone arose to mark the
spot, and this is the Manja of her living descendant. At
Umpira Avitha was performed upon some of the party. Then
they travelled on to Lukaria, where they found a large
number of honey-ant men and women who had many
Nurtunjas. On seeing the strangers the women were very
angry, and assumed a threatening attitude, stamping and
beating the air with their palms extended outwards, shouting
“Volika piraarinilla litchila Churinga oknirra ninunga” (Stop ;
don’t advance ; we have many Churinga). The party, fright-
ened, camped a little distance away, where they erected a
Nurtunja and performed Aritha. The local honey-ants did
not come near to them. They travelled on westwards, camp-
ing near Mount Heuglin and on the Dashwood Creek, and
forming various totem centres. At a place called Amula-
pirta they stayed for a few hours performing Ariltha, and all
the men had intercourse with a Panunga honey-ant woman.
On the north side of the Belt Range they camped by
the side of a creek, and here they erected their Murtunja, and
were too tired to take it up again. While travelling on they
heard a loud arri-inkuma—a special form of shouting—and
soon found themselves face to face with a large number of
honey-ants at a place called Unapuna. The local people
resented their coming, and at once drew forth floods of blood
from their arms, with the result that all the strangers were
drowned, their Churinga remaining behind and giving rise to
an important Yarumpa or honey-ant totem centre.
In the Alcheringa a man of the Hlunja (jew lizard) totem,
who sprung up at Simpson’s Gap at a spot high up on the
eastern wall, now marked by a column called by white men
the Sentinel, journeyed away underground to a place called
Ulira, east of Arltunja, where there were a number of Echunpa
or big lizard people, who originated there, but, unlike the
lizards of the Simpson’s Gap locality, they always fed on lizards.
The Ilunja man had brought with him a lot of Owadowa, a
grass seed which formed the food of the Simpson’s Gap lizard
people. Some of this he consumed on the road, and the rest
he offered to the Ulira lizard people, who declined it, so he
placed it on the ground, a large stone now marking the spot.
Having induced the Echunpa people to accompany him,
they all started back for Simpson’s Gap, carrying a number of
Churinga but no Nurtunja. On the way they ate Echunpa,
the Ilunja man joining them in doing so. Travelling west-
ward, they camped at various places, and at one spot near to
the Love Creek the younger men, whose duty it was to
provide and cook the lizards for the older ones, only brought in
a little to the old men, who were angry and called them
Unkirertwa, that is, greedy men, and to punish them caused
them to become anchinya, that is, grey-haired,
At Irulchirtna they made guabara undattha, carrying
Churinga on their heads, as shown during one of the Engwura
ceremonies which represented one of those performed during
this march. Here it was that some men of the Thippa-thippa
(a bird totem) came and danced round them as they per-
formed, and were afterwards changed into birds, which still
hover over the Echunpa lizards and show the natives where
they are to be found, Leaving Trulchirtna, they still carried
stumpy tail left the party, intending to §° away, but changed
his mind and returned. Then they went to what is now a
XI TRADITIONS AS TO ALCHERINGA ANCESTORS aat
large clay pan, called Conlon’s lagoon, where 7apurta were
again performed. Here a thin, emaciated man was left, and
where he died arose a stone, the rubbing of which may cause
emaciation in other people. This stone is charged with
Arunggquiltha, or evil influence.
At Conlon’s lagoon the Ilunja man left the rest and went
on ahead to Simpson’s Gap, where he wanted to muster the
Alexandra parakeet, small rat (Untaina), and Iura (a lizard,
a species of Nephrurus) people. The Alexandra parakeet
people have, since that time, been changed into the bird which
is supposed to inhabit caves underground, out of which it
comes every now and then in search of grass seed.
The lizard party came on and camped at Atnakutinga near
Attack Gap, and then proceeded to the south of Temple Bar
Gap, and from there followed up the Ross Creek where the
Ilunja man met them. A little further on they found a
lizard man whose descendant now lives at Alice Springs. At
length they reached Simpson’s Gap and then they danced in front
of the people who were assembled, and after that a long series
of sacred ceremonies was performed. Then the Ilunja man
and one of the Echunpa returned uhderground to Ulirra
where they stayed altogether.
The lizard people left some of their party at the Gap;
three of them being very thin and emaciated died, and the
stones which arose to mark the spot are charged with
Arungquiltha. he rest of the party travelled north, still
eating lizards, until they reached Painta Springs on the
northern side of the Macdonnell Range and the southern edge
of the Burt Plains. Travelling northward they passed
Hanns’ Range, and at a place called Ilangara they were too
tired to go further and so joined the Iwutta (nail-tailed
wallaby) people who lived there. Their Churinga were
deposited in two spots close to the storehouse of the Iwutta.
In dealing with the wanderings of the fourth group of the
Achilpa people reference was made to some dancing women
called Unthippa who were met at a place called Yapilpa.
The women were Oruncha, that is what is usually translated
“devil” women, which implies that they were of an evil nature,
always ready to annoy human beings, and endowed with
special superhuman powers of various kinds. As explained,
however, in the case of the Oruncha men the word “devil”
must not be taken in the sense of their being at all the
equivalents of malicious creatures whose one object was to
work ill to men and women ; they are more mischievous than
malicious, and in this instance the term “uncanny” more
nearly expresses the idea associated with them.
These women were supposed to have sprung into existence
far out in the A/dorla tlunga, that is the west country, and as
they journeyed they danced all the way along carrying shields
and spear-throwers until they passed right through the
country of the Arunta people. When they started they were
half women and half men, but before they had proceeded very
far on their journey their organs became modified and they
were as other women.
When they arrived at a place in the vicinity of Glen Helen
they found a number of Okranina or carpet snake people who
were assembled at an Apul/a where they were about to
perform the rite of circumcision upon some Wurtjas, that is
boys who had undergone the preparatory painting and
throwing up which form the first of the initiatory rites. Such
women as were Unawa to the boys took the latter on their
shoulders and carried them along with them, leaving them at
various spots ez route, after performing /artna on them.
Women were also left occasionally.
Somewhere out west of the River Jay the women changed
their language to Arunta and began feeding on mulga seed, on
which they afterwards subsisted. Upon arrival at a place
called Wankima, about a hundred miles further to the east,
their sexual organs dropped out from sheer exhaustion, caused
by their uninterrupted dancing, and it was these which gave
rise to well-known deposits of red ochre. The women then
entered the ground and nothing more is known of them
except that it is supposed that a great womanland exists far
away to the east where they finally sat down.
The long ridge of quartzite ranges which forms a marked
feature in the surface configuration of the country, in the
region of the Macdonnell Ranges, and extends east and west
for more than 200 miles, forming the southern boundary of
the long narrow Horn or Mereenie valley, arose to mark the
line of travel which they followed.
The Unthip~pa dance, which is performed during the
ceremonies concerned at the present time with Zaria, refers to
these women. Upon the night when the boy is taken to the
ceremonial ground the women approach, carrying shields and
spear-throwers, and dance as the Unthippa women did in the
Alcheringa, while the men sing, time after time, the refrain
“the range all along,” referring to the march of the Unthippa
which the women are dancing in imitation of. At a later
time also in the ceremony, after the boy has been painted and
advanced to the grade of Wurtja, and just before the
performance of the actual ceremony, one of the women (not,
however, as in the case of the Unthippa an Unawa woman,
but one who is Mura to the boy), placing her head between
his legs suddenly lifts him up on her shoulders and runs off
with him, as in the Alcheringa the Unthzppa women did, but,
unlike what happened in the past, the boy is again seized by
the men and brought back. Whatever these remarkable
Unthippa women may have been, the myth concerning them,
which has evidently arisen to account for certain curious
features in the initiation ceremonies, may be regarded as
evidence that there was a time when women played a more
important part in regard to such ceremonies than they do at
the present time.
In the Alcheringa one of the wandering parties of Achilpa
or wild cat. men were under. the guidance of an old
Oknirabata named Atnimma-la-truripa, who was renowned for
the size of his penis (the native word is pura, being the same
as that for tail, kangaroo tail, for example, is okzra pura). He
was always gorgeously decorated with down, especially the
pura. This party. camped near to the waterhole at
Ooraminna, where they made an Engwura. While there they
discovered a group of wild cat men who were suffering from
the disease called EHrkincha, or Yerakincha, and smelt most
offensively. The southern Achilpa men had intended to
settle here, but the presence of these men frightened them
and they hurried away northwards.
Shortly after the: wild cat men had gone a party of men
who belonged to the Arwarlinga (a species of Hakea) totem,
who dwelt close by in the sand hills, came in and went to the
top of the Ooraminna rockhole and made what is called
abmoara—that is a favourite drink of the natives made by
steeping Hakea flowers in water. The water was held in
their wooden vessels, and then, opening veins in their arms,
they allowed the blood to flow into the vessels and mix with
the abmoara, until the vessels overflowed to such an extent
that the Ooraminna Creek became flooded and all of the
Erkincha men were drowned. A stone arose at the spot
where the diseased men perished, and since the days of the
Alcheringa this stone has been known as Agerta atnumbira
(q@perta, stone ; atnumbira signifies a diseased growth issuing
from the anus). Ever since this time the Erkincha has been
prevalent amongst the natives, and it is believed that old men
visiting the stone can, by means of rubbing it and muttering a
request to the contained Arungquzltha, or evil influence, to go
out, cause the disease to be communicated to any individual
or even group of men whom they desire to injure.!
About fifty miles north-north-west of Alice Springs there is a
gorge opening out from the northern ridge of the Macdonnell
Range on to the Burt Plain. In the gorge is a waterfall with
a small permanent pool at its base which is said to be
inhabited by the spirit of a great dead snake and by some
living snakes, the descendants of the former. The spot is.
' The disease is one which is common amongst young people, only attacking
each individual once. It affects only the glands of the part of the body in the
neighbourhood of the sore. At first sight jt has much the appearance of being
syphilitic in nature, but Dr. Eylmann, who has studied it, is of opinion that it is
distinct from syphilis. It usually appears in the anal region, under the arms or
legs, or close to the mouth.
called Imyunga, and is in the centre of an Ingwitchika or
grass seed locality. Here, in the Alcheringa, there lived a
woman of the totem who was very expert in gathering the
grass seed on which she fed, but she suffered great annoyance
and was very angry because the people of the same totem
who dwelt with her were always stealing her grass seed, so
she journeyed far away to the south-west beyond Erldunda and
brought back with her an enormous snake. She took the
latter to her camp at Imyunga and there it ate up all the
Ingwitchika thieves, after which it lived in the waterhole. It
was long after the Alcheringa before it died, in fact it was seen
by the grandfathers of some old men still living, and it was
finally killed by a gfeat flood which came down over the
waterfall and washed it out of its hole. In the range there
are great caverns which are occupied by the spirit of the
snake. Some of its descendants are seen occasionally in the
waterhole, to the eastern side of which no man dare go
except at the risk of being sucked under the ranges—a fate
which has, more than once, overtaken men who ventured too
near, though it is a long time now since such a_ thing
happened. When approaching the waterfall men always stop
and sing out several times to give the snake warning of their
approach, for it would make him angry if he were taken by
surprise.
Close by the waterfall is the storehouse of the local group
in which all the Churinga are of stone. The Churinga nanja
of the woman referred to is ornamented on one side only with
a number of series of concentric circles which are supposed to
represent her breasts, her name being Urlatcha (breasts).
In the Alcheringa a spark of fire (uwrznchitha) ascended into
the sky at Urapuncha, the place of fire, which lies far away in
the north and was blown by the north wind to a spot now
indicated by a large mountain also called Urapuncha, or Mount
Hay. Here it fell to earth and a great fire sprang up which
by and by subsided, and from the ashes came out some
lnapertwa creatures—the ancestors of the people of the fire
totem. These /vapertwa were after a time discovered by two
wild duck (Wungara) men who flew over from the west and
both of whom were Bulthara, one being called Erkung-ir-quilika
and the other Mura-wilyika. They came from Ilalil-kirika
close to the junction of the Hugh and Jay Rivers, and made
the Jnapertwa into men and women, after which they flew
back to their camp in the west. The remains of the great fire
still smoulders on the top of the mountain where the sacred
storehouse of the totem is located, and at night time,
especially if the night be dark and rainy, the fire can be seen
from a long distance. Close to the storehouse is a great
block of stone which in the Alcheringa was the piece of wood
used by the great leader of the fire people, who was called
Yarung-unterin-yinga, for the purpose of being rubbed by the
amera or spear-thrower when he made fire. The aemera is
represented in the storehouse by a Churinga.
In the Alcheringa a man of the Arunga or euro totem,
named Algurawartna, started from a place named Ililkinja
out in the east in pursuit of a gigantic euro which carried fire
in its body. The man carried with him two big Churinga
with which he tried to make fire, but could not. He followed
the euro as it travelled westwards, trying all the time to kill it.
The man and the euro always camped a little distance away
from one another. One night Algurawartna awoke and saw
a fire burning by the euro; he at once went up to it and took
some, with which he cooked some euro flesh which he carried
with him and upon which he fed. The euro ran away, turning
back along its old tracks to the east. Still trying to make
fire, but without success, the man followed until they once
more came to Ililkinja, where at length Algurawartna
succeeded in killing the euro with his Churinga. He
examined the body carefully to see how the animal made
fire, or where it came from, and pulling out the penis, which
was of great length, he cut it open and found that it contained
very red fire, which he took out and used to cook his euro
with. For a long time he lived on the body of the big euro,
and when the fire which he had taken from jts body went out
he tried fire-making (urpmala) again and was _ successful.
always singing the urpmada chant :-—
*“ Urpmalara kaiti
Alkna munga
Ilpau wita wita.”
In the Alcheringa a number of men belonging to. the
Unchipera (little bat) and the Erlkintera (large white bat)
totems set out from Imanda. They were Orunchertwa, that is
“devil” men, and upon arrival at a place called Etuta they
went up into the sky, but not very high up. From this
position they killed men who walked about on the earth
beneath. .
An old Oknirabata lay down at Etuta and two boys played
about aiming at trees with spears. These two boys heard the
Orunchertwa sing out and were killed by them. Then the old
Oknirabata was angry and went to his sacred storehouse
which was close at hand, and took out a large stone Churinga ;
sitting down he held this in both hands, and pointing it
towards the Orunchertwa he brought them down to earth, and
then with the Churinga cut them in pieces.
Around each of the //thura, or sacred holes of the
witchetty grub totem, at which a part of the Jndéichiuma
ceremony is performed, there are certain stones standing on
end which represent special birds called Chantunga. These
birds are looked upon as the dgualthari, or the mates of
the witchetty people, because in the Alcheringa certain
witchetty smaegwa, that is the fully-grown grub, changed
into the birds. The latter abound at the time when the grub is
plentiful and are very rarely seen at other times, and they are
then supposed to sing joyously and to take an especial delight,
as they hop about amongst the Udnirringa bushes all day long,
in watching the maegwa laying its eggs. The witchetty men
will not eat the bird, as they say that to do so would make
them “atnitta takurna trima” (which literally means stomach,
bad, to see) if they were to do so, and they speak affectionately
of it. ;
In the Okira or kangaroo totem the men have as dguathara,
grass parrots called Atnalchulpira, who in the Alcheringa
were the Uz7nna, that is the fathers’ sisters, of the Okira men,
to whom they brought water as the birds do at the present
day, according to the native belief, to the kangaroos in the
dry country, where they are always found hovering about
these animals. Associated also with the kangaroo people are the
birds called Kartwungawunga, who are the descendants of
certain kangaroo men of the Alcheringa who were always killing
and eating kangaroos and euro, and changed into the little
birds who are often seen playing about on the backs of
these animals.
The Arunga or euro people have as mates the rock pigeon
or Inturita, who in the Alcheringa were the Uwznna of the
euro men, whom they furnished with water just as the natives
say that the bird now does for the animals in the dry ranges.
The euro men have a second mate in the form of the
Unchurunqua, a small beautifully coloured bird (Emblema
picta), the painted finch, which in the Alcheringa was a
euro man. In the Alcheringa these euro men are said
to have been great eaters of euro, and their bodies were
always drenched with blood which dripped from the bodies
of the euros which they killed and carried with them, and
that is why the painted finch is splashed with red.
The Yarumpa or honey-ant people have as mates a little
bird called Alatipa, which, like the Yarumpa itself (Camponotus
wnfiatus), only frequents mulga scrub country. They also
have as mates another bird called Alpirtaka, which is a small
“magpie,” which also frequents mulga scrub. Both birds were
once honey-ant people.
The emu people have as mate the little striated wren
(Amytts striata), which they. call lLirra-lirra;: and the
Echunpa or big lizard people have a smaller lizard (Varanus
punctatus), which they call Ilchaquara.
The Quatcha or water people have the waterfowl as their
mate ; and the Urliwatchera, a large lizard (Varanus gouldit)
people, have a small scincoid lizard called Irpanta.
All these mates of the people of various totems are held in
affectionate regard by those to whom they are especially
related, but except in the case of the mates of the witchetty
grubs there does not seem to be any restriction with regard to
their not being eaten. Certain totems, such as the wild cat, the
Hakea flower and the crow, are apparently without any mates
of this kind.
In addition to these birds which are regarded as mates or
the members of various totems, there are others which are
regarded as representing men of the Alcheringa of particular
totems which became extinct. Thus the little scarlet-fronted
Ephithanura (Z. tricolor) which the natives call Ninchi-lappa-
lappa were men who in the Alcheringa continually painted
themselves with red ochre, until finally they changed into the
bird. Again, in connection with the wanderings of a group of
lizard men, we meet with a tradition which says that as they
wandered across the country in the region of Simpson’s Gap
in the Macdonnell Ranges they came across a group of people
of the Atninpirichira or Princess Alexandra Parakeet totem.
For some reason they all changed into the birds, and now they
live far underground, only coming up at intervals near their
old camping ground to look for grass seed on which they feed
—an allusion probably to the fact that this particular bird has
a strange habit of completely disappearing out of the district
for years at a time and then suddenly appearing in large
numbers.
Associated with the lizard people is a small bird called
Thippa-thippa. In the Alcheringa these were men of that
totem who came and danced round the lizard people as they
performed ceremonies, and for some reason were transformed
into the birds, which have ever since continued to hover round
the lizards, and by doing so often show the natives where the
animal is to be found. In one of the ceremonies of the
Engwura they were represented by two men who danced
around a lizard man.
Chapter 12
Operation of tooth knocking out in the case of males after the performance of the
Quatcha (ntichtuma—¥xplanation of the ceremony given by the natives—
Operation in the case of females—Throwing the tooth towards the mother’s
camp in the Alcheringa—Comparison of the ceremony with that of other
parts of Australia—Nose-boring ceremony—Men painting the breasts of a
girl with fat and red ochre after charming it—To be regarded as a ceremony
of initiation—Customs concerned with menstruation—Drinking blood when
starting on an avenging party—Blood-drinking at meetings of reconciliation —
Blood-letting at sacred ceremonies—Painting the Kawaua with blood—The
blood after the ceremony of Ay/tha upon a woman in the Kaitish and northern
tribes—Deposits of red ochre associated with women’s blood—Giving blood
to men and women to strengthen them—Charming fat and red ochre and
rubbing it over sick people—Part of the reproductive organs of an opossum
or kangaroo used to strengthen women—Distribution of human hair—Customs
at childbirth, making the umbilical cord into a necklet—Food restrictions—
Totemic—The wild cat must not be eaten—Food killed by certain individuals
may not be eaten—The projecting of a man’s smell into food—Men who
have to be supplied with food by any individual man belong to his wife’s side
of the tribe—Restrictions during pregnancy—Food restrictions for boys and
girls with penalties attached—Cannibalism in the traditions—Killing and
eating a younger child in the Luritcha tribe.
KNOCKING OUT OF Asie
THIS is a rite to which individuals of both sexes must sooner:
or later submit, if they happen to belong to one or other of
the various groups which inhabit what is called the Kartwia
Quatcha, or rain country, which lies in the north-east of the.
area of the country occupied bythe Aruntal tribes thet
evident that the rite is one the significance of which, so far as
this tribe is concerned, has undergone. very considerable.
change in course of time. Asa general rule it is performed
before marriage, but not always, and when not done at an.
CE Xl PECULIAR NATIVE CUSTOMS 451
early age, the natives give as a reason that the boy or girl was
too frightened, an excuse which would not gain a minute’s
delay if the ceremony were one concerned With initiation, and
that such should be made shows that the ceremony is not
one to which any very great importance is now attached.
The operation always takes place after the Water
Lntichiuma ceremony has been performed, and in the case of
a fully-grown man, it is performed on the Intichiuma ground.
It is impossible to find out why the ceremony has become so
especially associated with the rain or water totem, though at
the same time it must be remembered that it js performed,
not infrequently, on men and women of other totems ; in fact
any one, whatever his or her totem be, may undergo the rite
at pleasure, but in the case of just the one totem it is
obligatory, or practically so, though at the same time the
non-observance of the custom would not prevent any man
from being admitted to the secrets of the tribe, but it would
subject him to what is most dreaded by the native, and that
is the constant ridicule of the other men and women, with
whom he is in daily contact. The explanation, evidently
devised by the natives to account for the special association
of the custom with the rain totem, is that the object of the
rite is to produce in the face a resemblance to what they call
Alailinga, which is the name applied to certain clouds, dark
with a light margin, which are of peculiar appearance and are
said to portend the coming of rain. There evidently was, as
will be seen later on, a time when the ceremony had a much
deeper meaning than it has at the present day.
If the operation be performed on a man he lies down on
his back, resting his head on the lap of a sitting man who is
his tribal O&nza (elder brother), or else a man who is Unbul/a
to him (mother’s brother’s son). The latter pinions his arms
and then another O&z/a or Unkulla fills his mouth with fur-
string for the purpose, partly, they say, of absorbing the blood
and partly of deadening the pain, and partly also to prevent
the tooth from being swallowed. The same man then takes
a piece of wood, usually the sharp hard end of a spear, in which
there is a hole made, and, pressing it firmly against the tooth,
strikes it sharply with a stone. When the tooth is out, he
452 NATIVE DRIBES OEIC BiNERA TE Abi Sih AVE TAG GHARE
holds it up for an instant so that it can be seen by all, and
while uttering a peculiar, rolling, guttural sound throws it
away as far as possible in the direction of the JZzra Mia
Alcheringa, which means the camp of the man’s mother: in
the Alcheringa. The man who has been operated upon then
gets up and picks up some boomerangs which he throws at a
shield which has been fixed upright in the ground some little
distance away, throwing them gently so as not to hurt the
shield. There is no singing or demonstration of any kind,
other than that described, but the mother of the man must
provide an offering of mzrna, that is seed food of some kind,
or “yams,” and send it to the tribal Ofdza or Unkilla who
performed the operation, and he, in his turn, must provide an
offering of food for the use of the man on whom he operated,
which is a curious reversal of the usual rule, according to
which it is necessary, in all other cases with which we are
acquainted, for the man who has been operated upon to
provide the operator with food.!
In the case of boys the operation is performed away from
the /ntichiuma ground near to which they may not go, and
at this ceremony women may be present, for with regard to the
Intichtuma ground the same restriction applies to them as
to boys. The performance is carried out in the same Way as
described, and the same rules apply with regard to the offering
of food.
When a woman or girl is to be operated on, a little space
is cleared near to the main camp where men and women al]
assemble, except only those who are Mura to the girl. A tribal
Okilia sits down and the girl lies with her head in his lap,
and the operation is conducted as in the case of the men and
boys, being almost always performed by a tribal Of#dlia. The
tooth when taken out is lifted up with the same guttural
sound and thrown in the direction of the mother’s Alcheringa
camp. The gir! now springs to her feet, and seizing a small
pitcht which has been placed close at hand for the purpose,
? Any food is given except the totemic animal or plant of the recipient. This
may possibly be a rudimentary form of the more elaborate ceremony of food-giving
to novices described by Mr. Howitt in connection with the Jeraeil of the Kurnai
tribe. Journ. Anth. Inst., May 1885, p. 317.
fills it with sand, and dancing over the cleared space agitates
the frtchz as if she were winnowing seed. When it is emptied
she resumes her seat amongst the women. Previous to the
operation the Okdlza places in her hair a topknot of feathers of
a cockatoo, which is returned to him lateron. The girl, not
her mother, must now provide an offering of seed food for the
use of the operating Oz/za, and he in his turn must send her
an offering of meat.
Amongst the Kaitish tribe the operation on men is per-
formed by tribal Oza, and on women and girls by tribal
Ungaraitcha (elder sisters), and in both cases, just as in the
Arunta and IIpirra tribes, the tooth is, when extracted, thrown
in the direction of the mother’s Alcheringa camp.
The existence as well as the details accompanying the
performance of this custom in these central tribes is of con-
siderable interest. As is well known, it forms amongst many
of the eastern and south-eastern tribes of Australia the most
important initiation ceremony, after passing through which the
young men are admitted to the status of manhood. Amongst
the central tribes it has no such significance, and it is not even
of universal occurrence amongst them. At the same time, the
ceremony which accompanies the operation may in all
probability be regarded as indicative of a time when it was
a more important rite than itis at the present day. Circum-
cision and sub-incision are amongst these tribes the initiation
rites, and they are as characteristic in this respect of the
central tribes as the knocking out of teeth is of certain tribes
of the east and south-east of the continent.
If, however, we examine more in detail the accounts of the
ceremony as conducted in the Arunta and certain of the
latter tribes, we find unmistakable points of agreement which
are difficult to account for on any supposition except that the
two have had a common origin in times past.
Blandowski! in writing of certain Victorian natives, says,
that on arriving at manhood, a youth was conducted by three
leaders of the tribe into the recesses of the woods, where he
remained two days and one night. Being furnished with a
suitable piece of wood, he knocked out two of the front teeth
1 Trans. Phil. Soc. Victorza, vol. 1., p. 72.
of his upper jaw, and on returning to the camp gave them to
his mother. Then he again returned to the woods for the
same length of time. During his absence, his mother selected
a young gum tree and inserted in the bark of the fork of two
of the topmost branches the teeth which had been knocked
out. This was ever afterwards in some sense held sacred. It
was only known to certain persons of the tribe, and the youth
himself was never allowed to know where his teeth had been
placed. If the youth died, then the base of the tree was
stripped of its bark, and it was killed by fire, so that it might
remain as a monument of the dead man. It may be remarked,
that it would be more likely to remain as a monument if it
were not killed, and that probably this was not the real
reason for destroying it.
Collins, in an excellent account of the rite as practised
amongst the natives of a New South Wales tribe, describes
how a throwing stick was made, and with this the tooth was
knocked out by means of hitting it with a stone. The last per-
formance before the actual operation consisted in a man stand-
ing out with a shield in one hand and a club in the other,
“striking the shield with the club, at every third stroke the
whole party poised and presented their spears at him, pointing
them inwards and touching the centre of the shield. This
concluded the ceremonies previous to the Operation ; and it
appeared significant of an exercise which was to form the
principal business of their lives, the use of the spear.” Further
on he says, “The natives when speaking of the loss of the
tooth always use the word yor-lahng era-ba-diahng,” which
“appears to be compounded of the name given to the spot
where the principal scene takes place, and of the most material
qualification that is derived from the whole ceremony, that is,
the throwing of the spear.”
Though Collins does not state anything very definite with
regard to whom the teeth were given, we can gather
indirectly, but at the same time quite clearly, that they came
into the possession of certain women. He says, “ Ben-nil-long’s
sister and Da-ring-ha, Cole-be’s wife, hearing the author
express a great desire to become possessed of some of these
' An Account of the Liglish Colony of N.S. W., 1804, pp. 367-373.
teeth, procured them for him;” and again, “one of the boys
who had undergone the operation had formerly lived with the
principal surgeon of the settlement till that gentleman’s
departure for England. A female relative of this boy brought
the teeth to the author with a request that he would send
them to Mr. White; thus with gratitude remembering after
the lapse of some years the attention which that gentleman
had shown to her relative.”
In these accounts we see, certainly modified in detail but
yet agreeing in essential points, the two significant features of
spear-throwing and of the presenting of the teeth to some
female relative of the person operated upon. The idea which
evidently lies at the root of the ceremony in both the Arunta
and Kaitish tribes on the one hand, and the Victorian and
New South Wales tribes on the other hand, is that the
individual operated upon has ceased to be a mere boy or girl
as the case may be, and has passed from the control of the
mother into the ranks of the men or women, and the tooth is
probably given to the mother or female relative as an indica-
tion of this. In those tribes in which the ceremony is one of
initiation it is not of course practised, at the present day,
upon women, but when it ceases to be an important ceremony
of initiation, then the same idea is, as it were, carried over to
the women along with the ceremony itself.
In the Central Australian tribes for example, the rite has
ceased to hold the importance which it still retains, or rather
did until the advent of the white man and their consequent
extinction, amongst the tribes of the eastern coastal district.
In the former it has given place to a new and presumably
more recently developed form of initiation ceremony—that of
circumcision followed by sub-incision. Whilst this change
has been brought about, the original rite has persisted in the
form of what we have before spoken of as a rudimentary
custom, and, losing its original significance, as applied to men
only, has been extended, so that now it is common to both
sexes. In its earlier form, the tooth when extracted is given
to the mother, or at least (judging from Collins’s account) to
some female relative. In its rudimentary state, as in the
Arunta tribe, we find that the tooth is thrown in the direction
of the camp of the Alcheringa mother, which may perhaps be
explained as indicating that in the Alcheringa, or rather the
early times to which this name is given, the mother was
entitled to the tooth. The natives can, as might have been
expected, give no reason for the custom, and the performance
of this is certainly not now associated with the idea of showing
to any living woman that the boy has passed out of her control,
this idea being, as we have already seen, expressed in one of
the ceremonies connected with initiation, as now practised,
Of equal interest with the disposal of the tooth is the
curious custom in the Arunta of the erection of a shield
at which the man who has been operated upon throws
boomerangs, but without hurting it. This is clearly the
equivalent of the gentle striking of the shield by the spears in
the New South Wales tribe, as described by Collins. In the
one case the men assembled touch the shield with their spears,
in the other the man who has been operated upon throws
boomerangs at it, but in both we have the fundamental idea
represented that the individual passing through the ceremony
has arrived at the age of manhood when he may use the
weapons by which the men both defend themselves and secure
their prey.
In the Arunta and Kaitish tribe we find, when the rite is
extended to include women as well as men, that the same
two fundamental ideas are expressed. The tooth is thrown
in the direction of the mother’s Alcheringa camp, a feature
carried over from the man’s to the woman’s ceremony, and
secondly, we have the curious ceremony of the emptying of
the fztcht which the girl carries on her head, and which may
be regarded as indicative of the fact that she has reached the
age when she can enter upon the duties of a woman, not the
least important of which is symbolised by the pztch? filled
with food, gathered in the bush, which she carries daily poised
on the top of her head.
It can scarcely be doubted that there is a common origin
for these customs in the central and coastal tribes—the details
of agreement just referred to are, it seems to us, inexplicable
except on this hypothesis. This would seem to imply,
inasmuch as in one group of tribes we find tooth extraction
the important ceremony, with no trace of the form of ceremonies
(circumcision, &c.) practised in the other group, whilst in the
latter, side by side with the present initiation rite, we find
tooth extraction in the form of a rudimentary custom, that
the more ancient ceremony is that of tooth extraction.
We have spoken hitherto as if it might be almost taken for
granted that the latter rite was in all cases originally
restricted to men, and that when, as in the central tribes, we
find it practised by both sexes, it is to be regarded as a
custom which, losing its sacred significance, was, as it were,
passed on to the women, who then shared in it equally with
the men. We do not in reality, by any means, desire to imply
that this was of necessity the case. Into the question of
what was the origin of the custom it seems hopeless to
inquire. Whether it always had a sacred significance as it
has at the present day, or whether it is a custom to which in
course of time the present sacred nature as an initiation
ceremony became, as it were, tacked on to its previous.
attributes, is a problem which will probably never be settled.
What we wish to draw attention to now is the fact that in the
traditions of the Arunta tribe we have, so far as they are
worth anything as evidence in this direction, the clearest
possible indication of a past time when the things now
regarded as so sacred that if seen by a woman she would be
put to death, were not thus tabu to women. In tradition
after tradition we have accounts set out in great detail of how
particular women of the Alcheringa carried the sacred
Nurtunja just as the men did, and of how they had Churinga
just as the men had, and further, of how they performed sacred
ceremonies exactly as the mendid. It can scarcely be held that
these traditions are merely fanciful creations of the men ; if
so it is a curious feature that they have been built up amongst
a people to whose ideas of the fitness of things as they are
now and probably have been for some time past, any such
acquaintance of the women with the sacred objects is utterly
foreign. It seems more probable that the traditions do
really indicate the former existence of a time when, in this
respect, men and women were upon terms of greater equality
than they are now. This being so it will be seen that it is at
all events unsafe to take for granted that even as a rite of
initiation the knocking out of teeth has always been confined
to men. There are, it appears to us, two theories, in favour of
either of which many arguments might be adduced.
According to the first of these the knocking out of teeth
may be regarded from the very first as a sacred rite of
initiation confined to the men; in those tribes in which it
has remained as the rite of initiation it has always been
_ so confined to the men, while in others it has been super-
seded by more elaborate rites and has been passed on to
the women when once its sacred character was lost. ne
second theory would regard the custom of knocking out of
teeth as, at first, unconnected with any rite of initiation, and as
practised by both men and women. Starting from this basis
the customs, as we find them now developed, may be supposed
to have followed one or other of two lines. Along the first,
for some unknown reason, the rite came to be associated with
initiation to, in the early days, both manhood and woman-
hood. After a time (and as pointed out it seems certain that
changes in this direction have taken place) the rite came to
be confined to men, and dropped out so far as women were
concerned until, as in the eastern and south-eastern parts, it
came to be a sacred ceremony confined to the men. Along
the second line the rite came also to be associated with
initiation both to manhood and womanhood, but its place, for
some also unknown reason, came to be taken by a quite
different ceremony in the case both of men and of women ; for
it must be remembered that in the tribes of the Centre the
women have initiation rites just as the men have, only that
the same sacredness is not attached to them as to those
of the men. With the introduction of the new rites the
old one of knocking out of a tooth lost its original significance
and persisted as a rudimentary custom, the relationship of
it to the same custom, still practised as an initiation rite in
other tribes, being unmistakably shown by a remarkable
similarity in the details of the ceremony as performed
in the different tribes.
In the Arunta and Ilpirra tribes when a boy’s nose has
been bored, that is as soon as the Operation has been
completed, he strips a piece of bark off a gum tree, if
possible, and throws it as far as he can in the direction
of the Alcheringa camp of his mother, that is where the spirit
individual of which his mother is the reincarnation lived
in the Alcheringa. This little ceremony is called alyabara
zwuma or the bark-throwing, and the boy is told to do. it
by men who stand tohim in the relation of Arunga,
Oknia, and Okilia,-who also tell him that the reason for
doing it is that it will lessen the pain and promote the
healing of the wound. When the nose of a girl is bored,
which is usually by her husband very soon after she has
passed into his possession, she fills a small wooden vessel
with sand, and facing in the direction of the Alcheringa
camp of her mother, executes a series of short jumps, keeping
her feet close together and her legs stiff, while she makes
the pztcht move as if she were winnowing seed until she
gradually empties it, after which she simply resumes her
ordinary occupation. Neglect to perform this ceremony
would, so say the natives in explanation of it, be regarded
as a grave offence against her mother.
To promote the growth of the breasts of a girl, the men
assemble at the Ungunja or men’s camp, where they all join in
singing long chants, the words of which express an exhortation
to the breasts to grow, and others which have the effect of
charming some fat and red ochre which men who are Gammona,
that is, brothers of her mother, have brought to the spot, as well
as head and arm bands of fur-string. These men belong to
the other moiety of the tribe to that to which the girl belongs;
if she, for example, be a Panunga, then they will be Kumara.
At daylight one of them goes out and calls her to a
spot close to the Ungunja, to which she comes accompanied
by her mother. Here her body is rubbed all over with
fat by the Gammona men, who then paint a series of
straight lines of red ochre down her back and also down
the centre of her chest and stomach. A wide circle is
painted round each nipple and straight lines below each
of these circles. Long strings of opossum fur-string are
passed across each shoulder and under each arm-pit ; numbers
of neck-rings are put round her neck, several head-rings are
placed on her forehead, and a number of tail tips are fixed so
that they droop down over the forehead and ears. All these
things have been charmed by the Gamsnona singing over
them.
When this has been done the girl is taken out into the
bush by her mother, who makes a camp there at some
distance from the main one, and here the girl must stay until
the z/kenza or lines on her body wear off, when, but not until
when, she may return to the main camp. The girl wears the
charmed necklets and head-rings until one by one they drop
off and become worn out. As we have pointed out previously,
this is to be regarded as a form of initiation ceremony con-
cerned with women,! and may be looked upon as the
equivalent of the first ceremony of throwing up and painting
the boy.
VARIOUS CUSTOMS CONCERNED WITH BLOOD, BLOopD-
LETTING, AND BLOOD-GIVING, &c.
In the Arunta and IIpirra tribes a girl at the first time of
menstruation is taken by her mother to a spot close to, but
apart from, the Erlukwirra or women’s camp, near to which
no man ever goes. A\ fire is made and a camp formed by the
mother, the girl being told to dig a hole about a foot or
eighteen inches deep, over which she sits attended by her own
and some other tribal JZza, who provide her with food, one or
other of them being always with her, and sleeping by her side
1 In the tribes dealt with by Roth there does not appear to be the equivalent
of this ceremony, what he describes as the first initiation ceremony of women
being that of introcision, the equivalent of the-Arzltha huma ceremony amongst
the central tribes, of, cf, p. 174.
at night time. No children of either sex are allowed to go
near to her or to speak to her. During the first two days
she is supposed to sit over the hole without stirring away ;
after that she may be taken out by one or other of the old
women’ hunting for food. When the flow ceases she is told
to fill in the hole. She now becomes what is called Waunpa,
returns to the women’s camp, and shortly afterwards undergoes
the rite of Atna-ariltha, and is handed over to the man to
whom she has been allotted. She remains Wunpa until such
time as her breasts assume the pendent form so characteristic
of the native women who have borne one or more children,
after which she is spoken of as Arakutja, the name for a fully-
grown woman.
Blood may be given by young men to old men of any
degree of relationship and at any time with a view to
strengthening the latter. When it is given to a man of the
same moiety of the tribe as the donor it is drawn from a vein in
the middle of the arm, and when to a man of the other moiety,
it must be taken from a vein at the inner side of the arm.
Occasionally it is drawn from the back of the hand, and
still more rarely by the painful process of deeply puncturing
the finger tips under the nail.
When starting on an avenging expedition or Atninga
every man of the party drinks some blood, and also has some
spurted over his body, so as to make him what is called
uchuilima, that is, lithe and active. The elder men indicate
from whom the blood is to be drawn, and the men so selected
must not decline, though the amount drawn from a single
individual is often very great; indeed, we have known of
a case in which blood was taken from a young and strong
man until he dropped down from sheer exhaustion.
In addition to the idea of strengthening the recipient, there
is the further important belief that this partaking together of
blood prevents the possibility of treachery, If, for example,
an Alice Springs party wanted to go on an avenging expedi-
tion to the Burt country, and they had with them in camp a
man of that locality, he would be forced to drink blood with
them, and, having partaken of it, would be bound not to aid
his friends by giving them warning of their danger. If he
462 NATIVE RIBDS OR Cl NIRA PA UIST RA A CHARS
refused to drink the blood, then, as actually happened in one
case known to the authors, his mouth would be forced open
and blood poured into it, which would have just the same
binding influence as if the drinking had been a voluntary
one.
Blood-drinking is also associated with special meetings
of reconciliation which sometimes take place between two
groups who have been on bad terms with one another with-
out actually coming to a fight. In this instance the group
which is supposed to have suffered the injury sends a
messenger to the old men of the offending group, who says,
“Our people want you to come and have a friendly fight.”
This peculiar form of meeting is called Usndirna ilirima,
which means “ seeing and settling (things).” If the offending
group be willing, which they are almost sure to be, then the
meeting is held, and at the commencement each party drinks
the blood of its own members, and a more or less sham
fight takes place with boomerangs, no one being any the
worse. :
When a young man for the first time takes blood from
another man, the latter becomes for a time tabu to him until
he chooses to release the young man from the wntherta, or ban
of silence, by singing over his mouth.
Apart from these special occasions, blood is not in-
frequently used to assuage thirst and hunger ; indeed, when
under ordinary circumstances a blackfellow is badly in want
of water, what he does is to open a vein in his arm and drink
the blood.
Blood-letting is a prominent feature of certain sacred
ceremonies, such as the /ntichiuma rite, as practised by the
kangaroo men at Undiara, the great centre of their totem,
where the young men open veins in their arms and allow the
blood to stream out on to, and over, the edge of the sacred
ceremonial stone which represents the spot where a celebrated
kangaroo of the Alcheringa went down into the earth, its
spirit part remaining in the stone which arose to mark the
place. In the same way at the Jntichiuma of the Unjiamba
or Hakea flower totem held at Ilyaba, blood from the arm is
sprinkled over the stone which represents a mass of Unjiamba.
The sacred pole called the Kauvaua, which is erected at the
close of the Engwura ceremony, is painted all over with
blood, and, in.all sacred ceremonies, in fact, in many of the
ordinary corrobborees down derived from either birds or plants
is attached to the human body by blood drawn either from the
arm or the subincised urethra.
Women are never allowed to witness the drawing of blood
for decorative purposes ; indeed, the feeling with regard to
women seeing men’s blood is such that when a quarrel takes
place and blood is shed in the presence of women, it is usual
for the man whose blood is first shed to perform a ceremony
connected with his own or his father or mother’s totem. This.
is in some manner supposed to be by way of reconciliation,
and to prevent the continuance of ill-feeling. The special
term given to these ceremonies is AJua uparidima, which.
means “the blood fading away.” After a fight which took
place recently, one of these ceremonies was performed
by an Apungerta man of the witchetty grubtotem. He perso-. |
nated a Chankuna (small berry) woman, to which totem his.
mother belonged, and was decorated with an elaborate head-
dress representing the woman’s digging-sticks, to which were
affixed pendent bunches of feathers representing Chankuna
bushes with the berries on them, which the woman was.
eating.
There are also various customs relating to the blood of
women which may be referred to here.
In the Kaitish and other northern tribes, when the rite of
Atna arutha kuma is performed on a young woman by an
Ungarattcha or elder sister, the blood is collected in a special
pitcht which is made for the purpose by an elder brother of
the woman, and is taken to the camp, where the Mza, Uwinua,
and other women both smear their bodies with it and drink
some. It has been already described, in the account of the:
initiation ceremonies, that the blood which flows at the opera-
tion of /avtva on a boy is taken to the women’s camp and
rubbed over the breasts and foreheads of women who are the-
elder sisters of the boy and of his mother.
The deposits of red ochre which are found in various parts
are associated with women’s blood. Near to Stuart’s Hole, on.
the Finke River, there is a red ochre pit which has evidently
been used for a long time; and tradition says that in the
Alcheringa two kangaroo women came from Ilpilla, and at
this spot caused blood to flow from the vulva in large
quantities, and so formed the deposit of red ochre. Travelling
away westward they did the same thing in other places. In
much the same way it is related of the dancing Unthippa
women that, at a place called Wankima, in the eastern part
of the Arunta district, they were so exhausted with dancing
that their organs fell out, and gave rise to the large deposits
of red ochre found there.
Blood is occasionally given to both men and women to
strengthen them when they are ill. When given to a man—
and it is only given in very serious cases—it is drawn from the
labia minora, and one of the women, taking first of all one
of the several kinds of witchetty grubs which are eaten, dips
this in the blood and gives it to the man to eat, after which
his body is rubbed over with the blood and afterwards with
grease and red ochre. When a woman is very ill and weak,
one of her male Umeda, to whom she is Ma alkulla, that is, he
is the son of one of her younger sisters, may volunteer to
strengthen her with his blood, in which case all the women
and children are sent away from her. The man draws a
‘quantity of blood from the subincised urethra, and she drinks
part of it while he rubs the remainder over her body, adding
afterwards a coating of red ochre and grease. If the woman
recovers, she must not speak to the man, or to the men who
accompany him, until such time as she has sent to him an
offering of food. In all cases when a man or woman feels
ill, the first thing that is done is to rub red ochre over
the body, which may possibly be regarded in the light of
a substitute for blood, just as sometimes a ceremonial object
may be rubbed over with red ochre instead of blood.
We may mention here also certain customs, which are
concerned with the curing or strengthening of weak men and
women.
‘ In Pome cases of serious illness women will charm by
“ singing ita mixture of fat and red ochre, which they rub
into the body of the sick man, all classes taking part in the
XIl , PECULIAR NATIVE CUSTOMS 465
operation. If the man recovers he must not speak to any
of the women, except his own Unawa, who took part in the
ceremony, until after such time as he has made them an offer-
ing of meat. When this is done, the women assemble at some
little distance from the Erlukwirra or women’s camp, while
the man, accompanied by his own and tribal Ofs/ia (elder
brothers) and Oknza (fathers), carries the meat, which is most
likely kangaroo or euro flesh, and silently places it in front of
the women, who then rub him over with red ochre, thus re-
moving the ban of silence. The men and women then return
to their respective camps, and the meat is cooked and eaten
at the women’s camp.
In the northern and western Arunta and in the Ilpirra
tribe, for the purpose of strengthening a delicate woman, a
part of the internal reproductive organs (called ertoacha) is
taken from a male opossum, wallaby, euro, or kangaroo. The
woman lies down on her back, and her husband placing the
ertoacha upon the mons veneris, “sings” over it for some time
after which the woman swallows it whole.
In some cases the same part of the animal is taken by the
man and half cooked, after which he coats it with grease,
charms it by singing over it, and then presents it to his
wife; she has to swallow it whole without having any idea
of the nature of the object, which, in this case, is given for
the purpose of promoting sexual desire. For the same
purpose fluid material from the ertoacha may be squeezed
into the vulva.
A man’s hair always goes to some one who is either
LTkuntera or Umbirna to him. Supposing a man has three
sons, then each of them is made son-in-law to some special
man whom he calls /éuntera-tualcha, The latter has the first
claim to the younger man’s hair. Any which there may be
to spare goes to the son of an /kuntera, that is to a man who
is Umbirna of the donor. In this way a man receives hair |
from (1) his actual mother-in-law (his principal supply), (2)
from a Gammona or son-in-law, (3) from an Umbirna or
lel dal
brother-in law, while (4) under certain circumstances, already
described, he receives a special supply from a particular
Umbirna to whom he stands in the relationship of Ungzpznna.
In addition to these, which may be called his normal sources
of supply, he will sometimes receive hair-string as a return for
some favour rendered. For example, a man who belongs to
a different totem from his father inherits the Churinga of the
latter, but they still remain in the store-house of the father’s
local totemic group. A suitable present of such a valuable
article as hair-string will often persuade the head man of the
father’s group to allow the son to remove, for a time, the
Churinga of the former to the store-house in which his, z.e. the
son’s, Churinga is kept.
‘A man when cutting or having his hair cut, which he must
do periodically, as it is his duty to present it to certain in-
dividuals, always squats facing the direction of the Alcheringa
camp of his mother. If he fails to do this some great calamity
will befall him.
At the close of the initiation ceremony of Avrz/tha, in the
case of the Northern Arunta, the elder sisters of the boy
cut off a few locks of his hair, which they keep for themselves.
The distribution of a dead man’s hair has been already
alluded to, as well as the fact that in these tribes the remark-
able customs according to which a man’s hair must be given
to certain individuals have of necessity prevented the existence
of the feeling, so strongly developed amongst many other
Australian tribes, that on no account must a stranger be
allowed to secure even the smallest fragment of hair.
CUSTOM AT CHILD BirtTEe
When a child is born, the fact is notified to the father by
his actual or a tribal J/za. ;
Before the child is born, the woman goes to the Erlukwirra
or women’s camp. If there be any difficulty in childbirth
the husband, who is at his own camp, without saying anything
strips off all his personal adornments, and empties his bag or
wallet of knick-knacks on to the ground. Then a man who
is Mura to him, without in any way referring to the matter,
takes the hair-girdle, and proceeding to the Erlukwirra, near
to which as a general rule no man may go, ties it tightly
round the woman’s body just under the breasts, and then
returns to the husband’s camp. Not a word is spoken, but
if after a time the birth of the child is not announced, the
husband, still quite unadorned, walks once or twice slowly, at
a distance of about fifty yards, up and down past the Erluk-
werra with a view to inducing the unborn child to follow him,
which it is said rarely to fail to do.
After birth the umbilical cord is cut with a stone knife, or
sometimes with the pointed end of a digging-stick ata dis-
tance of some inches from the body of the child. There is no
ligature, but the cut end is frequently dressed with hot ashes..
The afterbirth is burnt. After a few days the attached part
of the cord is cut off by the mother, who by swathing it in
fur-string makes it into a necklace called Akurlaitcha, which
is placed round the child’s neck. The necklace is supposed
to facilitate the growth of the child, to keep it quiet and con-
tented, to avert illness generally, and it also has the faculty of
deadening to the child the noise of the barking of the camp
dogs. ;
The painting of a black line over the eyebrow in imita-
tion of the mark on the Erathippa stone has already been
alluded to.
FoOoD RESTRICTIONS
In the Urabunna tribe, as in the great majority of Australian
tribes with regard to which we have information relating to
their totemic systems, each individual is strictly forbidden to
eat the animal or plant, the name of which he bears, as that of
his totem. That is, for example, an emu man or woman
must not in any way injure an emu, nor must he partake of
its flesh even when he has not killed it himself.
The exact restrictions vary, however, to a certain extent in
different tribes, in some apparently, such as the Urabunna, it
applies at all times, in others, as described by Sir George
Grey in the case of certain West Australian natives, the rule
is observed at some but not at all times. Thus he says,! “a
1 Expedition in North West and Western Australia, 1841, vol. ii., p. 228.
Ist Wal #
certain mysterious connection exists between a family and its
kobong, so that a member of the family will never kill an
animal of the species to which his odong belongs ; should he
find it asleep, indeed he kills it reluctantly, and never without
affording it a chance of escape. This arises from the family
belief that some one individual of the species is their nearest
friend, to kill whom would be a great crime, and carefully to
be avoided. Similarly, a native who has a vegetable for his
kobong, may not gather it under certain circumstances, and at
particular times of the year.” )
In the Arunta and other Central Australian tribes, restric-
tions as to not eating the animal or plant because it bears the
name of the individual’s totem may be said to agree in actual
practice with those just described with, however, this
difference, that the Arunta native does not imagine that the
animal or plant, or some particular one of the species, is his
nearest friend. A man will eat only very sparingly of his
totem, though there are certain special occasions on which, as
a sacred ceremony, he partakes of his totemic animal or plant.
To this reference has been made elsewhere,! meanwhile it
may be said here that, in broad outline, the Central Australian
agree with the majority of Australian tribes in the general
restriction according to which the totem is tabooed. That this
has not, however, always been the case appears to be indicated
by certain traditions in which we see very distinct references to
the eating of the totem by the members, in fact the latter are re-
presented as having a kind of prior’claim to it for this purpose.
The only case in which there is any general restriction
applying to the eating of an animal is in regard to the
Achilpa, or “wild cat,’ but in this instance there is something
of a very special nature, as the restriction not only applies to
members of the Achilpa totem but extends to every member
of the tribe except the oldest men and women.
Apart from restrictions concerned with the totems, there
are others which relate on the one hand to food which has
been killed by special individuals, and on the other to food
which may not be eaten by particular individuals at certain
times of their lives.
1 Chapter VI.
Under the first series of restrictions we find that a man
may not eat the flesh of any animal which has been caught
and killed, or even handled, by his /kuntera (father-in-law),
Umba (children of his sisters), female Mura and Jpmunna,
nor by the man who is the father of his mother-in-law. On
the contrary he must share his food with his Jéuntera or
actual and tribal fathers-in-law, and it is his duty on killing
game to ascertain if any of them are in want of food. As
a matter of practice a man will never go out hunting with
either his /kuntera or Umba men, as they will appropriate
everything which he kills while he is with them, so that
he takes care to keep out of their way as much as possible.
In the distribution of food he gives a portion first to his
LTkuntera, then after feeding himself and his own Unawa
and children, he gives any which he does not require to
his Uméa, and after that to his Mura and Jpmunna women.
It may be added that this giving away of food according to
well-established rules is not a custom more honoured in the
breach than the observance, but is actually carried out. The
Australian native cannot be accused of a lack of generosity ;
what he has-he distributes freely to those to whom tribal
custom tells him that he ought to, and, it may be added, that
he obeys to the letter the injunction of taking no heed for the
morrow.
Not only must a man supply the individuals named with
food, but he must also take care that, when he is eating, none
of them is sufficiently near to distinguish what he is eating,
lest they should spoil it by what is called Eguzlla timma,
which means “ projecting their smell into it.’ Should a man
eat meat which has been killed or seen by any of these
persons, the food would disagree with him, and he would
sicken and suffer severely, a belief which has the result of
securing the observance of the custom.
If we take the case of a particular man, say a Panunga, and
refer to the table already given, it can be seen at a glance
what are the classes to which the individuals concerned with
this restriction belong. They are Kumara men and women.
Bulthara women, Uknaria women, together with the Uknaria
man who is the father of the man’s actual mother-in-law.
The association in this respect is clearly that between a man
and, what we may call, his wife’s side of the tribe, and it is
somewhat instructive to note that in the Arunta and other
Central Australian tribes, in which descent is counted in the
male line, a man continues, as it were, to pay a kind of tribute
to his wife’s group during his lifetime, which may perhaps
be regarded as an early form of what obtains in so many
other tribes under the different custom of paying, as it were, a
lump sum down at the time of marriage.
This is, further, the one important feature, so far as the
Arunta and other tribes akin to it are concerned, which °
appears to indicate in any way a former condition in which a
man owed allegiance to the group of his Witeiy die a1
Australian tribe, so far as we know, is it the custom for a
man to take up his abode with the family of his wife and to
work for them, but in this custom we see, Clearly expressed,
the idea that a man owes something to the group from which
his wife comes.
The second class of restriction is of an entirely different
nature, and is associated with the idea, firstly, of reserving the
best things for the older people, secondly, of reserving certain
things for the men as opposed to the women, while, thirdly,
there are restrictions which deal with the food of individuals
at particular times.
We may take the third series first. When a youth is
circumcised, and until he has undergone and recovered entirely
from the rite of ard/tha or sub-incision, he is forbidden to eat
of the flesh of a number of animals ; if he were to transgress
this rule then his recovery would be retarded and his wounds
would become much inflamed. The forbidden animals are—
snakes, opossums, echidna, all kinds of lizards, mound birds
or their eggs, bandicoots, wild turkey and their eggs, eagle-
hawks and their eggs. The idea underlying this is evidently
that of disciplining the novice, in just the same Way as,
during the Engwura, the younger men are not allowed to eat
much food of any kind, but have to bring in the greater part
of any game which they may secure and present it to the older
men who remain in camp.
There are certain restrictions as to food connected with the
early stages of pregnancy. A woman may, if she likes to do
so, eat meat, but the unborn child is supposed to resent this
by causing sickness, and therefore the woman at first only
eats vegetable food. Further still, during the first three or
four months, the husband does not kill any large game
necessitating the use of spear or boomerang, but only catches
rats, opossums and other small game. It is supposed that the
spirit of the unborn child follows him about and gives warning
of his approach to large game. Should the man attempt to
throw a spear or boomerang at any animal, then the spirit
child will cause the weapon to take a crooked course, and the
man will know that he has lost his skill in the chase and that
the child is angry with him. If, however, despite this warning,
the father persists in trying to kill large game, then the
sickness and sufferings of the mother would be very largely
increased. There is, however, nothing to prevent the man
from eating game which has been killed by other men. The
natives can offer no explanation of this custom, and it may
be pointed out that the restriction with regard to killing game
does not appear to have the slightest reference to anything
which has to do with the totems.
The list of foods which an Ulpmerka, that is a boy who
has not been circumcised, may not eat is of considerable
length. We append it with the list of penalties following on
transgression of the rules. The idea throughout is evidently
that which obtains so largely in savage tribes of reserving the
best things for the use of the elders, and, more especially, of
the elder men. The forbidden foods are as follows :—
Kangaroo tail (Okzrra purra) ; penalty, premature age and
decay.
Wild turkey and its eggs (Zrtua) ; penalty, premature age.
Female bandicoot (Quzrra); penalty, probably bleed to
death at circumcision.
Large lizards ({/chaguarra or Parenthie) ; penalty, become
Arro-iwama, that is, one with an abnormal and diseased
craving for sexual intercourse, an individual held in much
contempt.
Emu fat (Erlia inga); penalty, abnormal development of
the penis.
All kinds of parrots and cockatoos ; penalty, development
of a hollow on the top of the head and of a hole in the chin.
Large quail (Zw/kara) and its eggs ; penalty, non-growth of
beard and whiskers and general stoppage of growth.
Eagle-hawk (/rritcha), except the legs; penalty, premature
age and leanness ; the leg is supposed to impart strength and
generally to improve the growth of the limb. Boys are often
struck on the calf of the leg with the leg bone of an eagle-
hawk, as thereby strength passes from the bone into the
boy’s leg.
Wild-cat (Achilfa); penalty, painful and foul-smelling
eruption on head and neck. This restriction applies until
very old age is reached.
Podargus (Aurainga) and its eggs; penalty, an ugly en-
largement of the mouth.
The following restrictions and penalties concern girls and
young women until after they have had a child, or until their
breasts begin to be pendent, in the characteristic way of the
native women. They may not eat.:—
Female bandicoot (Quzrra) ; penalty, continual flow of the
menses.
Large lizards ; penalty, become Arro-twama, that is, one
with an abnormal craving for sexual intercourse ; such a
woman would be always tempting men irrespective of tribal
laws with regard to class, and would thus, sooner or later,
meet with severe punishment, probably with death.
Large quail and its eggs; penalty, non-development of the
breasts.
Wild-cat (Achilpa) ; penalty, the same as in the case of the
men.
Kangaroo tail (Okcrra pura); penalty, premature age, bald-
ness, non-development of the breasts.
Emu fat ; penalty, malformation of the vulva.
Cockatoos and parrots of all kinds ; penalty, development
of a hollow on the top of the head, and of a hole in the chin.
Echidna (Lnarlinga) ; penalty, general malformation of the
genital organs.
Brown hawk (Averacidea ortentalts, native name lrkalanja);
penalty, absence of milk from the breasts, which will also
swell until they burst. Young women are only allowed to
eat the young nestlings. The customs connected with this
particular bird are curious. Not only is it ektrinja or forbidden
to the young women, but, if one of them be suckling a child and
she sees one of these birds, she at once makes haste to turn
so that her breast cannot be seen by the bird, because, if the
bird should catch sight of it, or worse still, if its shadow were
to fall on it, then the milk would fail and the breast would
swell and burst. The women also believe that if they eat the
old birds their sons will be afflicted with varicose veins
(wlurkna) on the forehead, causing much disfigurement.
While the Arrakurta is out in the bush the actual Mia,
that is, his mother, may not eat opossum, large carpet snake,
large lizard, and fat of any sort, or else she would retard
her son’s recovery.
A curious restriction applying to women during the time of
pregnancy, and also during the menstrual period, is that they
may not, during the continuance of either of these, gather
Lrriakura, the bulb which forms, together with Munyeru
(Portulaca sp.), a staple vegetable food ; the breaking of this
rule would result in the failure of the supply of Jrréakura.
With this exception, there are no restrictions with regard to
vegetable food, except in the case of individuals whose totem
is one of them.
There is very clear evidence that during a former stage
cannibalism was a well-recognised custom. We have already
described certain ceremonies performed at the Engwura
which can only be regarded as pointing back to the existence
of a different state of affairs from that which now obtains. For
example, in the Quabarra Ingwurninga inkinja} two men had
their bodies decorated with circles of white down which were
supposed to represent the skulls of slain and eaten men. The
performers themselves represented the U/thana or spirits of
the dead men wandering about in search of those who had
killed and eaten them. In another ceremony two Achilpa
men were engaged in cooking the body of a third ; in another,
1 Jngwurninga means bones ; 7Azn7a, arisen.
The object worn on the head of the
dead body of a man who is to be eaten,
standing man is supposed to represent the
It is called Adnzta, or limp.
Cle, Komi PECULIAR NATIVE CUSTOMS 475
concerned with the white bat totem, one of the performers
carried on his head an object representing a limp, dead body ;
and in the traditions dealing with the wanderings of the wild
dogs, the men are continually referred to as killing and eating
other wild dog men and women.
These ceremonies may be regarded as probably indicative
of what took place in past times amongst the ancestors of the
present Arunta tribe, and of what still takes place amongst
the Luritcha tribe where enemies are eaten. Care is always
taken at the present day, amongst the latter, to destroy the
bones, as the natives believe that unless this is done the
victims will arise from the coming together of the bones, and
will follow and harm those who have killed and eaten them.
It is regarded as especially essential to destroy the skull—an
existing belief which may be compared with the tradition
referring to the early lizard man, whose head was not destroyed,
and who therefore came to life again when his brother spoke
to the head.
In the Luritcha tribe also young children are sometimes
killed and eaten, and it is not an infrequent custom, when a
child is in weak health, to kill a younger and healthy one and
then to feed the weakling on its flesh, the idea being that this
will give to the weak child the strength of the stronger one.
As usual, in regard to customs such as this, it is by no
means easy to find out exactly what takes place, as the natives
of one part of the country will assure you that they do not
indulge in the habit, but that they know that those of other
parts do. When the accused are questioned, they in turn
lay the same charge against their accusers and so on, often
from group to group.
Chapter 13
No idea of natural death—Death of one individual must be avenged in the normal
condition of the tribe by the death of another—Organisation of a Kurdaitcha
party—The ceremony of dislocating a toe before a man becomes entitled to
wear the so-called Kurdaitcha shoes—The Kurdaitcha man accompanied by
a Medicine man—Decoration of the two men—Killing the victim and
operations of the Medicine man—Another form in which the Kurdaitcha man
goes alone—The shoes do not serve to hide the tracks, and can only prevent
who made them from being known—The Illapurinja—A form of female
Kurdaitcha—The decoration of the woman—How the enemy is killed —Object
of the Ilapurinja is to punish a woman who has not mourned properly on
the death of a daughter, blood or tribal—The Atninga or avenging party—
Account of the proceedings of a party—Offering the use of women to the
party—Agreement between the avenging party and the old men of the
attacked party to kill three of the latter—A special fire is built at each camp—
Spearing the victims—The actual slayers must not touch the bodies—Seizure
of a woman—/ymzrtnja who actually slew the men and 4 lknalarincka, the on-
lookers—Return to the home camp—Precautions to prevent the Limerznja
being injured by the spirits of the dead men—The women strike the shields—
The spirit of the dead man assumes the form of a bird which must be watched
for as it flies over the camp, otherwise it will produce paralysis. S
AMONGST the Central Australian natives there is no such
thing as belief in natural death ; however old or decrepit a
man or woman may be when this takes place it is at once
supposed that it has been brought about by the magic in-
fluence of some enemy, and in the normal condition of the
tribe the death of one individual is followed by the murder of
some one else who is supposed to be guilty of having caused
the death. Not infrequently the dying man will whisper in
the ear of a Razltchawa, or medicine man, the name of the
man whose magic is killing him. If this be not done then there
is no difficulty, by some other method, of fixing sooner or
later on the guilty party. Perhaps when digging the grave a
hole will be found leading out of it on one side, which at once
shows the direction in which the culprit lives ; or this may be
indicated, perhaps as long as a year after the death, by a
burrow made by some animal on one side of the grave.
The identity of the guilty man is always revealed by the
medicine man.
When it is known who the culprit is a Kurdaitcha party
may be arranged to avenge the death. This custom is, so
the natives say, much less frequently carried out at the pres-
ent day than in former years, and in the southern parts of the
tribe seems to have died out altogether! When it is decided
who is guilty, a council of the old men of the group to which
the dead man belonged is held and, if it be decided that
vengeance is to be exacted by means of a Kurdaitcha party,
then the man who is to play this part is chosen. The name
Kurdaitcha is applied to the latter? and he wears the shoes
to which by white men the name of Kurdaitcha shoes has
been given. In the north the native name for them is /zZer-
linia and in the south /ntathurta.
These shoes have the form of a thick pad of emu feathers
matted together with human blood drawn from the arm of
some young man. They are so ingeniously made however that
the use of anything like blood in their construction would
never be suspected ; indeed it is difficult to detect, even with
the shoes in one’s hands, how the feathers are matted into
such a compact mass without apparently the use of anything
like stitching. On the upper surface is a network of human
hair string made from the hair of any living man or woman—
it does not in the least signify who the individual is—and in
the middle of the network is a hole through which the foot
passes and across which stretches a cord made of several
1 An excellent account of the Kurdaitcha custom as it formerly existed in the
southern part of the Arunta tribe has already been published by Mr. P. M. Byrne,
Proc. Roy. Soc., Victoria, vol. iii. (new series), p. 65. Various accounts have
from time to time been published with regard to the so-called Kurdaitcha shoes
associating them with ‘‘rain-making,” etc., but the most accurate and reliable
account is that given by Mr. Byrne, and quoted subsequently by Dr. Stirling in
the Anthropological Report of the Horn Expedition. An interesting account con-
taining various ideas with regard to the shoes is given by Mr. R. Etheridge, jun.,
Proc. Linn. Soc. N.S.W., 1894, p. 544-
2 In the Urabunna tribe the same custom prevails, but the name Kithi is given
to the man.
strands of hair string twisted together. As we have said, it is
is by no means an easy matter to make the shoes and, as
usual, in the manufacture of any special article, there are
certain individuals who are famed for their skill in making
them. No woman or child may see them and they are kept
wrapped up in skin or else placed for safety in the sacred
store house along with the Churinga. It is said that they
may be used more than once, but the nature of the shoe is
such that it could not last more than one journey over the
hard ground characteristic of the interior.
Before a man may wear the shoes he has to submit toa
most painful ordeal. A stone is heated to redness and then
applied to the ball of the small toe of either foot, it does not
matter which, until, as the natives say, the joint is softened
when with a sudden jerk, the toe is pulled outwards and the
joint is thus dislocated. “There is no doubt that some such
ordeal as this is passed through, as we have examined feet of
men who claim to be what is called Ertwa Kurdatitcha at
Charlotte Waters, Crown Point on the Finke River, Owen
Springs and Alice Springs amongst the Macdonnell] Ranges,
all of which show the remarkable peculiarity of the disloca-
tion. In correspondence with this is the fact that the true
Kurdaitcha shoe has, at one side, a small Opening made in
the hair network through which the toe is thrust.1
Fach Kurdaitcha man when going on his errand is accom-
panied by a medicine man and the two men are rubbed over
with charcoal—black being in the Arunta tribe the colour asso-
ciated with magic—and decorated with bands of white down.
The hair of both men is tied up behind and a small conical]
helmet of twigs is fastened on with hain string, “Thesk ur
aitcha himself has lines of down passing across the front of
the helmet, down the side of the face and front of the body
and legs as far as the knees, The medicine man has a median
line running from the top of the helmet to the tip--ef _his
nose ; another curved line meeting this at both ends encloses
+ A considerable number of these shoes are made apparently
than for use, and such are usually much too small to be worn o
and do not have the small hole, though probably this is not mad
of actual use.
more for models
n a native foot,
€ until the time
ini
1, The shoe decorated with down; 2, the under, and 3, upper surface ot undecor-
ated shoe; 4, human hair string used to tie the shoe to the-foot; 5, small
churinga carried by the Kurdaitcha.
480 INLEGMIWAD, IMRIB eS) (OT (CIS INSANE, ANUS IMRUAIL IVAN (CALNE
the eye of each side ; and on the body a broad band of charcoal
runs across from shoulder to shoulder and downwards till, at
the level of the sternum, it divides into two, one passing on
either side of the mid line and so on as far down as the knee.
The bands are outlined with white down, and, as the pattern
is a constant one, the Kurdaitcha man can always be dis-
tinguished from the medicine man.
Both of the men wear the /uzterlinza or shoes which, when
thus in use, are decorated with lines of white and pink down,
and, while they are being put on and attached to the feet and
legs with human hair string, the Kurdaitcha sings
** Interlinia turlaa attipa
Interlinia attipa.”
which literally translated means “ Jnter/znza to me hold fast,
enterlinia hold fast.” ‘There is not, either at the making or at
the putting on of the shoes, anything in the way of an in-
cantation beyond this simple one.
Like the man who is on any particular occasion acting as
a Kurdaitcha, the doctor himself must bean Ertwa Kurdaitcha
who has qualified by passing through the ordeal by fire in
which the toe is dislocated. Both men carry shields and
spears, and also one or more Churinga, which are supposed
as usual to impart to them strength, courage, accuracy of aim,
and also to render them invisible to their enemies, and in
addition they act as charms to prevent their wearers being
wounded. Around his waist each one wears the Kirra-urkna,
or girdle, made from the hair which has been cut from a
warrior after his death and which is supposed to add to the
wearer all the war-like virtues of the dead man.
Followed by the medicine man the Kurdaitcha takes the
lead until the enemy is sighted. Then the medicine man falls
into the rear while the Kurdaitcha stealthily creeps forward
towards his quarry and suddenly rising up, spears him before
he is aware of the presence of an enemy. Both medicine man
and Kurdaitcha have meanwhile put the sacred Churinga
between their teeth and when they are thus armed the spear
cannot fail to strike the victim. As soon as this is done the
Kurdaitcha man goes away to some little distance from the
fallen man and from which he cannot see the operations of
the medicine man who now approaches and performs his
share in the work. By aid of his magic powers and by
means of the Atnongara stones he heals the victim. These
Atnongara stones are small crystalline structures which every
medicine man is supposed to be able to produce at will from
his own body throughout which it is believed that they are
distributed—in fact it is the possession of these stones which
gives to the medicine man his virtue. Into the spear wound
he rubs a white greasy substance called Eynia which he
obtains by pressure of the skin glands on the outside of the
nostril. After all external traces of the wound have dis-
appeared he goes quietly away and, together with the Kur-
daitcha man returns to his own country. Having been
touched by the Aznongara stones, the victim returns to life,
but is completely ignorant of all that has taken place. He
returns to camp and in a short time sickens and dies. His
death is attributed to Kurdaitcha or to some other form of
magic influence, but no one will be able to trace the tracks of
the Kurdaitcha.
Another form of Kurdaitcha which has not the sanction of
the council of elders but is said to be the more favourite
method of procedure is for the Kurdaitcha to go alone with-
out the medicine man accompanying him. After killing
his enemy he allows the body to lie out in the sun for an hour
or two and then he makes an incision in the tongue through
which he sucks away the blood which is supposed to have
accumulated internally. Then he plugs up the spear wound
with the Afzta (a rat tail tip ornament worn as a con-
ventional covering) and leaves it there a short time while he
sings a magic chant. Then the Alpita is removed and a
small fire stick is held close to the wound so that the skin
contracts and the wound closes up and heals. Sometimes
instead of sucking the tongue, the Kurdaitcha catches
a special kind of slender, smooth bodied lizard (Rho-
dona bipes) which frequents the roots of Mulga trees and
inserts the head of the animal into the wound through which
it is supposed to suck up all the blood, Finally he either
bites the tongue of the victim or else presses a charmed bone
called an Jjzl/a under it, the effect of either of which actions
is to cause the victim to completely lose all recollection of
what has taken place when, a short time afterwards, he comes
to life again. The man who has thus been killed returns to
his camp having no idea of what has happened, and soon
sickens and dies.
Whilst there is much of a mythical nature about the Kur-
daitcha it is quite possible that there is a certain amount of
truth underlying a good deal that is, of course, a matter of
Between his teeth he holds a small stone Churinga; the shoes are seen on his
feet, and in his left hand he holds a shield and two or three wooden Churinga.
pure imagination. It is very possible that the shoes, if not
actually used at the present day, have been used in past times
for the purpose of aiding in secret killing and, to the present
day, the fear of the Kurdaitcha man lurking around is always
present with the native. We have met several Kurdaitcha
men who claim to have killed their victim and many more
men who are perfectly certain that they have seen Kurdaitcha.
One group of men will tell you that they do not go Kur-
daitcha but that another group does do so, and if you then
question the latter they will tell you that they do not, but
that their accusers do. Itis in fact a case of each believing
the other guilty and both being innocent. At the same time
many will at once confess that they do go Kurdaitcha, when
as a matter of fact they do not.
As to the question of tracking, the idea which has been
generally held, that the shoes are used to prevent the tracks
being seen will not be regarded as at all satisfactory by those
who are acquainted with the remarkable power of the
Australian native in this respect. They will neither hide the
track nor, though they are shaped alike at each end, will they
even suffice to prevent any native who cares to look from
seeing at a glance which direction the wearer has come from,
or gone towards. Any even moderately experienced native
will, without the slighest difficulty, tell from the faintest track
—from an upturned stone, a down-bent piece of grass or a twig
of shrub—not only that some one has passed by but also the
direction in which he has travelled. The only way in which
they can be of use in hiding tracks is by preventing it from
being recognised who was the particular individual, and in
this way they might be of service, for when once an experi-
enced native—almost incredible though it may sound to those
who have not had the opportunity of watching them—has
seen the track of a man or woman he will distinguish it after-
wards from that of any other individual of his acquaintance.
Most probably the explanation is, not that the native can-
not follow the track, but that either he persuades himself that
he cannot, or, what is still more likely, that the fear of the
magic power of the dreaded Kurdaitcha causes him, if he
catches sight of such a track, to avoid as much as possible the
spot where he has seen it, in just the same way in which an
ordinary European peasant will avoid the spot haunted by a
ghost.
Our impression with regard to the Kurdaitcha is that at the
present day it is merely a matter of myth, though at the same
time every native is firmly convinced that some other native
does actually “go Kurdaitcha,’ and is quite prepared, as a
general rule, to allow others to think that he himself does ; he
will even go to the length of suffering the pain of having his toe
dislocated in order to “ prove ” that he is a genuine Ertwa Kur-
daitcha. To those who are personally acquainted with the
Australian native there will not appear to be anything at
all improbable in this. He delights in mystery, and for the
purpose of standing high in the estimation of his fellow men
will submit to inconveniences and discomforts which perhaps
appear to a white man to be ludicrously out of all proportion
to the advantages to be gained, but to him it is far otherwise,
and the mystery which surrounds and lends importance to the
individual who has actually, for example, “gone Kurdaitcha,”
is just what appeals to the imagination of the Australian
native. At the same time it is not by any means improbable
that at some time past some such custom associated with
secret killing was even largely practiced, and formed a kind
of endless vendetta. Possibly some old Oknzrabata whose
superior wisdom had gained for him great repute (just as it
would do at the present day), perceiving the endless deaths
which it entailed, introduced the curious and painful ordeal of
dislocation of the toe as a means of checking the practice.
During the Engwura which we witnessed a special ceremony
was performed which had reference to the Kurdaitcha custom.
This was called the /wznja, the word being the name applied
toa small party of men sent out by the older men of any
group to kill some special individual. The ceremony was in
the possession of the Alatunja of a group of Ullakupera (little
hawk) men and had been received by him from a group of
natives living out to the east. In connection with the per-
formance five men were decorated with bands of charcoal edged
with white down, a line of the latter running straight from the
top of the helmet along the bridge of the nose and then over the
upper lip and beard, which was tied back upon the face with
hair string. A semi-circle of white down, each end of which
touched the median line surrounded the eyes. Every man
carried a shield, and was either armed with a spear-thrower or
boomerang, while one of them carried a long spear, the pointed
end of which was decorated with down.
One by one the men ran out with exaggerated high knee
action from the group of natives who were assembled at one
side of the Engwura ground. Crouching down in various
spots, each man lay on the ground with his shield over his
head and his body huddled up so as to occupy as little spaceas
possible. They all lay perfectly still while an old man armed
only with a fighting club came and walked about, wandering
here and there as if he were looking for some track. Then
the Kurdaitcha men arose and one after the other crept
stealthily up to him from behind. Suddenly he turned round
and caught sight of the Kurdaitcha who were just about to
kill him with a boomerang or spear. Then a mock fight
took place, in which the Kurdaitcha was always worsted and
tumbled down, the old man each time giving him a final tap
with his club, which particularly pleased the audience, for in
these performances there are certain conventional actions
which must be observed by the actors. One after another the
Kurdaitcha men came up, and each was worsted in his turn.
When apparently all had been killed the old man still went
wandering about, and the same performance was again gone
through. After about fifteen minutes had been spent in this way
the old man leisurely walked back to the group of spectators,
ence more killing each of the men before he got there.
When close home a combined attack was made upon him,
but with no success, as he killed them all and the perform-
ance ended with him standing, brandishing his club over their
dead bodies, which were heaped together in front of him.
The actions of the old man and of the Kurdaitcha men might
have been copied from a stage fight.
Tradition relates that the incident to which the performance
refers actually took place in the far past when a noted warrior
slew five Kurdaitchas who followed him as he went out
tracking animals for food.
Illapurinja, a word which means “ the changed one,” is the
name given to a woman who may be spoken of as, in a
modified form, a female Kurdaitcha, and whom we may
regard, at all events at the present day, as being entirely
a mythical personage, whose existence in the mind of the
native is concerned mainly with the observance of certain
customs in connection with mourning for dead relatives. The
natives’ idea with regard to her is as follows.
On very rare occasions a woman may, at her own request,
be sent out by her husband to avenge some injury done, or
supposed to be done, to one of her own kindred. ‘There is
no such thing as any consultation of the old men in connec-
tion with this; in fact, if they knew of its being prepared,
they would prevent her going, so that the affair is a secret
one, known only to the woman and her husband. It seems
as if the Illapurinja has never been a very popular form of
avenging an injury, and is very rarely mentioned except
when a medicine man discovers that one of his patients, who
has been seized with sudden and unaccountable illness, is
suffering from the attack of an Illapurinja. As usual, the
natives when questioned on the subject said that though they
knew all about it, yet it was a custom which they did not
practise, or, rather, had not practised for many years, but
that it was prevalent out to the east. It is only a few years
since a man was out hunting euros near to Alice Springs, and
was attacked by an Ilapurinja who had come from an out-
lying group. He was picked up insensible (the day was a
very hot one, and in all probability the case was one of
sunstroke), and brought into camp in a dazed condition.
Under the treatment of an able medicine man, whose
services were fortunately available, he recovered, after the
extraction from his body of a number of pieces of a wooden
Churinga.
When being prepared, the Mlapurinja is rubbed all over
with grease and red ochre and decorated with white down,
which is fixed on to-her body with blood drawn from her
husband, this being the only occasion known to us on which
a woman is thus decorated. Her head is ornamented with
head rings and tufts of tail tips. In one hand she carries
a long fighting club, the ends of which are decorated with
down, and in the other a large wooden Churinga, which has
been specially made for the occasion by her husband.
When the decoration, which is done in perfect secresy, is
complete, no one but just the man and woman knowing any-
thing whatever about it, the husband takes one of her digging
sticks, fixes it upright in the ground, and ties on to the
upper end a small tuft of A/pz¢a or rat tails. This he care-
Carrying in the right hand a charmed stick and in the left a decorated fighting club.
She is in the act of throwing the charmed stick at the enemy.
fully watches while she is away. Should she be killed, then
the A/pzta at once falls to the ground of its own accord ; and
the husband, understanding what this means, will immediately
destroy his camp and everything in it which belonged to the
Illapurinja, and move to a new spot, leaving, however, the
digging stick and A/pzta untouched.
It is always night time when the woman sets out, and
after having been decorated, she first of all lies down in the
camp as if nothing unusual were about to happen; but when
her husband is asleep she steals quietly away quite alone, and
goes to the place where she hopes to find the man or woman
whom she is in search of. It it bea man, then she lies down
concealed, and waiting her opportunity, which comes when
his attention is occupied in stalking a kangaroo or emu. If
a woman be her quarry, then she hides close to some favourite
“yam ” ground, and when the former is busy digging up the
tubers she creeps up. In either case the Churinga is thrown
from behind so as to hit the victim’s neck, when it enters the
body, becoming, as it does so, broken up into a number of
small pieces.
The victim at once becomes insensible, and remains so for
some little time, and, when consciousness is once more re-
covered, suffers great pain. In the case of an old woman
death is sure to: follow, but im, that ofa man or younger
woman, recovery is possible with. the aid of a clever medicine
man, who, after much trouble and by dint of long-continued
rubbing and sucking, may succeed in extracting the broken
bits of Churinga from the patient’s body.
If successful, the Illapurinja returns at once to her husband’s
camp, always waiting, however, till it be dark before she
comes close up to it. During her absence he has made, and
kept burning, a small fire at some little distance. By the
side of this she lies down quietly until her husband discovers
her presence, when he goes and takes her by the arm and
leads her into his camp, where both of them sit down without
speaking a word, while he removes all traces of the decorations
and rubs her with fat and red ochre. The woman then takes
up the stick to which the Alpita is tied, and sits down,
while the man asks questions to which she replies, but she
must not volunteer any information.
The special breach of custom, with the punishment of which
the Ilapurinja is associated, is the omission of a M/za to cut
herself as a mark of sorrow on the death of an Uméa, that is,
a daughter blood or tribal. Such an omission is a grave
offence against a dead Uméa, and the dread of punishment
at the hands of an Ilapurinja must act as a strong inducement
to secure the proper carrying out of the ceremony. If
one J7za omits to cut herself, then some other one will go
in search of her, and, failing the chance of killing her, will
strike one of the offending woman’s brothers. There is now
living at Alice Springs a man who was thus injured by an
Illapurinja, and whose life was only just saved, so the natives
believe, by the exertions of a medicine man. When his
death does occur, it will undoubtedly be attributed to this
attack, certain parts of the Churinga—so it will be said—not
having been extracted.
This is the only case which has come to our knowledge in
which a woman is decorated with down fixed on with blood,
and in which she actually handles a Churinga. The latter, of
course, is not one of the ancestral Churinga, but it is regarded
as being a sacred stick, and is spoken of as a Churinga just as
are certain other similarly shaped sticks which are used in
various ceremonies, for which they may be specially made.
All that the woman is told is that the stick has been sung
over, and is what is called Arungguiltha, that is, charged
with magic and evil influence.
The whole affair is a superstition kept alive to make some
women believe that they, or their brothers, will suffer if
certain ceremonies are not duly attended to, and it is
worthy of notice that in this instance the victim belongs to
the same group as the avenger.
Very often one group of natives, that is, the members of
the tribe inhabiting a particular locality, will quarrel with the
members of some other group either belonging to the same or
to some other tribe. The quarrel is usually due to one of
two causes: either some man has stolen a wife from some
other group, or else the death of a native is attributed by the
medicine man to the magic of some member of a distant
group. When this is so, the aggrieved party will arrange to
make an attack upon the men who are regarded as the
aggressors. Most often the attackers, armed with spears and
spear-throwers, boomerangs, and shields, will march up to
the enemies’ camp, and the quarrel will be confined to a
wordy warfare, lasting perhaps for an hour or two, after
which things quieten down, and all is over; but in some
cases a regular fight takes place, in which severe wounds
may be inflicted. In other cases the attacking party will
steal down upon the enemy, and, lying in ambush, will await
an opportunity of spearing one or two of the men without any
risk to themselves.
The following incident which happened recently will serve
to show what often takes place.
The men living in the country round about Alice Springs
in the Macdonnell Range were summoned by Jnwurra, that
is, properly accredited messengers carrying Churinga, who
had been sent out by the Alatunja°of the group to assemble
for the purpose of making war upon the Iliaura tribe, which
occupies the country between eighty and a hundred miles to
the north of the Ranges.
For a long time the northern groups of the Arunta tribe
had been in fear of the Iiaura, who had been continually
sending in threatening messages, or at least it was constantly
reported that they were doing so, for it must be remembered
that imagination plays a large part in matters such as these
amongst the natives. Several deaths, also, which had taken
place amongst the Arunta, had been attributed by the medicine
men to the evil magic of certain of the Iliaura men. When
the messengers and the men summoned had assembled at
Alice Springs a council of the elder men was held, at which
it was determined to make a raid on the Iliaura, and accord-
ingly a party was organised for the purpose. Such an
avenging party is called an Atninga.
When all was prepared the Atninga started away for the
north, and, after travelling for several days, came upon a
group of Iliaura men, consisting of about a dozen families,
near to whom they camped for two days.
As usual on such occasions, the Iliaura sent some of their
women over to the strangers’ camp, but the fact that the use
of the women was declined by the visitors at once indicated
that the mission of the latter was not a friendly one. The
women are offered with a view of conciliating the Atninga
men, who, if they accept the favour, indicate by so doing that
the quarrel will not be pursued any further.
In the Iliaura community were two old men, and with them
matters were discussed by the elder men amongst the Arunta
at a spot some little distance from the camp of the latter.
After a long talk extending over two days, during which the
strangers set forth their grievances and gave the Iliaura men
very clearly to understand that they were determined to exact
vengeance, the two old men said, in effect, “ Go no further. Our
people do not wish to quarrel with your people ; there are three
bad men in our camp whom we Iliaura do not like, they must
be killed. Two are /turka (that is men who have married
within the forbidden degrees of relationship) ; the other is very
quarrelsome and strong in magic and has boasted of killing
your people by means of Kurdaitcha and other magic. Kill
these men, but do not injure any others in our camp, and we
will help you.”
' These terms were accepted by the Arunta, and it was
agreed between the old men of the two parties that an
attempt should be made to kill the three men on the next
day. At daylight the old men of the Iliaura went some
little distance away from their camp, and there made a fire,
and called up the other men of their party. This spécial fire,
at which it is intended to surprise and kill the men who have
been condemned and handed over to the tender mercies of
their enemies, is called 7/ara (the ordinary word for fire being
Ura). At the Atninga camp another frre, also called 7hara,
was lighted at the same time. Shortly after daylight a number
of the Arunta, led by an old man, went over to the Thara of
the Iliaura, all of them being unarmed, and here they took
special care to engage the condemned men in conversation.
The remainder of the Atninga party in full war-paint, with
whittled sticks in their hair, their bodies painted with red
ochre, carrying spears, boomerangs, and shields, and each one
wearing the magic K7zrra-urkna or girdle made of a dead
man’s hair, crept up unseen and, suddenly springing up,
speared two of the condemned men from behind. The third
man—one of the two /turka—had grown suspicious during
the night and had accordingly decamped, taking his women
with him.
A large number of spears were thrown into the bodies of
the men who were killed. When they were dead the Atninga
party danced round the bodies, and taking the whittled sticks
or Jékunta from their heads, broke them up and threw the
pieces on to the bodies. These //kunta are always worn by
certain groups of the Northern Arunta when they really mean
to fight, and amongst the same natives also under these
circumstances little curved flakes are cut by means of flints
on their spears about a foot from the pointed end.
The Iliaura men looked on quietly while the killing took
place, and when all was over, the spears were taken out of
the bodies by the men of the Arunta who had acted as decoys,
and were handed back to their respective owners. It is
supposed that if the latter themselves removed them some
great evil would befall them, as the body and anything
in contact with it of a victim killed in this way is strictly tabu
to the killer.
When this had been done, the Arunta went to the main
camp of the Iliaura and took the Unawa of one of the dead
men, and she became and is now the property of the old man
who seized her, she being a woman of the class into which he
could lawfully marry. One girl child was annexed by one of
the younger men, who carried her on his back for the greater
part of the return journey for about a hundred miles. The
two women who belonged to the /turka man were away, but
no attempt was made to capture them, as being themselves
lturka, they would not be taken as wives by the men of the
avenging party. They would when captured meet with severe
punishment at the hands of the Iliaura men and in all probability
would be put to death. Had they been the proper Unawa of
the dead man, they would, if present, have been appropriated
by men of the Atninga party to whom they were also Unawa.
The special name of Immirinja is given to the men who
actually took part in the spearing, those who acted as decoys
and who thus merely took a passive part, being called
Alknalarinika which means “ onlookers.”
Travelling back to the Arunta country, the Atninga party
separated into various contingents, each of which went to its
own locality, upon arrival at which certain ceremonies had to
be observed. The Alice Springs contingent, which will serve
to illustrate what took place in each instance, halted some
distance away from the main camp and decorated their bodies,
painting them all over with powdered charcoal and placing on
their foreheads and through the septum of the nose small twigs
of a species of Eremophila. As soon as they came in sight
of the main camp they began to perform an excited war-dance,
approaching in the form ot a square and holding and moving
their shields as if to ward off something which was being
thrown at them. This action is called /rulchiukiwuma and
is intended to beat off the U/thana or spirit of the dead
man.
The /mmirinja men were in the lead and, upon arrival
within sight of the camp, they separated from the others and
formed a single extended line with spears at rest and their
shields held in front of them with the convex side outwards.
Not a word was spoken and the /mmzrinja stood perfectly
still looking straight ahead. The A/knalarinika men, who now
formed an irregular square in the rear, shouted out, with evident
enjoyment, the result of the expedition. Then a number of
old women approached carrying fighting clubs and performing,
as they came along, a kind of exulting skip movement.
Each one with her club struck the shield of every one of
the /mmzrinja, and when this had been done the men who did
not go on the expedition followed suit, using their boomerangs.
The striking of the shields is called «lguzta atuma
(ulquzta shields, atuma to strike). This is a ceremony of very
considerable importance, and every one listens intently to the
sound which is produced by the blow. It it be hollow
(atalya), the owner of the shield is under some malignant
influence and he will not live long; if, on the other hand, the
the sound is firm and strong (e/atc/kima), then he is safe and
is not a victim of magic.
NARI VEY URIBE S TORIC BING AIC GA Wisdl hens Aas Clavaics
After the shield striking was over the women and children
returned to their camp and the Atninga party marched to the
corrobboree ground, the /mmzrinja men remaining perfectly
silent. There, all sat perfectly silent, the /wzmzrznza in the front
and the AZknualarinika behind them. After singing and beating
of boomerangs had gone on for some time two of the Jmzrinja
jumped up and, making a wide circuit of the gathering, ran
round with exaggerated knee action and went through a
performance in which they imitated the different attitudes of
attack and defence. They then halted with spears at rest and
shields held as before, until all of the men who had not been
with them came up and struck their shields with a boomerang,
after which they walked back to the party and sat down.
The same performance was passed through by all the
Immirinja two ata time. It is supposed to be very effective
as a means of frightening the U/thana, that is the spirit of
the dead man. One of the shields gave out a hollow sound
at which all appeared to be much distressed, while some
shouted out telling the man to hold it straight up. After
slightly altering the position it was again struck and to the
apparent relief of the listeners gave out the right sound,
While this ceremony was in progress the A/kualarinika men
were vying with each other in relating the details of the
expedition, only stopping to listen when the shields were
struck.
Shortly afterwards the men separated and went to their
respective camps. During that night, and for some days
afterwards, none of the Jmmirinja would speak of the
incidents of the expedition, and they continued to paint their
bodies with charcoal and to decorate their foreheads and
noses with green twigs ; finally they painted their bodies and
faces with bright colours and became free to talk about the
affair. Their troubles were not yet over however. The
Ulthana or spirit of the dead man is supposed to follow the
party in the form of a little bird called Chichurkng and is
constantly on the look-out to injure the Lmmaringa. While
flying it makes a noise like a child crying in the distance, and,
should any one of the men fail to hear this, he would become
paralysed in his right arm and shoulder, At night time
especially, when the Chzchurkna is flying over the camp, they
have to be wakeful, and, when lying down, are always careful
to conceal the right arm and shoulder lest the bird should look
down upon and injure them, and every man wears Adpzta in
his hair which is supposed to help him to keep awake, the
rabbit-kangaroo from which it comes being a nocturnal
animal and so acts as a charm against his being surprised by
the Chichurkna. When once the voice has been heard there
is no further fear, because the U/thana recognises that it has
been watched for and detected and is therefore powerless to
do any harm.
Some little time afterwards the shields of all the men were
again tested to see that they were sound.
This killing of /tuwrka men by strange blacks belonging
to other groups has been a common practice amongst the
tribes. When a case of this kind arises, the old men of the
group to which the offender belongs hold a meeting to dis-
cuss the matter, and if all of them vote in favour of the
death of a man or woman, a neighbouring group is asked
to come and carry out the sentence. Sometimes it is
agreed that the offending parties are to be punished in
some less severe way, perhaps by cutting the man’s legs or
by burning the woman with a fire-stick, and then if after
this the two still continue to live together, the death penalty
will be carried out.
Sometimes, but only rarely, a man is strong enough to
resist, but even if he be successful his life is at best a miserable
one as he dare not come anywhere near the camps, but is
forced to live in inaccessible parts in constant fear of being
surprised and put to death. At Charlotte Waters, for example,
there has been in recent years a case of this kind. One of the
finest men of the group carried off a woman who was not his
lawful Unawa, both the man and the woman belonging to the
Purula class! For two or three years the two led a wander-
ing life away from the usual haunts and several attempts were
made to kill them, the woman being very severely wounded
1 They were, according to our terms of relationship, cousins. Their mothers
were the daughters of the same woman by different husbands.
on one occasion. The man, however, was a_ formidable
antagonist of well-known prowess, and _ after having
killed two of the men who attempted to punish him and
nearly killing the proper husband of the woman, it was
thought best to leave him alone, though up to the present
day when quarrels occur in which he is concerned he is often
taunted with being /turka.
Chapter 14
Earth burial in the Arunta tribe—Depression made on the side of the grave facing
the place from which the spirit of the individual came originally—Hair cut
off a man—As a general rule nothing buried with the body—Burning of the
camp—Amongst the Warramunga and northern tribes the body is placed on
a platform in a tree until the flesh has shrivelled up—Degrees of silence to be
observed by different individuals in regard to mentioning the name of the
dead—Special restrictions on the sons-in-law of a dead man—The widow
paints herself with pipeclay, and at first remains in camp, silent, speaking by
means of gesture language—Ceremony to remove the ban of silence—Widow
and younger brothers—Ceremony of Urpmzlchima at the grave—Wearing of
the bone chaplet—The women cutting themselves upon the grave—Uyrpmtl-
chima of a woman—No man allowed to attend the ceremony at the grave—
The object of painting the body white is to attract the attention of the spirit.
WITHIN a very short time of death the body jin the
Arunta tribe is buried. It is placed in a sitting position
with the knees doubled up against the chin, and is thus in-
terred in a round hole in the ground, the earth being piled
directly on to the body so as to make a low mound with a
depression on one side. This is always made on the side
which faces towards the direction of the dead man or woman’s
camping ground in the Alcheringa, that is the spot which he
or she inhabited whilst in spirit form: the object of this is to
allow of easy ingress and egress to the U/thana or spirit which
is supposed to spend part of the time until the final ceremony
of mourning has been enacted in the grave, part watching
over near relatives, and part in the companyof its Arumdburinga,
that is its spiritual double who lives at the Nanya spot.
In the case of a man the hair is cut off from his head and
his necklaces, armlets and fur string used for winding round his
head are carefully preserved for further use. In the Eastern
Arunta it is said that sometimes a little wooden vessel used
Kas
in camp for holding small objects may be buried with the
man, but this is the only instance which has come to our
knowledge in which anything ordinarily used is buried in the
grave. Amongst the Udnirringita (witchetty grub) people one
or more of the round stone Churinga which are supposed to.
represent the eggs of the grub in the Alcheringa may be
buried with the man, but this is the only instance in which we
can find that anything of a sacred nature is buried with him.
As soon as burial has taken place, the man or woman’s camp:
in which death occurred is at once burnt down, and all
the contents are then destroyed—in the case of -a woman
nothing whatever being preserved—and the whole of the local.
encampment is shifted to a new place. Earth burial directly
after death occurs from the Urabunna tribe in the south
as far north as the Warramunga at Tennant’s Creek.
Amongst the latter the body is at first placed on a platform
made of boughs in a tree until such time as the flesh has
disappeared, when the bones, with the exception of the
smaller ones from the arms which are used for the purpose of
making pointing bones, are taken down and buried.
It is generally supposed that amongst Australian natives the
name of a dead man is never mentioned. This is not however
strictly true as regards the Arunta tribe. There are various.
degrees of silence to be observed by different persons and
these are dependent upon the mutual relationship which
existed between the dead and living individual. During the
period of mourning which follows immediately upon the death
of a man and occupies a period of from twelve to eighteen
months, no person must mention the name of the deceased
except it be absolutely necessary to do so, and then only in a
whisper for fear of disturbing and annoying the man’s spirit
which in ghost form, or as they call it, Ulthana, walks about.
If the Ulthana hears his name mentioned he comes to the con-
clusion that his relatives are not properly mourning for him—
if their grief were genuine it would cause them too much pain
to hear his name mentioned to allow them to do so—and so he
will come and trouble them in their sleep, to show them that
he is not pleased with them.
All individuals who are Oza Oknia, Mia, Ungarattcha,
Uwinna, or Mura of the dead man or woman may never
mention his or her name, nor may they ever go near to the
grave when once the ceremony of Urpmilchima, shortly to be
described, has been performed. Those who were A//ira, Jtia,
Umbirna, Umba, Unkulla, Unawa, Tkuntera, Chimmia,. or
Arunga may, when the time of mourning is over, speak of the
dead and mention his name without fear of incurring the
anger of the U/thana. As a matter of fact the grave is very
seldom indeed visited by any one for a long time after the
burial ; no camp will be formed close to where a grave has
been made for at least two years’ time for fear of disturb-
ing the U/thana.
The Gammona of the deceased, that is the men who
may lawfully marry his daughters—whether they actually
do so or not makes no difference—must not only never
mention his name, but they neither attend the actual burial,
nor do they take any part in the subsequent mourning
ceremonies which are carried on at the grave. It is their
duty to cut themselves on the shoulder when the man who
is their /kuntera or father-in-law dies. If a son-in-law
does not well and faithfully perform this cutting rite, which
is called Unangara, then some Jkuntera will punish him by
giving away his special Unawa or wife to some other man to
appease the U/thana of the dead father-in-law.
The name of the latter is strictly tabu to the Gammona,
and if by any chance he should hear the name mentioned in
camp, he will at once rattle his boomerangs together so as to
prevent his knowing what is being said.
Every man bears on his shoulders, as will be seen clearly in
many of the illustrations, the raised cicatrices, which exist-as
the permanent record of the fact that he has fulfilled his duty
to a dead father-in-law.
When a man dies his special: Unawa or Unawas smear
their hair, faces and breasts with white pipeclay and remain
silent for a certain time until a ceremony called Avralkililima
has been performed. The widow is called Lnpirta, which
means the whitened one in reference to the pipeclay. Some-
times she smears over the pipeclay ashes from a fire, in
which case she is called Ura-inpirta, ura meaning fire. In
some of the more northern tribes, as for example amongst the
Warramunga living on Tennant’s Creek, the widows are not
allowed to speak for sometimes as long a period as twelve
months, during the whole of which time they communicate
only by means of gesture language. In the latter they are so
proficient that they prefer, even when there is no obligation
upon them to do s0, to use it in preference to speaking. Not
seldom, when a party of women are in camp, there will be
almost perfect silence and yet a brisk conversation is all the
while being conducted on their fingers or rather with their
hands and arms, as many of the signs are made by putting
' Amongst the Warramunga tribe, the wid
cutting open the middle line of the scalp,
with serious resuits.
Ow crops her hair short, and after
runs a fire-stick along the wound, often
the hands, or perhaps the elbows, in varying positions.
Many of the positions assumed by the fingers are such that
it is not at all easy for a white man to imitate them, and yet
by long practice the native can place his fingers in the most
wonderful variety of positions with regard to one another and
at the same time move them about in a way which no white
man can, except with extreme difficulty and very slowly.
When among the Arunta the widow wishes the ban of
silence to be removed,
she gathers a large
wooden vessel, called
a Tzirna, full of some _
edible seed or small
tuber and smears her-
self afresh with white
pipeclay at the Erluk-
qwirrad, or women’s
camp, where she has
been living since her
husband’s death. Car-
rying the 7zrna, and
accompanied by the
women whom she has
gathered together for
the purpose, she walks
tosthe=centre of the
encampment midway
between the two sec-
tions of the commun- AND WEARING THE CHIMURILIA.
ity, that is to the creek
or whatever natural feature it may be which serves to divide the
Bulthara and Panunga moiety from the Kumara and Purula.
Here they all sit down and cry loudly, whereupon the men
who were the A//ra and Jtza, that is the sons and younger
brothers of the dead man (blood and tribal), come up and join
the party. The men take the 77rva from the hands of the
widow and, as many as possible taking hold of it, they shout
loudly “Wah! wah! wah!” The women except the widow
stop crying and join in the shout. After a short time the Zzrna
502 NATIVE TRIBES ‘OF CENTRAL’AUSTRALIA “cHAp,
is held close to, but not touching, the face of the widow and
passes are made to right and left of her cheeks, while all again
shout “Wah! wah! wah!” The widow now stops her crying
and utters the same shout, only in subdued tones. After a few
minutes the 77rna is passed to the rear of the men who now,
squatting on the ground and holding their shields in both
hands, strike them heavily on the ground in front of the
women who are standing. The widow springs to her feet and
joins in the shouts of “Wak! wah! wah!” which accompany
for some minutes the striking of the shields. When this is over
the men disperse to their camps and eat the food brought in
the 77zrna by the widow, who is now free to speak to them,
though she still continues to smear herself with pipeclay.
The meaning of this ceremony, as symbolised by the
gathering of the tubers or grass seed, is that the widow is
about to resume the ordinary occupations of a woman’s life,
which have been to a large extent suspended while she
remained in camp in what we may call deep mourning. It is
in fact closely akin in feeling to the transition from deep to
narrow black-edged paper amongst certain more highly
civilised peoples. The offering to the sons and younger
brothers is intended both to show them that she has properly
carried out the first period of mourning and to gain their
goodwill as they, especially the younger brothers, are
supposed to be for some time displeased with a woman
when her husband is dead and she is alive. In fact
a younger brother meeting the wife of a dead _ elder
brother out in the bush, performing the ordinary duties.of a
woman such as hunting for “yams” within a short time of her
husband’s death, would be quite justified in spearing her. The
only reason that the natives give for this hostile feeling is that
it grieves them too much when they see the widow because it
reminds them of the dead man. This however can scarcely be |
the whole reason, as the same rule does not apply to the elder
brothers, and very probably the real explanation of the feeling
is associated, in some Way, with the custom according to
which the widow will, when the final stage of mourning is
over, become the wife of one of these younger brothers whom
at first she has to carefully avoid. »
After the lapse of perhaps twelve or eighteen months the
ceremony of Urpmilchima is performed at the grave. The
meaning of this term is “ trampling the twigs on the grave.”
Previously to this the widow has been saving up small
bones of any animal such as the jaws of opossums or rabbit-
kangaroos, or leg and ‘arm bones of various small animals.
She also procures the same from her tribal sisters. From the
female /tza, Allira and Umba of the dead man she obtains
short locks of hair to which by means of Af¢cha, the resin
obtained from the porcupine grass, she attaches firmly the
bones, which are then hung on, in little groups, to one of the
hair head rings which are commonly worn by women. In
addition she procures A/pzta and makes plumes out of the tail
feathers of the ring-necked parrot or of the black cockatoo.
In this way a hideous and bulky chaplet is made which
the women call Avamurilia and the men Chimurilia—why
they should have separate names we cannot say, but they
are both applied to the same chaplet and have nothing
to do with whether it is concerned with the Urpmzlchima of a
man or woman.
When these preparations have been made the widow is
invited by a younger brother of the dead man to visit the
grave or U/kna and there to take part in the ceremony of
Urpmilchima. The date is determined by the tribal brothers
and sons of the dead man and on the appointed day the
widow is painted all, or nearly all over, with fresh pipeclay.
Probably in different parts of the tribe the ceremony
varies to a certain extent in details, and it may also vary
somewhat according to whether the dead man was held in
great or little esteem. The following is an account of the
Urpmilchima as it was celebrated in the case of the brother
of the present Alatunja of the Alice Springs group. The
women, on the appointed day, were assembled at the
Erlukwirra painting the widow ; the men were sitting a few
hundred yards away on the line of route from the camp to the
grave. The Oknza, Okilia, Itia, and Allira, were decorated on
the front of the body with a Y-shaped figure, painted of
course in pipeclay, white being the colour of mourning. The
Gammona sat apart with bent heads and nearest: to them
were their Afra, that is their sons blood and tribal. When
the painting of the widow was complete, the women
approached from the Eyrlukwerra uttering their peculiar
mournful wail, a weird sound well-known to all who have
spent the night camped near to a group of natives amongst
whom a death has occurred at all recently. The lead was
taken by the widow who was carrying the Chimurilia in a
wooden fztchz. They came on until the spot was reached at
which the Gammona were seated and approached in such a
way as to come up behind the latter. Then, standing behind
each man, the widow thrust the pitcht under the arms and on
to the lap of each one in turn. There it was allowed to:
remain, held by the man for some minutes, the women crying
loudly and the men with bent heads shedding tears but
uttering no sound. As the pitcht rested on the lap of each
man, the widow and other men who were Unawa with the
dead man and who were in consequence Mura to the
Gammona, embraced the latter from behind. These women.
were, it must be remembered, -those who are strictly
prohibited from speaking to or having any intercourse with the
men in question, to whom they were tribally mothers-in-law,
which will account for the fact that they approached them
from behind as if in recognition of this mutual relationship
of Mura, After this was over the sons of the Gammona were
treated in just the same way, and then these two sets of men
remained seated on the ground while all the other men,
followed by the women, started off for the grave. About
midway the party was met by the eldest son of the deceased’s
eldest brother and a halt was made. Taking the Chimurilia—
two in number—from the pitcht he approached each man
who was Okuza, Okdlia, Itia, Lkuntera, Umbtrna, and Allira of
the dead man and embraced them all in turn, pressing as he
did so the Chimurilia against their stomachs. Then he
placed one Chimurilia on the head of the widow, and the
other on that of a younger sister of the dead man, and
taking from the pitch? some Okincha-lanina or fur string
rings, he tore the string tags off and placed the rings on
the heads of#women who were Allira or Umba of the dead
man. The tufts of feathers of the ring-necked parrot were
stuck in the hair behind the ears over which hung A/pzta
or tail tips.
When the putting on of the Chzmurzlia, &c., was complete,
the party, led by the man who had superintended this part of
the proceedings, went on, each. man carrying a shield and
spear-thrower. No words were spoken, and the only sound
was the wailing of the women. A visit was first paid to the
camp where the man died, and, dancing round the charred
remains (when a native dies his camp is at once destroyed by
fire) they all shouted “Wak! wah! wah! wa-a-ah!” the men
as they did so beating the air with their spear-throwers, which
were grasped in the centre instead of at one end, and held
with their hollow side outwards—suggestive somewhat of the
reversed arms at a military funeral. The shields were held at
rest in the left hand. The women joined in the dancing and
shouting, beating the air with the palms of their hands, which
faced away from the body with the fingers widely distended,
the idea being to drive the spirit away from the old camp
which it is supposed to haunt. Those women who were JWza,
Uwinna, and Mura of the dead man did not join in the
shouting, or make any movement with the arms, but wailed
loudly and threw themselves on to the ground. When the
dancing, which lasted about ten minutes, was over, the whole
party proceeded to the grave at a run, the leader making a
circuit away from the main party, shouting loudly with very
prolonged intonation “Ba-au / ba-au!” The idea of the lead-
ing man making a circuit was, perhaps, though the natives
could give no explanation, to prevent the spirit from doubling
back to the camp from which they were supposed to be
driving him. The idea is that the spirit is frightened when
he hears the noise and sees the widow coming on wearing the
Chimurilia, and being driven on takes refuge at the bottom of
the grave. The main party went on shouting in suppressed
tones “Wah! wah!” the men keeping time by beating the air
with their spear-throwers, held as previously described, while
the women followed behind.
The leader, who had been running more rapidly than the
rest, arrived at the grave just before the others, and with a
final and much prolonged “Ba-au/” jumped on to the grave
into which the spirit was supposed to have fled and began
dancing wildly. He was quickly followed by the others, all
of whom, except the Mia, Uwinna,and Mura women, who
lay down on the ground close by, began to dance backwards
and forwards on and around the grave shouting “ Wak)
wah!” and beating the air downwards as if to drive the spirit
down, while with their feet they stamped upon and broke the
twigs with which a newly made grave is always covered.
When these were thoroughly broken up the dancing ceased,
the men separated from the women and went to one side,
while the widow and other women cleared up the débris which
was carried a little distance away from the grave, immediately
around which a space was cleared for a few yards. When
this had been done the Mia, Uwinna, and Mura women, who
had meanwhile been lying prostrate, wailing at the top of
their voices, and now and again striking the ground with
their bodies, got up and approached the grave. Gathered
around this, they struck and cut their heads with fighting clubs,
inflicting on themselves often severe wounds from which the
blood flowed on to the grave. After a little time the cutting
ceased and they moved away. The men stood solemnly on
one side while the widow came forward with her sisters, blood
and tribal, and scratched a hole in the top of the grave
When this was deep enough the widow and the younger
woman took the Chémurilia off their heads and, while all the
women cried loudly, tore them to pieces, and, kneeling over
the grave, deposited the remains in the hole. This done the
fur string rings were treated in the same way, the feather
tufts and A/pita were placed in the hole, above these was put
the pitch, in which the Chimurilia had been carried, and then
the earth was heaped up. When this had been done the men
prostrated themselves for a few minutes on the grave. When
they got up their place was taken by the widow and other
Unawa women, and lastly the Ma, Uwinna, and Mura women
- came and lay down.
After this was over, the widow, standing by the grave,
rubbed off the white pipeclay from her body, thus showing
that her mourning was at an end. She may still, if she likes,
paint a narrow white band on her forehead, which is regarded
as an intimation that she is not anxious to marry at present,
as she still mourns, though to a less degree than before, for
the dead man.
The spirit of the dead man was supposed to have been
watching all these proceedings as he lay at the bottom of the
grave. From the fact of the widow’s having painted herself
with white, and having made and worn the Chimurzlza, he
knows that he has been properly mourned for, while the fact
of her wearing in her hair the gay féathers of the ring-neck
parrot shows him that her period of mourning has come to an
end. Having had similar experiences during his own life-
time he recognises that, with the Chimurtlia, she buries the
sorrow of herself and of his relatives and friends. The loud
shouting of the men and women shows him that they do.not
wish to be frightened by him in his present State, and that
they will be angry with him if he does not rest. Should he
at any time forget the wishes of the survivors, then the
presence of the broken up Chimurilias will remind him of
them. He may still watch over his friends, guard them from
harm, and visit them in dreams, but he must not come in such
a Way as to frighten them.
In the case of every grave, it may here be noted that the
earth is always especially heaped up on one side ; the side on
which it is less heaped up, or on which sometimes a slight
depression is left, is always the one facing towards the place
at which, in the Alcheringa, the ancestor of the man lived and
at which place the spirit double of the man has lived ever
since with whom the Ulthana will now, for the most part,
live.
In the case of the Urpmilchima of a woman the proceed-
ings are somewhat different, and the following describes what
took place at one which was held some twelve months after
the death of a woman at Alice Springs.
All the women in the camp assembled at the Eylukwirra
shortly after sunrise. The actual mother of the deceased was.
painted deeply all over with pipeclay, the tribal Jfzas were
one another, while a continuous wailing was kept up, a start
was made for the grave. After going a short distance they
were met by a man who was a blood brother of the dead
woman, and was accompanied by a number of his tribal
brothers, Every one sat down and the lamenting again
the Chimurilias, handed it to the brother, who bowed his head
over it while he pressed it against his stomach for a minute
or two, after which he removed one of the Chimurilias and
placed it upon his mother’s head. After it had been worn by
the woman for a short time she replaced it in the fztchz, which
was then taken by the Ungaraztcha and pressed against the
stomach of each man in turn, the idea being to assuage their
sorrow. The Chémurilias were then taken by the brother and
placed on the heads of two tribal Ungaraitcha of the dead
woman, and the party started for the grave, led, but only for
a short distance, by the brother, all the other men remaining
behind. No man is allowed to attend the Urpmzlchima of a
woman.
On the way to the grave the actual mother often threw
herself heavily on the ground and attempted to cut her head
with a digging stick. Each time she did so she was picked up
by two women, whose duty it appeared to be to prevent her
from hurting herself too much; but by the time that the
grave was reached her body wasa mass of bruises and covered
over with sharp, three-cornered prickles. At the grave she
threw herself upon it, tearing up the earth with her hands and
being literally danced upon by the other women. Then all
the Mias and Uwinnas threw themselves on the grave, the
Mias cutting and hitting each other about the body until
they were streaming with blood. Each of them carried a
digging stick, which was used unsparingly on its owner’s head
and on those of the others, no one attempting to ward off the
blows which they even invited. Amongst the Mias was an
aged cripple, who was carried to the ground, and was one of
the most keen participators in the ceremony. The Uwznnas
though hard hit were not cut as were the M/zas. After some
time the other women dragged the Mzas and Uwinnas away
and then the Ungaraitcha scraped a hole in the earth in which,
after tearing them up, the Chzmurilias were deposited. Once
more the Mas threw themselves on the grave cutting each
other’s heads. The weeping and wailing of the women who
were standing round seemed to drive them almost frenzied,
and the blood, streaming down their bodies over the white
pipe-clay, gave them a ghastly appearance. At last only the
old mother was left crouching alone, utterly exhausted and
moaning weakly on the grave. The Ungaraitcha approached
her, and, rubbing off the pipe-clay, lifted her up. After this
the*ceremony came to an end and the grave was smoothed
down and left.
No Ma would think of being absent from an Urpmilchima
ceremony, which, though the Australian native cannot be
supposed to feel pain as acutely as the average white man
does, must yet involve no small amount of physical suffering.
The women seem to work themselves up into a perfect
frenzy, and to become quite careless as to the way in which
they cut and hack themselves about, with, however, this re-
striction, notable on all such occasions, that however: frenzied
they apparently become no vital part is injured, the cutting
being confined to such parts as the shoulders, scalp, and
legs.
To those who have had no personal contact with savages,
such as the Australian natives, and have never seen them at
times when they are excited by the performance of cere-
monies, the carrying out of which forms a most important
feature in their lives, the above account may appear to be
exaggerated. It is not for a moment to be supposed that
the self-inflicted pain and the loud lamentings are to be taken
as a measure of the grief actually felt. To a certain extent,
perhaps to a very large one, the excessive display is due to.
the fact that it is a tribal custom, and as such has a very
strong hold upon the imagination of a people whose every
action is bound and limited by custom. There is nothing to
which a blackfellow is so sensitive as to the contempt and
ridicule of his fellows, to which non-compliance with a custom
such as this will expose him. Partly, also, must be taken
into account the fear which a native has that, unless a suffi-
cient amount of grief be displayed, he will be harmed by the
offended Ulthana or spirit of the dead man. In Many respects.
the mind of the Australian native is like that of a child
amongst Ourselves. One moment he will be in a passion of
grief or rage, and the next, if anything attracts his fancy, his.
humour will rapidly change and tears will give place to:
laughter. At the same time, he is certainly capable of genuine
erief and of real affection for his children.
It may finally be pointed out that, in connection with the
custom of painting the body of the mourner with white pipe-
clay, there is no idea of concealing from the spirit of the
dead person the identity of the mourner; on the other hand,
the idea is to render him or her more conspicuous, and so:
to allow the spirit to see that it is being properly mourned
for.
Chapter 15
The spirit part of an Alcheringa individual and the Nanja tree or rock—From
the Wanja issues a second spirit, which is the Arumburinga—The spirit in-
dividuals are collectively the Lruntarinia—They are aggregated into local
groups just as the living members of the tribe are—When a Spirit goes into a
woman there remains the Arwmburinga which is its double—Relationship
between an individual and his Arumburinga—When a man dies his spirit is
called Uithana—This goes finally to the Vanja spot and joins the Arumburinga
—Certain gifted individuals can see the Lruntarinta—Habits of the Lrun-
tarinta—Carrying off women—Presenting sacred ceremonies to particular
men—Native feeling with regard to them.
IN the Arunta tribe there is a firm belief in the existence
of spirit individuals, between whom and the individual members
of the tribe there exists a very definite relationship.
As we have already seen when dealing with the Churinga,
every individual is supposed to be the reincarnation of an
Alcheringa being. Now these Alcheringa beings are very
closely indeed associated with the animals or plants whose
name they bear; indeed, some of them are regarded as
having remained in the form of animals, such, for example,
as the celebrated kangaroo called Ultainta. We can dis-
tinguish three forms of Alcheringa individuals, (1) those who
were the direct transformations of animals or plants into
human beings; (2) those who were at first Jnapertwa, and
who were transformed into men and women by the Ungam-
éckula ; and (3) those who, like the kangaroo mentioned, were
never actually transformed into human beings, but were
endowed with powers not possessed by the ordinary animal,
and were practically animal-men. In all cases the Alcheringa
individuals were possessed of powers far greater than those
exercised by living men; they could travel on, or above, or
beneath the ground ; by opening a vein in the arm each of
them could flood whole tracts of country or cause level plains
to arise; in rocky ranges they could make pools of water
Spring into existence or could make deep gorges and gaps
through which to traverse the ranges, and, where they
planted their sacred poles, there rocks or trees arose to mark
the spot. In regard to one point of fundamental importance
they all agreed—each of them carried about some sacred
object, a stick or stone called Churinga, with which was
associated their spirit part. When, as happened to all of
them sooner or later, they died and went into the earth, that
Churinga remained behind and along with it the spirit part.
At the same time there always arose some natural object,
a rock or tree, to mark the spot where the Alcheringa being
went into the earth, and this natural object was henceforth
the Manja rock or tree of the spirit of that particular in-
dividual whom it represented. From that Nanja there issued
another spirit being whom the natives speak of as the Arum--
ouringa of that particular individual. The spirit of each Alcher-
inga individual, when resident in the Churinga, is thus closely
associated with, indeed watched over by, an Arumburinga,
so that at each Oknanzkilla, or local totem centre, we have a
group of what are called the /runtarinia, each of whom is
either a spirit associated with a Churinga or else the Arum-
buringa of one of these spirits.
The /runtarinia are especially given to wandering during
the summer time, as they do not like the cold of the winter
nights; in fact, during the latter period they spend most
of their time in underground caves, where are streams of
running water and perpetual sunshine, the two great de-
siderata of the Arunta native, as the one implies a plen-
tiful food supply, and the other the warmth of which, being
himself fond, he naturally supposes that the spirits are so too.
Each local group has its group of Zruntarinia who are sup-
posed to be associated with that special locality and its
inhabitants, and of course bear the name of the Alcheringa
individuals with whom they are each one associated, that is,
the /runtfarinia are aggregated in local totemic groups just as
iy IL
the living members of the tribe are, Close to Alice Sprimge
‘5 an ancient hollow tree which is supposed to form a
favourite entrance of the /runtarinia of that district to the
caves, which, according to native belief, stretch out for many
miles underground.
When a spirit individual goes into a woman there still
remains the Arumburinga, which may be regarded as its
double, and this may either dwell along with the Truntarinia,
of whom it is of course one, or may at pleasure follow the
spirit which is within the woman, or may attend the woman’s
husband as he goes out hunting. The /runtarinza are, in-
deed, supposed to have their likes and dislikes as regards
the human members of the group to which they belong.
Some men who are popular amongst them will often be
followed as they go out hunting by perhaps two or three of
the spirit people who will assist them by driving prey towards
them. A man’s Arumburinga is not, however, supposed to
watch over him continuously, but only in a more: or less
general kind of way. The idea in this respect is a vague one ;
but if, say, to take a special example, a man be out hunting
and has his eye fixed on his prey, and for some reason,
apparently without any cause, he suddenly looks down and
sees a snake just where he was about to tread, then he knows
at once that his Arumburinga is with him and prompted him
to look down suddenly. The Arumburinga can of course
travel over long distances with ease, and though they spend
most of their time at) the) Vanja tree or reck sstill mii tthe,
human representative lives far away, as he may do, they will
frequently visit him, and if he be gifted with the power of
seeing spirits, will make themselves visible to him, or if not,
then they sometimes send him a message through a man who
is thus gifted.
When a man or woman dies and the body is buried, there
remains the spirit part or U/thana, that is, practically what
may be called the equivalent of the ghost of the dead person,
which is supposed to haunt the burial place and at night time
to come into the camp, or it may go back to its old Nana
rock or tree; but at all events for a period it is supposed to:
spend a considerable time either around the grave or in the
camp. The name UWlthana is given to the spirit until such
time as the Orpmtlchima ceremony has been performed and
it has ceased to regularly haunt the camp and burial ground.
The Ulthana is supposed to be capable, like other spirits, of
hurting its enemies, and the sure sign of an attack by one
of them is the presence of human teeth in the body of the
victim. Medicine men will sometimes extract these, which
are regarded as an infallible indication of an attack by an
Ulthana.
Finally, when all the mourning ceremonies have been carried
out, the U/thana is supposed to leave the grave and to return
to its Vanja, where it rejoins and lives along with its Avum-
buringa. After a time it gets itself another Churinga, with
which it becomes associated, just as before it was associated
with the Alcheringa Churinga, and then, after the lapse of
some time, but not, it is supposed, until even the bones have
crumbled away, it may once more be born again in human
form.
To sum up the Arunta belief we have (1) the spirit part of
an Alcheringa being in connection with a Churinga ; (2) the
Arumburinga which arises from the Nanya tree or rock, which
marks the spot where the Alcheringa being went into the
earth ; and (3) the U/thana or spirit part of the dead man or
woman, and which is, in reality, identical with @)y “The
Arumburinga is changeless and lives for ever ; the spirit part
of the Alcheringa individual also lives for ever, but from time
to time undergoes incarnation,
There are certain ideas with regard to the spirits or Jrun-
tarinia with which we may conveniently deal here.
~ In addition to the medicine men, who have the power
of seeing and communicating generally with the Lruntarinia,
there are others to whom this privilege is granted. It is
believed that, so say the natives, children who are born with
their eyes open, or, as it is called, aléna buma (alkna, eye;
buma, open), have this power when they arrive at maturity,
provided always that they grow up sedate, for the lruntarinia
much dislike scoffers, frivolous people, and chattering men
and women, and will not show themselves to such on any
account. Men and women who are what is called zréuy
ily 1b, 2B
oknira (irkun, chattering; oknzra, much) are supposed to
annoy the spirits. Children who are born with the eyes
closed, alkna bunga, cannot communicate with the spirits
when they grow up unless they become medicine men.
In general appearance the Truntarinia are supposed to
resemble human beings, but they are always youthful look-
ing, their faces are without hair, and their bodies are thin and
shadowy. They are fond of decorating themselves with
down or undattha, of which they are supposed to have
unlimited supplies, some of which, as it is highly prized
amongst the natives, they every now and again present to
specially favoured individuals.
As a general rule they only go about at night time, and
only make themselves visible when men or women are alone.
They are fond of prowling about the camp, and sometimes,
when successful in evading the notice of the camp dogs, who
have the gift of seeing them at all times, they steal hair and
fur string, or other material, which after a time is as mysteri-
ously returned to its owner as it disappeared in the first
instance. It is, so the natives say, no uncommon thing for a
man to wake in the morning, or even after a sleep in the
middle of the day, and find that his spare string has dis-
appeared. He looks around for tracks, but finds none, and at
once concludes that the /ruxtarinza have been visiting him.
He must not be angry or else he would offend them, and,
moreover, he feels that his Avrumburinga, who has most
likely taken the string, needed it for some special purpose,
and will return it safely when done with. Sooner or later
he will awake to find it by his side. What may be the
real meaning of this belief it is difficult to see, unless,
what is not by any means impossible, the explanation lies in
the fact that one of the so-called /runtartnza men has
cunningly taken the articles, and then after a time returned
them, his object being to keep up the belief in the existence
of the spirits, owing to his supposed power of interviewing
whom he is held in considerable respect.
The spirits kill and eat all manner of game, but always
uncooked, for they are not supposed to have any fires, and
not seldom they steal game which has been wounded, but not
XV THE IRUNTARINIA AND ARUMBURINGA iy
killed on the spot, by men. For instance a kangaroo which
has been speared but not killed will perhaps run away out of
sight of the hunter, who tracks it up for some time and then
loses all trace of it, and when this is so he knows that the
lruntarinia have taken it.
It is a matter of tradition that now and again they have
carried off women who have wandered too far away from their
camp after dark ; in fact, it is not considered safe for a woman
to go about too much alone, as there is always the danger of
the /runtarinia seizing her and carrying her away to be
imprisoned in the depth of a cave. This fear, which is ever
present with the women, acts as a wholesome check upon
their wandering about alone too much. Not very long ago
at a place called Undoolya, a woman strayed some distance
from her husband’s camp in the dusk, and he was only just in
time, when attracted by her cries, to prevent her being carried
off by the /runtarinia, who had seized upon and were
dragging her away when he came upon the scene.
There is a tradition that long ago, before any of the oldest
men now living were born, a party going to the south from
the Macdonnell Ranges was met at the Edith Range, near to
Ooraminna water-hole, about twenty-five miles distant from
Alice Springs, by a host of fruntarinia, who drove the party
back with great slaughter.
The /runtarinia are also Supposed to possess a number of
Churinga, which are of both wood and stone, and occasionally
they present one or two to specially favoured individuals.
The men amongst the natives who, in addition to the
medicine men, can communicate with them are held in con-
siderable ‘esteem, and to some of them the spirits impart
sacred ceremonies. An example of one of these ceremonies,
which is associated with the eagle-hawk totem, is described
in connection with the Engwura. Another very character-
istic /runtarinia ceremony may be described here, as it is
concerned with one of the important features in regard
to the character of the spirits and their relation to men.
This particular ceremony was shown to a medicine man of the
witchetty grub totem by the Jruntarinia of a Hakea tree
totem, for, as we have already said, the /runtarinia naturally
have their totems just as the men do whose doubles they in
reality are, though at the same time, unlike the men, the
Fe ciepenouneuas,
Lruntarinia are endowed with the powers characteristic of the
Alcheringa individuals.
The important feature of the ceremony consisted of a cross,
€ach of the two arms of which were about six feet in length,
one being fastened across the other at a distancé of eighteen
inches from what was the upper end when it was fixed
upright in the ground. There were three performers, deco-
rated as usual with lines of down, and each one of them wore
in his head-dress two pointing sticks or U/dinka, arranged as
if they were horns projecting in front. The curious cross is
called Umbalinyara, and when the lruntarinia, whose totem
was the same as that of the medicine man’s mother, showed it
to the man, he told the latter to go and show it to his com-
panions, and to tell them that no medicine man, however
clever he might be, could possibly extract the cross if once
the /runtarinia had placed it in the body of aman. At first
only one of the performers sat beside the cross and moved
about, quivering in the usual way ; then he stood to one side
and from some little distance the other two were seen
approaching, while the onlookers sang of how the /runtarinia
walked about in the Alcheringa and kept hiding out of sight,
as the two performers pretended to do. They were perform-
ing all kinds of antics, causing the audience much amusement :
finally they reached and sat down by the cross, round which
they shuffled with their legs bent under them; after a short
time the third man joined them, and then the audience
rushed round and, round them, shouting “ Wak! Wah”
until, with a final prolonged quiver, the performance came to
a close. a
It is not at all necessary for the /runtarinia to give the
ceremony to a man of any particular totem; but, if the
recipient wishes to hand it on as a compliment to some other
man, which he frequently does, then that man must belong to
the totem to which the ceremony refers.
It is again the /runtarinia who are supposed frequently, but
not always or of necessity, to communicate in dreams to the
Alatunja of any group the time at which it is right for him to
perform the ceremony of Jntichtuma. They themselves
perform similar ceremonies ; and if a plentiful supply of, say,
witchetty grub or emu appears without the performance of
Intichiuma by the peoples of the respective totems, then the
supplies are attributed to the performance of Jntichiuma by
friendly Lruntarinia.
To the native the /runtarinia is a very real personage, who,
as a general rule, is a beneficent being, though at times
capable of great cruelty ; he is in fact a man of the Alcheringa
endowed with all the powers possessed by such an one. If he
be offended, then he may- place in the body of the offender
one of his pointing sticks, or Ullinka, which as a general rule
is a barbed stick a few inches in length and attached to
a string, the malicious pulling of which causes severe pain,
and the stick can only be removed by the aid of a very
skilled medicine man.
There is always the feeling that it is well to be careful not
to offend the /runtarinza, or to tempt them by going out too
much after dusk, when there is almost sure to be an odd
spirit or two in search of lonely wanderers on whom they may
at least play some unpleasant prank. On the other hand, the
Arumburinga is supposed to keep a general watch over his
human representative’; and though he does not personally do
the latter any harm, quite in fact the reverse, yet he cannot
always shield him from the capricious malice of some other
individual spirit.
Chapter 16
Three methods of making medicine men—Those made by the Zywetarzénza—Those
made by the Orzecha—Those made by other medicine men—Description of
the ceremonies aftendant upon the initiation in each case—Functions of the
medicine men—Pointing a bone or stick—Various forms of pointing sticks—
Liyilla—Irna—-Ullinka—The methods of using them—Charming a spear—
“«Singing”’ a wound made with such a weapon—The hair of a dead man—
Fur string ornaments of a dead man—Distribution of the hair girdle, armlets,
etc., of a dead man—/#lzka or knout—The 7chéntu, supposed to contain the
heat of the sun—Obtaining wives by magic—Namatwnna, a small Churinga
which is swung round, the sound being supposed to reach the woman—
Charming a forehead band—Instance of this—Only women whom the man
can lawfully marry must be charmed—A man will be assisted by particular
individuals in retaining a woman obtained by charming—Use of the Zonka-
lonka as a charm—Use of the ‘‘trumpet” or W/pérra—Churinga of a rat
totem used to secure growth of beard—Churinga of a fly totem used to cure
bad eyes—‘‘ Poison” stones of the Kaitish—Women and magic—Punishment
of aman who has charmed away a woman and of the woman by means of
magic—Sympathetic magic—4rungquditha of various forms—Blowing spittle.
THE individuals to whom the name of medicine men is
usually given—though perhaps the term magic men or wizards
would in certain respects be better—have a very considerable
influence in the tribe. Before dealing with their powers we
may first of all describe the way in which a man is admitted
to the status of medicine man.
In the Arunta, and the same holds true of the Ilpirra tribe,
there are three distinct schools of medicine men—(1) those
made by the /runtarinia or spirits, (2) those made by the
Oruncha who are in reality only a special class of spirit
individuals of a mischievous nature, and (3) those initiated
by other medicine men. Sometimes the three kinds of prac-
titioners practise side by side, but the two first are more
highly thought of than the third. In the northern groups
CH. XvI MAKING AND POWERS OF MEDICINE MEN 523
of the tribe the medicine man is called a Railtchawa, on the
Finke River Vung-gara, and in the south at Charlotte Waters,
LIngwalara.
As an example of the making of medicine men by the
fruntarinia in the northern groups as well as in the Ilpirra tribe,
we will describe what is said to take place in connection with
the initiation of a man of the Alice Springs group.
About fourteen miles to the south of Alice Springs there is
a cave in a range of hills which rises to the north of a wide
level stretch of country, now called the Emily plain. This
cave, like all those in the range, is supposed to be occupied
by the /runtarinia, or spirit individuals, each one of whom is
in reality the double of one of the ancestors of the tribe who
lived in the Alcheringa, or in other words of some living
member, as each one of these is but the reincarnation of one
of these ancestors. Amongst other powers possessed by the
Lruntarinia is that of making medicine men.
When any man feels that he is capable of becoming one, he
ventures away from the camp quite alone until he comes to
the mouth of the cave. Here, with considerable trepidation,
he lies down to sleep, not venturing to go inside, or else he
would, instead of becoming endowed with magic power, be
spirited away for ever. At break of day, one of the /runtarinia
comes to the mouth of the cave, and, finding the man asleep,
throws at him an invisible lance which pierces the neck from
behind, passes through the tongue, making therein a large
hole, and then comes out through the mouth. The tongue
remains throughout life perforated in the centre with a hole
large enough to admit the little finger; and when all is
over, this hole is the only visible and outward sign of the
treatment of the Jruntarinza. How the hole is really
made it is impossible to say, but as shown in the illustration
it is always present in the genuine medicine man. In some way
of course the novice must make it himself; but naturally
no one will ever admit the fact, indeed it is not impossible
that, in course of time, the man really comes to believe that it
was not done by himself. A second lance thrown by the
lruntarinia pierces the head from ear to ear, and the victim
falls dead and is at once carried into the depths of the cave,
524 INVMIPIDVID, GURINBISS OM CI INGRRONIL, JNIORSINRUAILIUS (CinLANIE.
which extends far under the plain and is supposed to terminate
at a spot beneath what is called the Edith Range, ten miles
distant.
The name of the cave, of which the natives have a
superstitious dread, is Okalparra, and in it the /runtarinza
are supposed to live in perpetual sunshine and amongst
streams of running water—a state of affairs which we may
regard as the paradise of the Arunta native. Once, not very
long ago, two natives,,
so says tradition, not
knowing the nature
of wthe weave; entered
it in search of water,
and were never more
heard of.
Within the cave the
L[runtarinia removes.
all the internal organs
and provides the man
with acompletely new
set, after which opera-
tion has been success-
fully performed he
presently comes to
life again, but in a
condition of insanity.
This, however, does.
not last long, and
FIG. 104.—MEDICINE MAN SHOWING THE HOLE When he has recovered
Ceo er to acertain extent the
Lruntarinia, who is.
invisible except to a few highly-gifted medicine men and
also to the dogs, leads him back to his own people. The
spirit then returns to the cave, but for several days the
man remains more or less strange in his appearance and
behaviour until one morning it is noticed that he has painted
with powdered charcoal and fat a broad band across the
bridge of his nose. All signs of insanity have disappeared,
and it is at once recognised that a new medicine man
has graduated. According to etiquette he must not practise
his profession for about a year, and if during this time
of probation the hole in his tongue closes up, as it some-
times does, then he will consider that his Vinbueste acura
medicine man have departed, and he will not practise at all.
Meanwhile, he dwells upon his experiences, doubtless _per-
suading himself that he has actually passed through those
which are recognised as accompanying the making of a
medicine man by the /yuntarinia, and at the same time he
cultivates the acquaintance of other medicine men, and learns
from them the secrets of the craft, which consist principally
in the ability to hide about his person and to produce at will
small quartz pebbles or bits of stick ; and, of hardly less
importance than this sleight of hand, the power of looking
preternaturally solemn, as if he were the possessor of know-
ledge quite hidden from ordinary men.
In addition to providing him with a new set of internal
organs the /runtarinia is supposed to implant in his body a
supply of magic Aznongara stones, which he is able to project
into the body of a patient, and so to combat the evil influences
at work within. So long as these stones remain in his body
he is capable of performing the work of a medicine man, but
sometimes they are for some reason withdrawn, in which
event they are supposed to return to the /runtarinia from
whom they came, and with their departure the man feels at
once that his powers have also departed. What causes the
man to become convinced that the Aznongara stones have
gone from him cannot be said; but every now and again an
erstwhile medicine man is met with who tells you that they
have gone away from him. There are certain foods from
which the medicine man must abstain at risk of losing his
powers. He may not for instance eat fat or warm meat,
neither must he inhale the smoke from burning bones, nor go
near to the nest of the large “bull-dog” ant (a species of
Myrmecia), because if he were bitten by one of these he would
lose his powers for ever. The loud barking of the camp dogs
will sometimes also cause the A¢nongara stones to take flight.
With regard to the second school of medicine men—those
made by the Oruncha, that is, by the U/thana or spirits of
Oruncha men of the Alcheringa—the plan of procedure is
essentially similar to that of the /runtarznza, the only difference
being that instead of being taken by the Oruncha into a
special cave, he is taken down into the earth at the spot at
which the Oruncha lives. Close by Alice Springs, for
example, in a rough rocky hill lives the Orwncha of Chauritji,
as the spot is called, and occasionally he seizes upon a man,
takes him into the earth and makes him into a medicine man.
Women doctors, though of rare occurrence, are occasionally
met with, and are usually made by Oruncha, but sometimes
by Jruntarinia, the method of initiation being precisely similar
in the case of the women to that of the men.
In the case of the third school, that is, the medicine men
made by other medicine men, the method of procedure is
naturally quite different, and the following is an account of
what took place at the making of one on the Upper Finke
River.
The young man who desired to be initiated spoke to two
old medicine men, one of whom had been initiated by the
Truntarinia and the other by an Oruncha, and told them what
he wanted ; and on the following morning the latter, who are
here called Mung-gara, took him along with another man to
a secluded spot, and there they first of all made him stand up
with his hands clasped behind his head, and told him that
whatever happened he was to maintain perfect silence. The
Nung-gara then withdrew from their bodies a number of small
clear crystals called Ultunda (the equivalents of the Atnongara
of the Alice Springs and other parts in the north of the tribe),
which were placed one by one as they were extracted in the
hollow of a spear-thrower. When a sufficient number had
been withdrawn, the Wung-gara directed the man who had
come with them to clasp the candidate from behind and to
hold him tightly. Then each of them picked up some
crystals, and taking hold of a leg, gripped the stones firmly
and pressed them slowly and strongly along the front of the
leg and then up the body as high as the breast-bone. This
was repeated three times, the skin being scored at intervals
with scratches, from which blood flowed. By this means the
magic crystals are supposed to be forced into the body of the
The drawing on the forehead is the Orwnchzlcha, and represents the Oruncha’s
hand.
man, who was now told to lie down at full length on his back.
The Nung-gara then went some little distance away, and,
striking an attitude, pretended to project some of the crystals
into the man’s head. While doing this the left hand holding
some of the crystals was placed on the palm of the right one,
and in this position was jerked rapidly backwards and for-
wards several times. When this was over they came up
again and once more subjected the legs and abdomen and
this time the arms also to scoring with the stones, after which
each of them pressed a crystal on the head of the novice
and struck it hard, the idea being to drive it into the skull, the
scalp being made to bleed during the process.
The next operation consisted in one of the Vung-gara taking
a “pointing stick,’ and after having tied some hair string
round the middle joint of the first finger of the man’s right
hand he forced the pointed end of the stick under the nail and
for a considerable distance into the flesh, making thus a hole
into which he pretended to press a crystal. The man was then
told to keep a finger pressed up against the hole so as prevent
the stone from coming out, after which he was told to remain
perfectly quiet and go to sleep. In the middle of the day the
scoring was repeated and again in the evening: after which
>)
the Nung-gara gave the man meat to eat in which they told
him were U/twnda and after this he was given water, which
actually did contain a few small crystals, which he was told
were Ultunda, and which, without any hesitation, he drank
straight off. On the day following his body was again scored,
and he eat meat and drank water containing crystals, and in
addition was given native tobacco! to chew, which also con-
tained the same.
_ On the third day the scoring and eating and drinking were
repeated, and he was told to stand up with his hands behind
his head and to put his tongue out. One of the Nung-gara
then withdrew from his skull just behind his ear (that Pe he
told the novice that he kept it there) a thin and sharp
Ultunda, and, taking up some dust from the ground, dried
the man’s tongue with it, and then, pulling it out as far as
Wayans ;
Nicotianum suaveolens. The leaves of this plant are used, after preparation
for chewing by the natives. ;
possible, he made with the stone an incision about half an inch
in length. After a short rest one of the Vung-gara—the one
who had been initiated by an Oruncha—tubbed the body of
the man over with grease, and then placing him on his back
proceeded to paint a special design upon his chest, abdomen
and forehead. This design is called Marilla, and it is the
wkinta or sacred drawing of the Oruncha, the mark on the
forehead representing what is called orunchilcha, which
means, literally translated, “the devil’s hand,” the Oruncha
being the evil or at least the mischievous spirit of the Arunta,
A long black line in the centre of the drawing on the body
represents the Oruncha himself, and the marks around it are
supposed to represent the magic crystals which he carries jn
his body. When the drawing was complete the man’s fur
string bands were placed on his head, and leaves of a gum
tree were fixed so as to hang down from beneath them over
the forehead, partly hiding the drawing of the Oruncha’s hand.
The newly made medicine man was then told that he must
remain at the Urgunja, that is the men’s camp, and maintain
a strict silence until the wound in his tongue had healed. He
was also told that he must keep his thumb pressed up against
the wound in his finger, until this also was healed, or else the
magic stone would pass out. For a very long time also he
must abstain from eating fat of any kind, nor must he touch
the flesh of wild dogs, fish or Echnida. He might eat the
marrow of the bones of different animals, but only if the bones
were broken and were voluntarily given to him by other men.
When all was over he returned to the camp and remained
at the Ungunja for about a month, during which time his
Unawa, Mia and Ungaraitcha (but not his Quztca or younger
sisters) sent him food. When he had recovered, and the
treatment to which he had been subjected left him really ina
low state, the Vung-gara men told him that he might go to
his own camp; but that for some little time yet, about a
month, he must talk very little and must in every way be
abstemious. At night time he always slept with a fire between
him and his Unawa, the idea of which was to render him
visible to the Oruncha and to make it clear to the latter that
he was holding aloof from every one, even his Unawa, Should
he fail to do this, then the Oruncha would cause the magic
power to leave him and to return to the old Wung-gara, and
thus his powers as a medicine man would disappear for ever.
So far as his functions are concerned the medicine man
may be regarded as partly, perhaps in the main, what this
name implies, and at the same time as a wizard. His chief
function is undoubtedly that of curing the natives; but as all
ailments of every kind, from the simplest to the most serious,
are without exception attributed to the malign influence of
an enemy in either human or spirit shape, the method of
curing takes the form of an exhibition of what is really
sleight of hand, the object being to remove from the body
of the patient something, such as a pointing stick or the
broken pieces of a Churinga, which has been placed in it by
the enemy. In many Australian tribes the equivalent of the
medicine man amongst the Arunta is the one individual who
can hold intercourse with the spirits; but in this tribe this is
by no means the case, as there are men who, without being
medicine men, are especially favoured in this respect. In
many tribes also it is only the medicine men or their equiva-
lents who have the power of, for example, securing by means
of special incantations the illness or death of the individual
whom it is desired to harm, and therefore to secure this end
recourse must be had to a medicine man. In the Arunta,
Ipirra and other of the Central Australian tribes, this does
not hold true; every man may have recourse to what is
usually spoken of as sorcery, by means of which he may work
harm of some kind to an enemy, and this power is not in any
way confined to the medicine men, though on the other hand
they are the only men who can counteract the evil influence of
an enemy. At the same time there are certain of the very old
medicine men who are supposed to be endowed by the /run-
tarinia with the special power of bringing disease down upon
not only individuals, but whole groups of men and women.
In cases of sickness the natives have implicit faith in the
medicine man, and in serious cases two or three if they be
available are called in, in consultation.1 No reward of any
1 Tn connection with medicine men and women alike, restrictions such as those
applying to Mura are laid on one side during the actual exercise of their profession.
kind is given, or expected, nor is any blame attached in case
of non-success, the latter being attributed to the malignant
action of superior magic on the part of some hostile spirit or
individual, though it is sometimes said, as we have heard on
different occasions, that if a particular medicine man had been
present he would have been able to counteract the influence of
the enemy when the individual who was present was unable to
do so and the patient died, Just as amongst ourselves certain
medicine men are regarded as better qualified and more able
than others,
In ordinary cases the patient lies down on the ground while
the medicine man bends over and sucks vigorously at the
affected part of the body, spitting out every now and then
supposed pieces of wood, bone or stone, the presence of which
is believed to be causing the injury and pain. This suction
is one of the most characteristic features of native medical
treatment, as pain in any part of the body is at once supposed
to be due to the presence of some foreign body which must
be removed. Amongst especially the Western Arunta the
medicine man in addition to the Atnongara stones is supposed
to have a particular kind of lizard distributed through his
body, which endows him with great suctorial power, such as
the natives attribute to the lizard itself. In serious cases the
action is more dramatic, and the medicine man needs a clear
space in which to perform, The patient, perhaps too ill to
sit up, is supported by some individual, while the medicine
man who has been called in and may have come a long
distance, gravely examines him and consults with other
practitioners who may be present, and with the more imme-
diate relatives of the patient, as to the nature of the illness.
The diagnosis may occupy some time, during which every
one maintains a very solemn appearance, all conversation
being carried on in whispers. Asa result the medicine man
will perhaps pronounce that the sick man is suffering from a
charmed bone inserted by a magic individual, such as a
Kurdattcha ; or perhaps, worse still, the verdict is that one of
the lruntarinia has placed in his body an Ul/inka or short
barbed stick attached to an invisible string, the pulling of
which, by the malicious spirit, causes great pain. If the latter
be the case it requires the greatest skill of a renowned medi-
cine man to effect a cure. While the patient is supported
in a half-sitting attitude, the medicine man will first of all
stand close by, gazing down upon him in the most intent way.
Then suddenly he will go some yards off, and looking fiercely
at him will bend slightly forwards and repeatedly jerk his
arm outwards at full length, with the hand outstretched, the
object being to thereby project some of the Atnongara stones
into the patient’s body, the object of this being to counteract
the evil influence at work within the latter. Going rapidly
and with a characteristic high knee action from one end of
the cleared space to the other he repeats the movement with
dramatic action. Finally, he comes close again, and, after
much mysterious searching, finds and cuts the string which
is invisible to every one except himself. There is not a doubt
amongst the onlookers as to his having really done this.
Then once more the projecting of the Atnxongara stones takes
place, and crouching down over the sick man he places his
mouth upon the affected part and sucks, until at last either
in fragments or, very rarely, and only if he be a very dis-
tinguished medicine man, the U//inka is extracted whole and
shown to the wondering onlookers, the Atnongara stones
returning, unseen, once more into his own body. When this
is over, unless it is simply a case of senile decay on the part
of the patient, in which case the medicine man is too acute to
take so much trouble when he knows pretty well that there is
no chance of effecting a cure, the chances are strongly in favour
of the latter, but if death ensues it is simply because the magic
stick has been inserted in some vital part, or because the aid
of the medicine man had not been called in early enough, or
-because his efforts had been maliciously thwarted by some
Lruntarinia.
The functions of the medicine man as a wizard or sorcerer
are associated with, first, bringing ill upon other people, and
second, ascertaining who is responsible for the death of a
native.t
We have already mentioned that certain very old medicine
* For an excellent account of the functions of a medicine man, cf. Roth, of.
ctt., pp. 153 et seq.
men are able to bring disease down not only on individuals
but upon whole groups of men and women, but this is only, in
reality, a further extension of the power possessed by each
man of working harm by magic. Amongst, however, certain
tribes such as the Mungaberra, living out to the west of the
Macdonnell Ranges, the medicine men are supposed to have
special powers. They can and often do assume the form of
eagle-hawks, and when thus disguised, travel long distances
at night time, visiting camps of other tribes, amongst whom
they cause much suffering and even death by their habit of
digging their sharp claws into people. Only recently, in the
presence of one of-the authors, a medicine man extracted
parts of eagle-hawk claws from a native of the Arunta tribe
who had been maliciously attacked in this way at night time
pe a Mungaberra medicine man.
However, as a wizard, the function of the medicine man is
mainly associated with finding out the particular individual
who is responsible for the death of any native. Sometimes
when a man is dying he will whisper in the ear of the medicine
man the name of the culprit, but even if he does not do SO,
the medicine man will often state as soon as death has taken
place the direction in which he lives and very probably the
group to which he belongs. It may perhaps be two or three
years before he discovers the actual man, but sooner or later
he does so. During the progress of the Engwura, which we
witnessed, news was brought in to the camp that a very
celebrated old man had died far away out to the west. His
death was due simply to senile decay, but along with the
news of his decease word was brought that he had been killed
by a charmed stick pointed at him by a man of a distant
group, the locality of which was stated with certainty.
Another duty of the medicine man is, as already described,
to accompany the Kwurdaztcha, and to assist him by magic
power in rendering the victim unconscious of what has
befallen him.
“In what has just been described in connection with the
medicine men, as well as in the account of the Kurdattcha and
LMMapurinja, certain forms of magic have been dealt with.
There remain however certain other customs which may be
grouped under the general designation of magic, and which
may be conveniently dealt with together.
* The first of these, which is one of the commonest forms of
magic in many savage tribes, and is indeed world-wide in its
distribution, is the pointing of a bone or stick at some
individual with the idea of injuring him. Amongst the
Arunta tribe these pointing sticks or bones are known under
various names, such as /uj2lla, Irna, Ullinka, Ingwania, and
Takula, of which we will describe the nature and uses of the
first three as typical examples.
The /njzl/a is a small bone about six inches long, at one end
of which is a small lump of resin procured from the porcupine
grass, and round this a few strands of human hair string are
wound. It is used by a Kurdaztcha man who places it under
the tongue of his victim, its special virtue when thus employed
being that it renders the injured man perfectly oblivious of
what has befallen him at the hands of the Kurdaitcha. It
may also be used for the same purpose as the /yza now to
be described.
The /rna is a small piece of wood perhaps as much as nine
inches in length, though it may be less than this. At one end
it tapers to a point and at the other is tipped with a small
lump of porcupine grass resin. The stick is further
ornamented with a series of notches which are apparently
made with a fire-stick, The Jnjil/la or Ivna—both being
equally effective—are charmed, that is, are sung over, and
thereby endowed with magic power in the following way.
The man who has made one goes alone into the bush to some
unfrequented spot at a distance from the main camp, taking
great care that he is seen by no one. After making quite
sure that he is not being watched he chooses a hidden spot for
his incantations and places the Jujil/a or Irna in the ground.
Then he crouches down above it and in muttered tones hisses
out the following curses :—
“L-ta pukalana purutulinja appinia-a” (May your heart
be rent asunder). :
“Purtulinja appinaa intaapa inkirilia guin appant intar-
pakala-a2” (May your backbone be split open and your ribs
torn asunder).
rt and 2, Zédzka or knout of the Warramunga tribe; 3—9, Various forms of
pointing-sticks and bones, called Zrzz//a or Jrna; 10 and 11, Ullinka, point-
ing-stick of the /ranzarinia ; 12 and 13, Okinchalanina crulknakinna enclosing
the hair of a dead man, Western Arunta; 14 and 15, dead man’s hair
wrapped round with fur-string ; 16 and 17, Namatwinna; 18, Okinchalanina
trulknakinna of Central and Northern Arunta ; 19, Lowha-lonka ; 20, Ltarkula,
poison stone of the Waagai tribe; 21, Zchzntz of the Wyingurri tribe.
“ Okinchincha quin appant ilchi ichaa-a” (May your head
and throat be split open).
When this has been done he returns to his camp leaving
the /ijzlla or the [rna, as the case may be, in the secret spot
for three or four days, after which he removes it to within a
short distance of the camp. Here he carefully conceals it
until it is dark, and then while the natives are sitting chatting
round the camp fire he steals out into the darkness, procures
the /jilla or Irna, and stealthily approaches the camp until
the features of his victim are clearly discernible by the fire
light, he himself, of course, keeping carefully out of view. He
now turns his back upon his victim and stooping down jerks
the /ujilla or Jrna towards him several times muttering the
curse already quoted as he does so in a subdued tone. When
this has been done he once more conceals the implement and
returns to camp. The victim is within a short time—a month
at most—supposed to sicken and die, unless his life be saved
by the magic of a medicine man. When the charm takes
effect and the victim becomes ill, the man secretly takes
away the implement which he has used, and in the case of
the /zjzl/a burns the hair string while expressing the wish
that the destruction of his enemy’s life may be as surely
brought about as has been that of the string,
It is common to attribute almost all deaths, or at least a
majority of them, to the use of a “ poison” bone or stick, and
the performance of “ pointing” has to be conducted in strict
secrecy, as, were any man caught in the act, he would be most
severely punished and most likely put to death.
The Uldinka which is always used by the /runtarinia is
a special form of /rna with a hooked end instead of a lump of
resin, and is supposed to be a favourite charm used by
malevolent spirits to annoy and often to kill men against
whom they have some special grudge. The UWl/inka is
projected into the body of the victim, and the string to which
it is attached is every now and then maliciously pulled by the
fruntarinia so as to add to the annoyance and pain of the
man. “As we have already said, it requires a very able
medicine man to abstract one of these so as to make quite sure
that there is no part of it left in the body of the victim,
In addition to procuring death by giving an enemy a-bone
or stick it is a very common thing to charm a spear by singing
Over it.
Any bone, stick, Spear, &c., which has thus been “ sung” is
supposed to be endowed with what the natives call
Arungquiltha, that is magical poisonous properties, and any
native who believes that he has been struck by, say, a charmed
spear is almost sure to die whether the wound be slight or
severe unless he be saved by the counter magic of a medicine
man. There is no doubt whatever that a native will die after
the infliction of even a most superficial wound if only he
believes the weapon which inflicted the wound had been sung ,
over and thus endowed with Arungguiltha. He ‘simply lies.
down, refuses food and pines away. Not long ago a man
from Barrow Creek received a slight wound in the groin.
Though there was apparently nothing serious the matter with
him, still he persisted in Saying that the spear had been
charmed and that he must die, which accordingly he did in
the course of a few days. Another man coming down to the
Alice Springs from the Tennant Creek contracted a slight
cold, but the local men told him that the members of a group
about twelve miles away to the east had taken his heart out,
and believing this to be so he simply laid himself down and
wasted away. In a similar way a man at Charlotte Waters.
came to one of the authors with a slight spear wound in his
back. He was assured that the wound Was not serious, and
it was dressed in the usual way, but he persisted in saying
that the spear had been sung, and that though it could not be
seen yet in reality it had broken his back and he was going
.to die, which accordingly he did. As a result of this a party
was organised among the members of his group to avenge his
death, and the man who had wounded him with the charmed
weapon was killed.
Instances of occurrences such as these could be multiplied,
and though of course it is impossible to prove that death
would not have followed under any circumstances, that is
whether the native had or had not imagined the weapon to
have been “sung,” yet, with a knowledge of what wounds and
injuries he will survive if he does not suspect the intervention
of magic, it is not possible to explain death under such
circumstances except as associated directly with the firm
belief of the injured man that Arungguzltha has entered his
body, and that therefore he must die.
It will be noticed in these cases that the medicine man
does not intervene. Wounds from charmed spears or other
weapons are of a different nature from injuries due to the
placing of a pointing stick in the body of the victim. In this
latter case there is something tangible which the medicine
man can remove, but in the former there is simply an
intangible form of Avrunggutltha. A case which occurred
.recently during a fight at Alice Springs will serve to illustrate
the matter. An Arunta native was hit by a boomerang
which inflicted a wound by no means dangerous as such, but
the difficulty was that the wounded man declared that the
weapon, which had come down from the IIlpirra tribe which
lives away to the north of the Arunta, had been “sung” by
an Ilpirra man. An Arunta medicine man was of no use
under such circumstances, but fortunately there was an
Ilpirra man in camp and he was brought and “sang,” that is,
went through the usual pantomime of making passes, sucking
and muttering over the wound. As he belonged to the same
locality as the man who had originally “sung” the boomerang
it was supposed that he could counteract the influence of
Ilpirra Arungguiltha, which he successfully did.
Another form of magic instrument is made from the hair of
a dead man. When a man dies his hair is cut off by his sons,
if he has no sons then by his younger brothers or by their sons,
or, failing them, by the sons of his elder brothers. While the
hair is being cut off, the women and children retire out of
‘sight. Some time after the burial of the man the hair is taken
to asecluded spot safe from the intrusion of women, and here
the sons and younger brothers of the deceased make it up
into a hair-girdle which is given to a son of the dead man,
the eldest son having the first right to it, or, failing him, to a
younger brother. If neither son nor younger brother be alive
then it goes to the eldest son of an elder brother. The
Okilia or elder brother cannot himself inherit the girdle, which
is called a Kivra-urkna and must always descend to a man
who is tribally younger than the dead man. This girdle isa
valued possession, and is only worn on such occasions as a
tribal fight, or when a man is going out asa Kurdaitcha. It
is supposed to be endowed with magic power and to add to
its possessor all the war-like attributes of the dead man
from whose hair it was made. It ensures accuracy of aim and
at the same time destroys that of an adversary. In the same
way a small piece of a dead man’s hair—cut from the body
after death—is sometimes placed in the inside of one of the
ordinary hair necklets, and worn as a charm by men. To
even place by the side of a woman or child one of these magic
girdles or necklets would be productive of serious evil to her..
A dead man’s Jmmitnia and Kulchia, that is his opossum
fur-string girdle and head-bands, are also held in high esteem.
When a man dies these are carefully preserved, and when the
Urpmilchima ceremony has been performed at the grave they
are made up into what are called Ok¢nchalanina errulknakinna.
The first of these two words is the name given to the ordinary
necklet made of opossum fur-string, which is well greased and
red-ochred, and worn on ordinary occasions. The second is
compounded of the words /rra, he, Ulkna, grave, kinna, from,
which will serve to show that the ornaments worn by the
dead man are supposed to be endowed in some way with the
attributes of the dead man.
When these necklets have been made, it is then decided to
whom they shall be given. While the hair of the dead man
himself must go to some member of his own moiety of the
tribe, that is to his father’s side, the Jyrulknakinna must be
given to some member of the other moiety, that is to his
mother’s side, and not only this, but they must go to a
member of another local group. They are what is called
ekivimga, or tabu, to men of the same local group as that to
which the dead man belonged.
When the necklets are ready, the men of a neighbouring
group are summoned by messengers sent for the purpose and
assemble at the men’s camp to which the women may not
come, and here the son or younger brother of the dead man
places the /rrulknakinna round the necks of the chosen
recipients by whom they are very highly valued.
In the central and northern groups of the Arunta tribe this
special form of necklet is made of perhaps four or five circles
of hair-string each about half an inch in diameter, but in the
western Arunta there is but one circle, or rather horse-shoe
shaped structure forming a coil about an inch anda half in
diameter, the two ends of which are tied together by strands.
of opossum fur-string.
A form of string implement also associated with magic is.
called //idzka. This consists of about fifty or sixty com-
paratively thin strands of tightly strung string, made of
vegetable fibre. From their use they may be spoken of as.
knouts, and though seldom seen, most of the men carry one
about in their wallet. The sight of one is alone enough to
cause the greatest fright to a woman who has offended her
blackfellow, while the stroke is supposed to result in death,
or at least in maiming for life. In addition to this use, the
Jiilika is sometimes unwound and cracked like a whip in the
direction of any individual whom it is desired to injure when.
the evil influence is supposed to travel through the air, and so.
to reach the victim. Though in use amongst the Arunta,.
Ipirra, Kaitish and Warramunga tribes, they are only actually
manufactured and endowed with their magic power by the
members of the latter tribe, and it is the knowledge of this
fact which causes them to be viewed with such peculiar dread
by the women. Magic of a distant group has a very potent
influence on the average native mind.
Away out to the west on the internal border-land of
Western Australia is a tribe known as the Wyingurri..
Amongst these the name of the sun is 7chéntu, and the same
name is also applied to an object of magic which consists of
a small pear-shaped lump of porcupine grass resin, into one end
of which are affixed two incisor rat-teeth, and at the other
end is attached a stout piece of hair-string about two feet in
length. The string is covered with red down, and the whole.
is carried out of sight, wrapped up in thin pieces of bark of
the paper-bark tree. The specimen which is figured we owe
to the kindness of Mr. C. E. Cowle, who obtained it froma
Luritcha man living away to the west of the Arunta tribe,.,
and to him it had again been given by an old medicine man of
the Wyingurri tribe, the members of which are reported to
be very expert in matters of magic. In connection with this
statement it may be remarked that all distant groups are, as
a general rule, supposed to be especially fond of, and powerful
inethewpracticesof magic. This’ 7-hinty ic supposed to
contain the heat of the sun, and it is believed that by placing
it on the tracks of an individual the latter will be seized by a
violent fever which will rapidly burn him up. When examin-
ing the specimen in the presence of the Luritcha man to
whom it belonged, a little of the down fell off, and it was with
evident fear pushed aside and then covered over with sand.
We may now deal with various forms of magic which are
concerned with the procuring of wives, though it must be
remembered that women obtained, or supposed to be
obtained, by the aid of these magic means, must belong to the
proper class into which, and into which only, a man may marry.
That is, for example, a Panunga man can only legitimately
use magic to help him to secure a Purula woman.
The first of these methods is used when the woman, whom
it is desired to charm, lives in some distant group. When a
man is desirous of securing such a woman for himself, and it
makes no difference whether she be already assigned or not to
some other man—indeed she is perfectly sure to be so—he takes
a small wooden Churinga about six or eight inches in length,
or, if he has not got one, then he will manufacture one for the
occasion, marking it with a design of his own totem. This
particular form of Churinga is called a Namatwinna? from the
words zama, grass, and ¢zvznna, to strike, because when using it,
itis struck against the ground. Armed with ithe goes into the
bush accompanied by two or three friends whom he has
asked to come, and who may be of any relationship to him.
All night long the men keep up a low singing of Quabara
songs together with the chanting of amorous phrases of in-
vitation addressed to the woman. At daylight the man
stands up alone and swings the Churinga, causing it first to
strike the ground as he whirls it round and round and makes
1 This is evidently precisely the same thing as the kind of ‘‘ whirler” described
already by Mr. Roth, and used as a ‘‘love-charm”’ to attract and secure women
amongst the Yaroinga tribe. Roth, p. 182.
it hum. His friends remain silent, and the sound of the
humming is carried to the ears of the far-distant woman, and has.
the power of compelling affection and of causing her sooner
or later to comply with the summons. Not long ago at Alice
Springs a man called some of his friends together and per-
formed the ceremony and in a very short time the desired
woman, who was on this occasion a widow, came in from Glen
Helen about fifty miles to the west of Alice Springs, and
the two are now man and wife, the union being regarded as a
perfectly lawful one as they belonged to intermarrying classes.
This custom is a well-recognised one. If, by its means, a
man obtains the wife of another blackfellow and the latter
comes armed, as he most likely will, to resent the interference,
then the men who belong to the group of the aggressor will
stand by the latter and support his claims, if necessary, by
fighting. The woman naturally runs some risk, as, if caught
in the act of eloping, she would be severely punished, if not
put to death. Under no circumstances would a man be aided
in securing a woman of a class into which he might not
lawfully marry, nor would he, even if successful in doing so,
receive any assistance from his friends in the event of a
quarrel arising, as it certainly would, in connection with the
abduction.
The custom is by no means confined to the Arunta tribe,
but exists at all events among the [pirra, Walparri,
Kaitish and Warramunga tribes, all of whom use Churinga
which are the equivalents of the Vamatwinna of the Arunta.
“Another method of obtaining a wife by magic is by
means of a charmed C&z/ava or head-bands The lattes
consists of a number of strands usually made of opossum
‘or euro fur-string placed side by side so as to form a flat
band which stretches across the forehead from ear to ear.
On special occasions, such as dancing festivals this will be
decorated with designs drawn in red ochre and_pipeclay.
When a native is desirous of charming a woman he will
make one of these Chz/ara out of euro fur-string and
whiten it with pipeclay, or else, so it is said, by rubbing it
against the white bark of Eucalyptus terminalis. Then in
secret he charms it by singing over it, and placing it on
his head, wears it about the camp so that the woman can
see it. By some mysterious means her attention is drawn
to it, and she becomes violently attracted to the man, or,
as the natives say, her internal organs shake with eagerness.
At night, if possible, when all is quiet she creeps into his
camp. Sometimes two men who are friends will decide
upon making and wearing Chilara so as to charm two.
women. After wearing them they will depart to their own
camps and the women, while pretending to go out hunting,
will in reality follow the men and probably not be missed
till the evening, when the unlucky husbands will return to
find their respective camps empty. How often this method is.
resorted to it is difficult to say, but it certainly is employed at
times. At Alice Springs recently a man named Urkaitcha.
purinia, when visiting a spot about seventy miles away, to the
east, his wife being with him, was attracted by a woman living
there who was called Thunginpurturinia, who was the wife of
another man. While out hunting during the day he made
Chilara, and having charmed it by singing over it wore it when
coming into the camp, where he took care to show himself to the
woman, who in her own words became Okunjepunna oknirra,
the equivalent of our expression “much infatuated.” That
night she went to his camp and talked with his wife, and the
next day when he left for Alice Springs she followed him, and
has ever since been living with him, though the elopement
has been the cause of very much ill-feeling between the two
groups concerned.
In another case known to us a man named Allapita
charmed by means of a Chi/ara a woman named Irriakura,
who was afterwards captured and killed by her previous
husband and his friends, who went in séarch of her and her
charmer.
Whilst it is an undoubted fact that these methods of obtain-
ing possession of a woman are actually practised it is not
probable that they are of very frequent occurrence, for the
simple reason that everything depends on the acquiescence
of the woman, and with the sure and certain knowledge that, if
caught in the act of deserting the man to whom she has been
assigned, she will meet with very severe punishment and in.
all probability be put to death, while, even if not caught, she
is almost certain to come in for rough handling during the
course of the quarrel which is bound to ensue, the woman is
not very easily charmed away from her original possessor.
Still, as we have said, she sometimes is, and this method
allows of the breaking through of the hard and fast rule which
for the most part obtains, and according to which the
woman belongs to the man to whom she has been betrothed,
probably before her birth.
It may be as well to note that these “ runaway marriages”
which are seemingly irregular are not so in reality. Certain
men and women are Unawa.to one another, that is they
may lawfully marry, and so long as the contract is entered
into between two who are thus entitled tribally to enter into
it there is no irregularity. It is a breach of manners but
not of custom, and it then comes to be merely a test of
strength between the local friends of the two men who
are both Unawa, that is tribal husbands, of the girl. It
is also worthy of note as contrasted with what takes place in
other parts of the continent, that the men to assist a particular
man in a quarrel are those of his locality, and not of necessity
those of the same totem as himself, indeed the latter
consideration does not enter into account and in this as in
other matters we see the strong development of what we
have called the “local influence” when dealing with the Eng-
wura ceremony. The men who assist him are his brothers,
blood and tribal, the sons of his mother’s brothers, blood and
tribal. That is if he be Panunga man he will have the assistance
of the Panunga and Ungalla men of his locality, while if it
comes to a general fight he will have the help of the whole of
his local group. This division of the tribe into local groups
with the consequent development of a more or less strong local
feeling is one of the leading features of the Arunta tribe.
«Another means of charming women is found in the much
valued shell ornament which is traded down through the centre
of the continent from the tribes living away on the north coast
who manufacture it out of the shell of Melo ethiopica or
Meleagrina margaritifera, This is often worn, especially at
corrobborees, suspended from the waist-girdle. If a man desires
to charm a particular woman he takes the Lonka-lonka, as
the ornament is called, to some retired spot and charms it by
singing over it “ Ma guatcha purnto ma quillia purtno,’ which
words convey an invitation to the lightning to come and dwell
in the Lonka-lonka. After the charming has taken place it is
hung on a digging-stick at the corrobboree ground until night
time, when the man removes it and ties it on to his waist-belt,
While he is dancing the woman whom he wishes to attract alone
sees the lightning flashing on the Lonka-lonka, and all at
once her internal organs shake with emotion. If possible she
will creep into his camp that night or take the earliest op-
portunity to run away with him.
A woman will also be charmed by the use of a native horn of
very primitive construction called an Ulpirra. A small fire
is lighted and a body of smoke made by placing green bush
on it ; the U/pzrra is then held over the fire so that the smoke
passes through it while the man charms it by singing, whilst
he thrusts his head into and swallows some of the smoke.
That night at the corrobboree ground while the dance goes
on he blows the horn and at once the woman becomes
Okungepunna oknirra, or much infatuated, she alone feeling the
influence of the charmed U/pirra.
"Amongst the Churinga there are certain special ones which
are used for special magic purposes, the latter having an inti-
mate relationship to the totem to which they belong. One of
these is called Churinga Unginia and belongs to a rat totem,
the animal being distinguished by the possession of very long
whiskers. Unlike any other Arunta Churinga with which we
are acquainted, this one has a lump of resin attached to one
end and is painted with alternate stripes of red and black.
It is in special request by the young men, as it has a remark-
able power of increasing the growth of the beard. The
‘ceremony is a very simple one, the chin of the young man is
first of all pricked all over with a pointed bone and then
carefully stroked with the Churinga. During the rubbing it
is supposed that a stimulus resulting in the growth of
whiskers, the most striking feature of the animal represented
1 The Lonka-lonka is also used as a charm in connection with sickness of any
kind. Laid on the chest of a man it is supposed to have great curative properties.
by the Churinga, passes from the latter to the chin which
it rubs.
“Another Churinga which belongs to the Amunga or fly
totem is used as a charm in the case of eyes, which, as not
unfrequently happens in Central Australia, become completely
closed up by inflammatory growth consequent upon the
bites of the innumerable flies which form one of the most
objectionable pests of the Centre. In the case of the whisker
stone, as we have seen, it is supposed to put some of its virtues
into the man who uses it, whereas in the case of the fly stone
the idea seems to be exactly reversed, as the stone is supposed
either to withdraw something out of the eyes which has been
put in by the flies, or possibly to supply something which will
act as an antidote to what the animals, one of which it re-
presents, have put in.
Amongst the Kaitish and other tribes curious small stones
called by the former A/auza are met with. They are sup-
posed to be highly charged with magic power, and amongst
other uses to which they are put, is that of causing the victim,
to bring about the death of whom they are used, to die whilst
asleep. One method of securing this result is to place a tiny
fragment of the stone on a long stick or the blade of a spear,
and then to carefully drop it on to the face of the victim
while he sleeps, for if this be done then he will never awake.
The Arunta natives, though they have no JZauza stones them-
selves, are aware and extremely frightened of them, and on
one occasion one of them was brought to one of the authors
to be examined. The parcel in which it was carefully wrapped
was the size of an ordinary pillow, but wrapper after wrapper
was taken off until the dreaded contents were exposed to
_view, and proved to be a minute stone, which subsequent
analysis showed was a fragment of magnesium limestone.
~ Amongst the Kaitish and Warramunga tribes a stone object,
identical in form with the Churinga which they use, is devoted
to magic purposes. It is somewhat pear-shaped and flat, and
at the narrow end, as is characteristic of the Churinga of
these tribes, is a small lump of resin to which a strand of
human hair-string is attached. The stone is held in the palm
of the right hand, the thumb of that hand is linked with the
little finger of the left, and the two hands, thus linked together,
are held in front of the face and jerked three times towards
the person whom it is intended to kill, an incantation being
uttered at the same time!
“Amongst the Arunta tribe, women, while not dealing with
magic as a general rule, or at any rate not to anything like
the extent that the men do, are still supposed to be able to
exercise peculiar powers in regard to the sexual organs? To
bring on a painful affection in those of men, a woman will
procure the spear-like seed ofa long grass (Jnturkirra), and
having charmed it by singing some magic chant over it, she
awaits an opportunity to point and throw it towards the man
whom she desires to injure. Shortly after this has been done
the man experiences pain, as if he had been stung by ants, his
parts become swollen, and he at once attributes his sufferings
to the magic influence of some woman who wishes to injure
him. A woman may also charm a handful of dust which she
collects while out digging up “ yams” or gathering seeds, and
having “sung” it brings it into camp with her. She takes the
opportunity of sprinkling it over a spot where the man whom
she wishes to injure is likely to micturate. If he should do so
at this spot he would experience a scalding sensation in the
urethra and afterwards suffer a great amount of pain. Women
may also produce disease in men by singing over and thus
charming a finger, which is then inserted in the vulva ; the
man who subsequently has connection with her will become
diseased and may lose his organs altogether, and so when a
woman wishes to injure a man she will sometimes, after thus
“poisoning” herself, seek an opportunity of soliciting him,
though he be not her proper Unawa. Syphilitic disease
amongst the Arunta is, as a matter of fact, very frequently
attributed to this form of magic, for it must be remembered
that the mative can only understand disease of any form as
1 For a previous reference to these two forms of magic, see Report of the Horn
Lixpedetion to Central Australia, vol. iv., p. 81, where they are quoted by Dr.
Stirling from information supplied by one of the authors.
2 As a general rule women are not supposed to be able to exercise much magic,
except in regard to the sexual organs, but we have known of a woman being
speared to death by the brother of her husband, who accused her of having killed
the latter by means of a pointing stick.
due to evil magic, and he has to provide what appears to him
to be a suitable form of magic to account for each form
of disease.
As love-charms women will sometimes make and “sing”
special okinchalanina or fur-string necklets, which they place
round the man’s neck, or they may simply charm a food such
as a witchetty grub or lizard and give this to the man to eat.
Just as we find magic used in connection with the securing
of a wife who is already the property of another man, so we
find also a special form of magic employed in the punishment
of the individual who is guilty of the theft. The western and
south-western Arunta are famed for their skill in magic, and
especially in various forms of Arungquiltha* To punish a
man who has stolen a wife and who belongs to a distant
group, or to one which is too powerful to make it advisable to
allow matters to come to an open fight, two men, perhaps the
former husband and another man to whom the stolen woman
is Unawa—but they need not of necessity be either of them
Unawa— prepare a special implement of magic. A thin flake
of flint or quartzite, in fact a miniature knife blade, is made,
to the blunt end of which a lump of resin is attached, and to
this a miniature spear is fixed. Then a very small spear-
thrower is made, and into this a hole is bored so that the end
of the spear fits tightly into it. To this implement the name
of Arungquiltha is applied. It is painted all over with red
ochre and when this is dry, cross bars of white, yellow and
black are added along the whole length.
It is now sung over and left in the sun for some days at a
secluded spot, the men going to it every day and singing to it
a request to go and kill the man who stole the woman, the
. words of the request being “ Go straight ; go straight and kill
him.” Finally the two men come to the spot, and after sing-
1 This is a term of somewhat vague import, but is always associated at bottom
with the possession of supernatural evil power. A thin opossum or emu is either
Arungquiltha or endowed with Arungguzltha; in fact, the idea can be best expressed
by saying that ‘‘it is possessed by an evil spirit.” A pointing stick used bya
medicine man is Arungguzltha, and so is the Churinga which has been sung over
and is carried by the //apurinja woman. The name Arungguiltha is applied in-
discriminately either to the evil influence or to the object in which it is, for the
time being, or permanently, resident.
ing for some time one man kneels down, huddling himself
together with his forehead touching the ground in front of his
knees, while the other man takes up the magic implement,
and, standing between the feet of the first man, throws the
thing with all his force in the direction in which his enemy
lives. When he has done this he kneels, huddled up in the
same position as the other man, and with his head between
the latter's feet. In this position they re-
main in perfect silence until they hear the
Arungguiltha, which is regarded in this in-
stance as an evil spirit resident in the magic
implement, saying, “Where is he?” Upon
hearing the voice—and sometimes they have
to remain in this most uncomfortable position e
for several hours—they get up and return to
camp, where they abstain from talking and
are always listening. By and by if the
Arungquiltha be successful—and it is gener- a
ally supposed to be so—they hear a noise
like a crash of thunder, and then they know
&
that, in the form of a great spear, it has gone ING
straight to the man, mutilating and thus kill-
ing him. This form of Avrungguiltha is
frequently seen at night, and sometimes even
during the daytime, streaking across the sky
a, is the head; 4,
the eyes; c, the
arms, and d, the
legs. The asterisk
indicates where a
piece of bark is
placed represent-
ing the woman’s
spirit.
like a ball of fire. Quite recently a man out
west was found mutilated and dead, and
certain men living at Henbury on the Finke
River are accused of having projected the
Arungquiltha.
Another form of Arunggutltha which produces comets is
brought about in the following way, and is only used for
punishing women. Ifa woman runs away from her husband
and he is unable to recover her, he and his friends, that is men
of his local group, assemble at a secluded spot where a man
skilled in magic draws upon the surface of a small patch of
ground, which has been cleared and smoothed down for the
purpose, a rough diagram, of which the accompanying sketch
(Fig. 107) isa copy. This drawing is simply marked out on
550 NATIVE, TRIBES OFTGENTDRAL AUS TRATES GHars
the ground with the finger and is intended to represent the
figure of the woman lying down on her back. It is called
Aura, aterm which has much the same significance as the
word emblem.1 While the drawing is being made, and
throughout the whole proceedings, low chants are sung, the
burden of which is an exhortation to the Arungguzltha to go
out and enter her body and dry up all of her fat. When the
drawing is done a piece of green bark is placed at the spot
marked with an asterisk. This is supposed to represent the
spirit part of the woman, and then all the men who are
present stick into it a number of miniature spears, which
have been made for the purpose and have been “sung.” The
spears with the bark into which they are fixed are then flung
as far as they can be thrown in the direction in which the
woman is supposed to be. The party now returns to camp,
and sooner or later, very often after the lapse of a consider-
able time, the woman’s fat dries up, she dies, and her z/thana,
or spirit, appears in the sky in the form of a shooting-star.
pe have already, in the account of Undiara, referred to the
old man Ungutnika who plucked boils from his body, each of
which turned into one of the group of stones which are still to be
seen at Undiara and are called Aferta tukira, that is stone
sores. Men who desire to harm others in one particular way
make a number of small wooden imitation spears and go to these
stones, at which they throw the spears, taking care that the points
strike the stones. Then the spears are picked up and thrown
one by one from a spear-thrower in the direction of the man,
whom it is desired to injure. The spears are supposed to
carry away with them Arungguiltha from the stones, and this
produces an eruption of painful boils in the individual or
individuals towards whom they are thrown. Sometimes a
whole group of people can be afflicted in this way by a skilful
magic man.
' The same term, though it is sometimes
pronounced as if spelt cava, is applied
to (1) the drawing now referred to, (2)
the hole made in the ground to repre-
sent the woman belonging to the man whom an avenging party is about to kill.
In addition to these there is the ceremony of Okeara during circumcision,
dirt is scraped up and emptied into the hands of the m
operation, the idea being that the bo
as the dirt is.
when
an who is to perform the
y is handed over to him with as little misgiving
Vet another form of Arungguiltha is associated in tradition
with the story of an emaciated emu. In the Alcheringa
a very thin and emaciated emu came from the far north-east,
from a mythical place called Atnangara. It carried on
its head a Murtunja, and a Churinga under its armpit. Its
body was covered with feathers and inside it carried some
eggs. The creature was in fact half emu and half man, and
belonged to the Panungaclass. Unlike other Alcheringa in-
dividuals it did not perform sacred ceremonies as it travelled
along. The first known camping place was at Ilpma in the
Strangway Range, and its only food consisted of Udnirringa
berries which form a favourite food of the emu. From Ilpma
it travelled south to Udnurringunia, where two eggs were
deposited which turned into stone, and are now represented at
the spot by two large round black stones. Then it went on
to Uknurulinga in the Strangway Range, and thence travelled
on till it came to Iralta, where it passed a lot of emu men and
women, but being ashamed of its poor condition it did not go
near to them. They had Murtunjas which they carried on
their heads. Then it passed Narpipa without seeing the
Unjiamba people who dwelt and had sprung up there.
Walking on across the Burt Plain, which lies to the north of
the Macdonnell Ranges, it came to what is now called Bond
Springs, where a number of emu men and women were met
who had originated there and with whom it fraternised for a
time. These people, however, did not like it because it was so
thin and miserable-looking, so they at length drove it away,
and going on it camped halfway between Bond Springs and
Undoolia, a slender column of stone rising to mark the spot
where it camped, and this may be seen to the present day.
Travelling on amongst the Ranges it came to a spot a little
to the east of the Jessie Gap, where it deposited its solitary
Churinga, from which a Bulthara man named Untwarntwa
now living is descended. At this spot the poor creature became
still more emaciated and finally changed into a large stone,
which became charged with Avungguzltha, or evil influence,
for in some curious way thinness seems to be especially
associated with the latter.
Any one wishing to injure another person may perform a
simple ceremony here, which consists merely in rubbing the
stone with the hands while muttering an exhortation to the evil
influence to come forth and afflict the person whom he desires
to harm. After this has been done the person will gradually
grow thinner and thinner until he withers away altogether.
Another stone close to a large clay pan not far from Alice
Springs marks the spot where a lizard man died in the
Alcheringa. He also was thin and emaciated, and so the
stone is charged with Arungguiltha, which by rubbing and
muttering, as just described in the case of the emu stone, may
be projected into the body of an enemy.
Amongst other forms of magic the following may also
be noticed. Just as the stones marking the spot where
the thin animals or men died are associated with magic,
so we find the same. to hold good in the case of other
trees and stones which are associated with special indi-
viduals of the Alcheringa. Near to Charlotte Waters, for
example, is a tree which sprung up to mark the spot where
a blind man died. This tree is called the Apera okilchya,
that is the blind tree, and the spot where it stands the
Mira okitchya, or blind camp. Should this be cut down
it is supposed that the men of the locality in which it grows
will become blind: or if any one wishes to produce blindness
in an enemy, all that he has to do is to go alone to the tree,
and while rubbing it mutter his desire and an exhortation
to the Arungquiltha to go forth and afflict his enemy.
Along by the side of the Hugh River in the Macdonnell
Ranges close to Mount Conway is a stone which marks where
a blind man of the wild duck totem died ; and here again the
same ceremony may be performed. Close also to Temple
‘Bar, a gap in the ranges, is another similar stone.
We may refer here also to the Erathipa stones which are
supposed to. be full of spirit children, and by means of rubbing
which a man can cause them to go out and enter women.
These have been fully described elsewhere.
To cause a ‘person to become thin and weak, spittle is
put on the tips of the fingers, which are then bunched
together and jerked in the direction of the former.- This is
called Pulilizvuma or spittle-throwing. Amongst the Ilpirra
tribe especially, a very simple method consists in merely
charming a finger by singing over it, and then pointing
it at an enemy who is supposed to waste away. Inthe Ilpirra
also a form of magic called Zchinperli is practised. A
short stick is sharpened at both ends and then a number of
little bits of flint are fixed on to it all round with resin.
The object thus made is charmed by being “ sung,” and is
then pointed at the enemy, who either wastes away or becomes
blind. The same tribe also brings about death by placing a
tiny flake of flint which has been charmed under the finger
nail. In this position it is carried about until the opportunity
occurs of dropping it quietly on to the person whom it is
desired to kill.
To produce blindness the Arunta native will sometimes
merely point one of the ordinary /z?//a or pointing sticks, or
he will charm a Chiara or forehead band, and then present
it to his enemy, who after a time loses his sight.
Amongst the Kaitish, Illiaura and Warramunga tribes who
bury their dead in trees, before placing them finally in the
ground, the small bones of the arm are used for making the
magic /ujz/a or pointing bones, and are carried about with
them on fighting expeditions.
In connection with the question of magic it may be
noticed in conclusion that a special form, which is widely
met with in other Australian tribes, is not practised
amongst these. We refer to the attempt to injure an enemy
by means of securing and then practising some form of
charm upon some part of his person, such as hair or nail
clippings. As we have already seen, images or representations
of individuals are made with the idea that any hurt done to
them is sympathetically felt by their human representative,
and the absence of the particular form of magic referred to
is to be associated with the fact that for some reason in these
tribes, unlike what usually takes place, human hair is regarded
as a most valuable form of gift, and, as we have described
elsewhere, the disposal of it is regulated by fixed rules.
Under these circumstances the idea of the Arunta native on
this subject is entirely different from the one met with
amongst many other savage tribes.
Chapter 17
Four methods of obtaining wives—Charming by magic—Capture—The rarest
method of obtaining a wife—Capture of a woman by an avenging party—
Method of allotment of a woman thus captured—Elopement— Punishment
after elopement—Instance of a method in connection with this—Custom of
Tualcha mura, the most usuallway of obtaining a wife—Custom of Uzjzp2nna,
when a man waives his right to a woman allotted to him—Example of the
establishment of the relationship of Z7zalcha mura—No absolute necessity for
a man to marry out of his own local group.
THE methods of obtaining wives may be classified under
four heads, so far as the Arunta and Ilpirra tribes are con-
cerned. These are: (1) charming by means of magic; (2)
capture ; (3) elopement ; and (4) the custom of Zualcha mura,
by means of which a man secures a wife for his son by making
an arrangement with some other man with regard to the
latter's daughter.
Taking these in order we may pass over the method of
charming by means of magic, as this has been already dealt
with under the head of magic in connection with the descrip-
tion of the use of the Lonka-lonka, Chilara, Ulpmira, and
Namatwinna. The use of these objects is a well recognised
method of obtaining wives, as is shown by the fact that a
‘man’s right to a woman, secured by means of one or other of
them, is supported by the men of his own local group, pro-
vided always that the woman stands to the man in the
relationship of Unaza or lawful wife.
The ‘second method, that of ‘capture, is of much raree
occurrence, a fact which is to be associated with the existence
of the custom of Zualcha mura, according to which practically
every man in the tribe is provided with at least one woman,
to whom he is lawfully entitled. Indeed, the method of
capture which has been so frequently described as character-
istic of Australian tribes, is the very rarest way in which a
Central Australian secures a wife. It does not often happen
that a man forcibly takes a woman from some one else within
his own group, but it does sometimes happen, and especially
when the man from whom the woman is taken has not shown
his respect for his actual or tribal 7kuntera (father-in-law) by
cutting himself on the occasion of the death of one or other of
the latter relations. In this case the aggressor will be aided
by the members of his local group, but in other cases of
capture he will have to fight for himself.
At times, however, a woman may be captured from another
group, though this again is of rare occurrence, and is usually
associated with an avenging party, the women captured by
which, who are almost sure to be the wives of men killed, are
allotted to certain members of the avenging party. The
following which occurred not long ago in the case of a party
sent out by the northern groups of the Arunta to take ven-
geance on the tribe living away to the north of them, on account
of some real or supposed hurt done to the Arunta people, will
serve to illustrate what takes place with regard to women
captured on such an occasion. Shortly before arriving at
their destination, the men who formed the party halted, and
the old man, who was acting as leader, sitting in front of the
others, scraped two long shallow holes in the ground. To
these the name of Aura is given, and they represented, one
the man whom it was intended to kill and the other the
woman ; had there been more than one woman, then there
would have been one hole to represent each of them.) The
meaning of the holes was explained by the leader, and point-
ing to the one which indicated the woman he asked who
wanted to have her. Two or three men said, “I do ;” and then
the leader, after a short pause, during which he made up his
mind what to do, taking a handful of earth out of the hole,
presented it to the man to whom he decided to allot the
woman saying, “She belongs to you.” When captured, as
she was shortly afterwards, she became the property of that
man, no one of the others disputing his right, nor, it may be
1 On this occasion the party intended to kill a particular man.
remarked, was there any question of the other men having the
right of access to the woman. In all such cases the woman
is allotted to a man who is Unazwa to her, for, even when she
belongs to a different tribe to the man, the equivalent groups
in the two are well known and regulate marriage just as if
the man and woman belonged to the one tribe.
The third method, that of elopement, is to a certain extent
intermediate between the method of charming on the one
hand and that of capture on the other. It differs from the
first of these in that no magic element comes into play,
though in reality, of course, there may be no difference what-
ever between the two so far as this is concerned. In the case
of charming, however, the initiative may be taken by the
woman, who can of course imagine that she has been charmed,
and then find a willing aider and abettor in the man whose
vanity is flattered by this response to his magic power, which
he can soon persuade himself that he did really exercise ;
besides which, an extra wife has its advantages in the way of
procuring food and saving him trouble, while if his other
women object the matter is one which does not hurt him, for
it can easily be settled once and for all by a stand-up fight
between the women and the rout of the loser. From
capture it differs in the fact that the woman is a consenting
party.
Not infrequently the elopement of a woman with some man
is the cause of serious trouble between the members of
different local groups. When an elopement takes place and
the man succeeds in getting safely away, some time may
elapse before the aggrieved husband takes any action, though
at times the eloping couple are at once followed up and then,
if caught, the woman is, if not killed on the spot, at all events
treated in such a way that any further attempt at elopement
on her part is not likely to take place. If the man and woman
succeed in getting away to a distant part, then the chances
are that sooner or later the original husband of the woman
will, accompanied by his friends, go in search of her and the
man who has run off with his property. As a general rule
the upshot of the matter is a fight between the two interested
parties ; but at times the result may be that the friends get
restive and interfere, in which case the fight becomes more
serious and leads to a general quarrel between the two local
groups, the men of the resident group, to which the man who
has taken away the woman belongs, making common side
against the men of the other group. There are certain men
who are bound to help any given man in a quarrel of this
nature, and these are those who stand to him in the relation-
ship of Okzlza, or elder brothers, Wetza, or younger brothers,
and Unkulla, that is mother’s brothers sons. If, for example,
a man is a Panunga, then the men of his local group, but only
of the latter, who are Panunga and Ungalla, will assist him.
The question of totem has nothing whatever to do with the
matter in the case of these Central Australian tribes; the
sons of his mother and father’s brothers, blood and tribal, will
stand by him to see that, at least, he gets fair play. The
fighting may be of two kinds ; in the one case, if the aggrieved
man wishes to regain the woman, the latter will go to the
victor of a real fight, in which both freely use their weapons,
but if he be content to hand her over to the other man, then
the latter will have to defend himself against the spears and
knife of the first man without using his own weapons or
attempting to retaliate. He will simply be allowed a shield
with which to ward off spears. In either case the chances
are that the woman will fare badly.
The following, which is an account of what actually took
place during a recent case, will serve to illustrate the matter
A man belonging to a group about forty-five miles away to
the west of Alice Springs persuaded a woman belonging to a
man of the latter group to run away with him from her
husband, and the latter, though he gave chase, could not
capture the runaway wife. The elopers went away to the
south and lived for a year in a distant group, returning finally
to Alice Springs, accompanied by some of the man’s friends.
On arrival at the latter place the man went to the Ungunza,
or men’s camp, and the woman to the Erlukwzrra or women’s
camp. At the Ungunja a long discussion took place, during
which the pros and cons of the case were discussed, the two
men most interested remaining silent. After some time the
man who had taken the woman got up, and taking with him
some spears and a shield walked out to a clear space some
little distance away from the camp and shouted to the
aggrieved man who remained sitting, “Avrakutje thale
eknukunja yinga wwtat,’’ which meant, “I took your woman,
come and growl.” Thereupon the man got up, and standing
some distance off threw spears and boomerangs at the first
man, who skilfully guarded himself with his shield but made no
attempt to retaliate. When all had been thrown he rushed in
to close quarters with his enemy and began attempting to cut
the thighs of the latter and his back also with a large stone
knife, the attacked man doing his best to guard himself but
not again attempting to retaliate. After a time the onlookers
thought that enough had beendone,and calling out loudly “Auda
empara, which means “ enough, leave him” dragged the two
apart. The women meanwhile had all assembled ; and the
agerieved man walking over to where his erstwhile wife was
standing caught hold of her and cut her about the legs and
body avoiding however any vital part. Then leaving her he
waved his knife in the air and started off for the camp, shouting
“ Untantimma atnina, ipminja kuta, pminga kuta,” “You keep
altogether, I throw away, I throw away.” After having re-
nounced her in this way she became the property of the man
with whom she had eloped.
The fourth and most usual method of obtaining a wife is
that which is connected with the well-established custom in
accordance with which every woman in the tribe is made
Lualcha mura with some man. The arrangement, which is
often a mutual one, is made between two men, and it will be
seen that owing to a girl being made 7ualcha mura to a boy
of her own age the men very frequently have wives much
younger than themselves, as the husband and the mother of
a wife obtained in this way are usually of approximately the
same age.
When it has been agreed upon between two men that the
relationship shall be established between their two children,
one a boy and the other a girl, the two latter, who are
generally of a tender age, are taken to the Erlukwirra or
* Litaz is the word applied to the growling of dogs when they fight, and is used
by the natives to express angry talk, and also fighting.
women’s camp, and here each mother takes the other’s child
and rubs it all over with a mixture of fat and red ochre in the
presence of all the other women, who have assembled for the
purpose of watching the ceremony. At the same time some
of the girl’s hair is cut off and given to the boy to signalise
the fact that when grown up it will be her duty to provide him
(he will be her son-in-law) with her own hair from which to
make his waist-girdles. The arrangement is of course only
made between boys and girls who stand in a definite relation-
ship to one another. The girl must be one who is Mura to the
boy, that is one whose daughters belong to the class from
which his wife must come ; but whilst in common with all the
women of her particular class she is already Mura to him she
now becomes TJwalcha mura, that is, she is his actual or
prospective mother-in-law. This relationship indicates that
the man has the right to take as wife the daughter of the
woman ; she is in fact assigned to him, and this, as a general rule,
many years before she is born. Not infrequently a woman’s
daughters will be allotted to brothers, the elder brother taking
the elder daughter, the second brother the second daughter
and so on, but it is only in the case of the eldest daughter
that the relationship of 7walcha mura exists.
It is quite possible for a man to have more than one
woman standing to him in the relationship of 7ualcha mura,
in which case he will not infrequently hand on his right in the
case of one woman to some younger blood or tribal brother.
In doing so he does not necessarily hand over his right to the
mother-in-law’s hair, but will continue to receive this.
Sometimes a man without passing on his 7ualcha mura right
will waive this if he happens to have a wife already, or does
not want for any reason to take-the girl assigned to him. It
frequently happens that the woman whose daughter is thus
allotted to him may have a son and no daughter born, and in
this case without waiting on the chance of a girl being born
the man may agree to take the boy as what is called his
Unjipinna. This establishes a relationship between the boy
and the man, as a result of which the former has, until he
becomes Ertwa-kurka, that is circumcised, to give his hair to
the man who, on his part, has to, in a certain way, look after
le) NATIVE, TRIBES OF CENTRAL AUSTRALIA Versa
the boy ; forexample, he must grease his body occasionally
and paint the sacred designs upon him at the ceremony of
throwing-up, the first of the initiatory rites. At the ceremony
of Lartna, or circumcision, the man has to tie the hair of the
boy up with fur-string and place the hair-girdle round his
waist.
Whilst accepting the Unyzpznna, and so waiving his right to
the girl, the man still retains his right to the hair of the
Tualcha mura woman.
It very rarely happens that a man is not allowed to take the
daughter of his Twalcha mura woman, but occasionally, when
a serious quarrel has arisen between the contracting parties
an attempt is made to give the girl to some one else, though
the latter may feel quite sure that he will not be allowed to
retain her without a struggle sooner or later.
The following is one of many instances within our personal
knowledge of the establishment of the relationship. A
Panunga.man anda Purula woman living at Alice Springs
had a daughter who was of coursean Appungerta girl. About
the same time a Bulthara man and a Kumara woman had a
son born who was of course an Uknaria. The two fathers con-
sulted, and the result was that the little girl was made Zwalcha
mura to the infant boy. The latter is the prospective
husband of the prospective daughter of the Appungerta girl,
who will be an Ungalla, that isa woman of the proper class
from which the boy’s wife must come.
It will be seen from the above that in these tribes there is
no necessity for a man to marry out of his own local group,
as each of the latter includes men and women of various
classes ; but as each local group is mainly composed of men
of one moiety of the tribe it very often happens that a man’s
wife belongs to another group. For instance most of the men
at Alice Springs are Panunga and Bulthara, and they must
marry respectively Purula and Kumara women, so that in the
majority of cases they must get them from other local groups
in which the Purula and Kumara predominate.
Chapter 18
The sun regarded as female, the moon as male—Tradition with regard to the
origin of the sun—Sacred ceremony connected with the sun totem—Myths
with regard to the moon—Names applied to phases of the moon—The evening
star a woman whose Vanja stone lies to the west of Alice Springs— Eclipses
associated with Arungguzltha—The Magellanic clouds—Pleiades,
THROUGHOUT the Arunta tribe the sun, which is called
Alinga or Ochirka, is regarded as female and the moon as
male. At Alice Springs there is a tradition that in the
Alcheringa the sun came out of the earth at a spot now
marked by a large stone in the country of the Quirra or ban-
dicoot people at Ilparlinja, about thirty miles north of Alice
Springs. It was in the form of a spirit woman, accompanied
by two other Panunga women, who were sisters and were
called Ochirka, just as the sun itself is. The descendants of
these two women are both now alive, though one of them,
when undergoing reincarnation, having chosen an Appungerta
mother, is now an Ungalla. We have before drawn attention
to the fact that the spirit individual is regarded as free to
enter any woman, though as a general, but by no means
invariable, rule, as shown in the present instance, a woman of
the right division is selected.
The elder of the two women is represented as carrying with
her an <Ambzilyeriktra, or newly-born child. Leaving the
women at Ilparlinja the sun ascended into the sky, and has
continued to do so every day, though at night time it pays a
visit to the old spot whence it rises in the morning. In that spot
it may be actually seen at night time by very gifted persons
such as clever medicine men, and the fact that it cannot be seen
by ordinary persons only means that they are not gifted with
sufficient power, and not that it is not there. The women
remained in the country of the bandicoot people, by whom
however they were not seen, being very careful to hide them-
selves, and these two women gave rise to a local centre of the
sun totem to which they belonged.
The sun is regarded as having a definite relationship to
each individual member of the various divisions. Thus to a
Bulthara it is Uwzuna, to a Panunga it is Ungaraztcha, to
a Kumara J/za, and to a Purula man Unawa—terms which
simply imply that it is regarded as belonging to the Panunga
division, as did the spirit individual whom it represents.
The following ceremony called the Quabara Alinga of I|par-
linja is associated with the two women and the newly-born
child left at Ilparlinja by the sun when she came out of the
earth at that spot in the Alcheringa. The performers were
two old men who were brothers, one being a Panunga of
the lizard totem and the other a Panunga of the bandicoot
totem. Their father was a bandicoot man and their sister is -
the living representative of one of the two women with
whom the ceremony is concerned. The two performers, while
decorating, were assisted by an old Panunga man and several
Purula and Kumara men of the same locality, and during
the decorating they sang of the Amdzlyertkira. The per-
formers sat facing each other; the lizard man representing
the elder woman, held between his thighs an oblong bundle
made of grass and _ hair-string and decorated with alternate
red and white circles of down. This represented the child.
From his head hung long strings, made of many strands
of fur-string and covered with rings of down with a bunch
of tail-tips at the end. These strings were supposed to re-
‘present the kidneys and fat of the bandicoot upon which the
women fed. The bandicoot man represented the younger
sister and carried on his head a weighty, disc-shaped bundle
made of twigs, which were covered with many yards of hair
and fur-string and decorated with a design of alternate red
and white circles of down. This was supposed to represent
the sun itself. The performance consisted of the usual quiver-
ing and swaying about of the bodies of the two men, while the
others present ran round. When it was over the head-dress
The object on the head of the man on the left side is supposed to represent the sun.
was removed and pressed against the stomach of all the
Panunga and Bulthara men, but not against any of the other
moiety, though several were present. It was then handed back
to the old man who had worn it during the ceremony, and the
latter called up a young Ungalla man of the locality, who had
not been present -at the decorating, and, while telling him
about the woman, kept the head-dress pressed up against the
young man’s stomach.
The following two myths refer to the moon which, as above
stated, is regarded as of the male sex, and is spoken of as
Ertwa Oknurcha, or a big man, its name being Azuznja.
The first of these describes how, before there was any
moon in the heavens, a man of the Anthinna or opossum totem
died and was buried, andyshortly afterwards arose from his
grave in the form of a boy. His people saw him rising and
were very afraid and ran away. He followed them shouting,
“Do not be frightened, do not run away, or you will die
altogether ; I shall die but shall rise again in the sky.” He
subsequently grew into a man and died, reappearing as the
moon, and since then he has continued to periodically die
and come to life again; but the people who ran away died
altogether. When no longer visible it is supposed that the
moon man is living with his two wives who dwell far away
in the west. Pre
The second myth describes how in the Alcheringa a black-
fellow of the opossum totem carried the moon about with him
in a shield as he went out hunting for opossums to eat. All
-day long he kept it hidden in a cleft in the rocks. One night
another blackfellow of the Unchirka, a seed totem, came up
by chance to where he saw a light shining on the ground.
This proved to be the moon lying in the man’s shield, which
he had placed on the ground while he climbed up a treeuma
search of an opossum which he had seen in the branches. The
Unchirka man at once picked up the shield and the moon in
it and ran away with them ashard as he could. The opossum
man came down from the tree and ran after the thief, but he
had got such a start that he could not catch him. When he
found that pursuit was hopeless and that he could not get the
moon back again, he was very angry and shouted out loudly
that the thief should not keep the moon, but that the latter
was to go up into the sky and give light to every one at night
time. Then the moon went up out of the shield into the sky
and there it has remained ever since. .
The following distinctive names are applied to the different
phases of the moon—
The new moon is Atninja guirka utnamma.
Half moon is Atnuinja guirka iwuminta.
Three-quarter moon is Atninja urterurtera.
Full moon is Azninja aluguirta.
The name of the evening star is Ungamilia. Amongst the
natives of the Alice Springs district the evening star is sup-
posed to have been a Kumara woman in the Alcheringa who
had a Nurtunja and lived alone. She is associated with a
large white stone which arose at a place near to what is now
called Temple Bar—a gap in the Macdonnell Ranges—to
mark the spot where she went into the earth and left behind,
along with her Churinga, her spirit part. Every night the even-
ing star is supposed to go down into this stone which lies away
to the west of Alice Springs. It is situated in the middle of a
strip of country which belongs to the big lizard totem. Ifa
woman believes that she conceives a child when at this stone,
then the child belongs to the Ungamilia or evening star totem,
but if it be conceived anywhere in the adjoining country, even
close at hand but not actually at the stone, then it is an
Echunpa or big lizard. Ungamilia is supposed to have fed in
the Alcheringa upon Owadowa, a kind of grass seed, just as
did the group of lizard people amongst whom she dwelt.
There is, as usual, a special performance connected with this
woman which is now in the possession of an Uknaria man of
the lizard totem, the woman’s Churinga being kept in the store-
house at Simpson’s Gap which belongs to the lizard totem.
Ungamilia has at the present time a living descendant, and
during the Engwura the ceremony was performed by the man
in whose possession it now is.
Eclipse of the sun is called //puma, and is attributed to the
presence therein of Arungguzltha, the general term used in
reference to an evil or malignant, influence, which is some-
times regarded as personal and at other times as impersonal.
This particular form of Arungquiltha is supposed to be of the
nature of a spirit individual living away to the west who has
the power of assuming the form of any animal. The natives
have a very great dread of eclipses, they have naturally no
idea of the distance away of the sun, believing it to be close
to the earth, and the visible effects of Arungguzltha so close at
hand, and so patent, cause them great fear, They believe
that the eclipse is caused by the periodic visits of the Arung-
guiltha, who would like to take up his abode in the sun, per-
manently obliterating its light, and that the evil spirit is only-
dragged out by the medicine men who on this occasion with-
draw the atnongara stones from their bodies and throw them
at the sun while singing magic chants—always with success.
The Magellanic clouds they regard as endowed with 4 rung-
quiltha, and believe that they sometimes come down to earth
and choke men and women while they are asleep.
Mushrooms and toadstools they will not eat, believing
them to be fallen stars and endowed with Arungqutltha.
The Pleiades are supposed to be women who in the Alcher-
inga lived at a place called Intitakula, near to what is now
called the Deep Well. They went up into the sky and there
they have remained ever since.