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The Sexual Life of Savages in North-Western Melanesia: An Ethnographic Account of Courtship, Marriage and Family Life Among the Natives of the Trobriand Islands, British New Guinea

Bronislaw Malinowski · 1929 · Harvest Book reprint (Harcourt, Brace & World, New York) of the 1929 copyright text, with preface by Havelock Ellis (Archive.org sexuallifeofsava0000mali, pdftotext extraction) · Public Domain · uncorrected OCR — being verified against the scan

Trobriand fieldwork 1915-18; published 1929 with a preface by Havelock Ellis. Text from a later Harvest Book reprint (Harcourt, Brace & World, post-1962) of the 1929 copyright text.

Served verbatim, era-bound vocabulary and all — the house frames, it never paraphrases; what a passage does and does not show rides its receipt.

Chapter 1
Man and woman in the Trobriand Islands—their rela¬

tions in love, in marriage, and in tribal life—this will
be the subject of the present study.
The most dramatic and intense stage in the intercourse
between man and woman, that in which they love, mate,
and produce children, must occupy the dominant place in
any consideration of the sexual problem.

To the aver¬

age normal person, in whatever type of society we find
him, attraction by the other sex and the passionate and
sentimental episodes which follow are the most significant
events in his existence, those most deeply associated with
his intimate happiness and with the zest and meaning of
life.

To the sociologist, therefore, who studies a par¬

ticular type of society, those of its customs, ideas, and
institutions which centre round the erotic life of the in¬
dividual should be of primary importance.

For if he

wants to be in tune with his subject and to place it in a
natural, correct perspective, the sociologist must, in his
research, follow the trend of personal values and in¬
terests.

That which means supreme happiness to the

individual must be made a fundamental factor in the
scientific treatment of human society.

But the erotic phase, although the most important, is
only one among many in which the sexes meet and enter
into relations with each other.

It cannot be studied out¬

side its proper context, without, that is, being linked up
with the legal status of man and woman j with their do¬
mestic relations j and with the distribution of their eco¬
nomic functions. Courtship, love, and mating in a given
society are influenced in every detail by the way in which
the sexes face one another in public and in private, by
their position in tribal law and custom, by the manner
in which they participate in games and amusements, by
the share each takes in ordinary daily toil.
The story of a people’s love-making necessarily has
to begin with an account of youthful and infantile asso¬
ciations, and it leads inevitably forward to the later stage
of permanent union and marriage.

Nor can the narra¬

tive break off at this point, since science cannot claim the
privilege of fiction.

The way in which men and women

arrange their common life and that of their children
reacts upon their love-making, and the one stage cannot
be properly understood without a knowledge of the other.
This book deals with sexual relations among the na¬
tives of the Trobriand Islands, a coral archipelago lying
to the north-east of New Guinea.

These natives belong

to the Papuo-Melanesian race, and in their physical ap¬
pearance, mental equipment, and social organization com¬
bine a majority of Oceanic characteristics with certain
features of the more backward Papuan population from
the mainland of New Guinea.1
1 For a full general account of the Northern Massim, of whom the

I

We find in the Trobriands a matrilineal society, in
which descent, kinship, and every social relationship are
legally reckoned through the mother only, and in which
women have a considerable share in tribal life, even to
the taking of a leading part in economic, ceremonial, and
magical activities—a fact which very deeply influences
all the customs of erotic life as well as the institution of
marriage.

It will be well, therefore, first to consider

the sexual relation in its widest aspect, beginning with
some account of those features of custom and tribal law
which underlie the institution of mother-right, and the
various views and conceptions which throw light upon it j
after this, a short sketch of each of the chief domains of
tribal life—domestic, economic, legal, ceremonial, and
magical—will combine to show the respective spheres of
male and female activity among these natives.
The idea that it is solely and exclusively the mother
who builds up the child’s body, the man in no way con¬
tributing to its formation, is the most important factor
in the legal system of the Trobrianders.

Their views

on the process of procreation, coupled with certain myth¬
ological and animistic beliefs, affirm, without doubt or reTrobrianders form a section, cf. the classical treatise of Professor C. G.
Seligman, Melanesians of British New Guinea, Cambridge, 1910, which
also shows the relation of the Trobrianders to the other races and cultures
on and around New Guinea. A short account of Trobriand culture will
also be found in my Argonauts of the Western Pacific (E. P. Dutton and

Co., 1922).

serve, that the child is of the same substance as its mother,
and that between the father and the child there is no bond
of physical union whatsoever (see ch. vii).
That the mother contributes everything to the new
being to be born of her is taken for granted by the natives,
and forcibly expressed by them.

“The mother feeds the

infant in her body.

Then, when it comes out, she feeds

it with her milk.”

“The mother makes the child out of

her blood.”

“Brothers and sisters are of the same flesh,

because they come of the same mother.”

These and

similar expressions describe their attitude towards this,
their fundamental principle of kinship.
This attitude is also to be found embodied, in an even
more telling manner, in the rules governing descent, in¬
heritance, succession in rank, chieftainship, hereditary
offices, and magic—in every regulation, in fact, concerning
transmission by kinship. LSocial position is handed on in
the mother-line from a man to his sister’s children, and
this exclusively matrilineal conception of kinship is of
paramount importance in the restrictions and regulations
of marriage, and in the taboos on sexual intercourse.

The

working of these ideas of kinship can be observed, break¬
ing out with a dramatic intensity, at death.

For the social

rules underlying burial, lamentation, and mourning, to¬
gether with certain very elaborate ceremonies of food dis¬
tribution, are based on the principle that people joined
by the tie of maternal kinship form a closely knit group,
bound by an identity of feelings, of interests, and of flesh.
And from this group, even those united to it by marriage
and by the father-to-child relation are sharply excluded,

as having no natural share in the bereavement (see ch. vi,
secs. 2-4).
These natives have a well-established institution of
marriage, and yet are quite ignorant of the man’s share
in the begetting of children.

At the same time, the term

“father” has, for the Trobriander, a clear, though ex¬
clusively social, definition: it signifies the man married
to the mother, who lives in the same house with her, and
forms part of the household.

The father, in all discus¬

sions about relationship, was pointedly described to me as
tomakava, a “stranger,” or, even more correctly, an “out¬
sider.”

This expression would also frequently be used by

natives in conversation, when they were arguing some
point of inheritance or trying to justify some line of be¬
haviour, or again when the position of the father was to
be belittled in some quarrel.
It will be clear to the reader, therefore, that the term
“father,” as I use it here, must be taken, not as having
the various legal, moral, and biological implications that
it holds for us, but in a sense entirely specific to the soci¬
ety with which we are dealing.

It might seem better,

in order to avoid any chance of such misconception, not
to have used our word “father” at all, but rather the
native one tama> and to have spoken of the “tama relation¬
ship” instead of “fatherhood”; but, in practice, this would
have proved too unwieldy.

The reader, therefore, when

he meets the word “father” in these pages, should never
forget that it must be defined, not as in the English dic¬
tionary, but in accordance with the facts of native life.
I may add that this rule applies to all terms which carry

special sociological implication, that is to all terms of
relationship, and such words as “marriage,” “divorce,”
“betrothal,” “love,” “courtship,” and the like.
What does the word tama (father) express to the
native?

“Husband of my mother” would be the answer

first given by an intelligent informant.

He would go on

to say that his tama is the man in whose loving and pro¬
tecting company he has grown up.

For, since marriage

is patrilocal in the Trobriands, since the woman, that is
to say, moves to her husband’s village community and
lives in his house, the father is a close companion to his
children; he takes an active part in the cares which are
lavished upon them, invariably feels and shows a deep
affection for them, and later has a share in their education.
The word tama (father) condenses, therefore, in its emo¬
tional meaning, a host of experiences of early childhood,
and expresses the typical sentiment existing between a
boy or girl and a mature affectionate man of the same
household; while socially it denotes the male person who
stands in an intimate relation to the mother, and who is
master of the household.
So far tama does not differ essentially from “father”
in our sense.

But as soon as the child begins to grow up

and take an interest in things outside the affairs of the
household and its own immediate needs, certain complica¬
tions arise, and change the meaning of tama for him.

He

learns that he is not of the same clan as his tamay that his
totemic appellation is different, and that it is identical
with that of his mother.

At the same time he learns that

all sorts of duties, restrictions, and concerns for personal
pride unite him to his mother and separate him from his
father.

Another man appears on the horizon, and is

called by the child kadagu (“my mother’s brother”).
This man may live in the same locality, but he is just as
likely to reside in another village.

The child also learns

that the place where his kada (mother’s brother) resides
is also his, the child’s, “own village”} that there he has
his property and his other rights of citizenship} that there
his future career awaits him} that there his natural allies
and associates are to be found.

He may even be taunted

in the village of his birth with being an “outsider” (tomakava), while in the village he has to call “his own,” in
which his mother’s brother lives, his father is a stranger
and he a natural citizen.

He also sees, as he grows up,

that the mother’s brother assumes a gradually increasing
authority over him, requiring his services, helping him in
some things, granting or withholding his permission to
carry out certain actions} while the father’s authority and
counsel become less and less important.
Thus the life of a Trobriander runs under a two-fold
influence—a duality which must not be imagined as a
mere surface play of custom.

It enters deeply into the

existence of every individual, it produces strange compli¬
cations of usage, it creates frequent tensions and diffi¬
culties, and not seldom gives rise to violent breaks in the
continuity of tribal life.

For this dual influence of

paternal love and the matrilineal principle, which pene¬
trates so far into the framework of institutions and into

the social ideas and sentiments of the native, is not, as a
matter of fact, quite well adjusted in its working.1
It has been necessary to emphasize the relationship be¬
tween a Trobriander and his father, his mother, and his
mother’s brother, for this is the nucleus of the complex
system of mother-right or matriliny, and this system gov¬
erns the whole social life of these natives.

The question

is, moreover, specially related to the main theme of this
book: love-making, marriage, and kinship are three aspects
of the same subject; they are the three facets which it
presents in turn to sociological analysis.

We have so far given the sociological definition of
fatherhood, of the mother’s brother’s relation, and of
the nature of the bond between mother and child ; a bond
founded on the biological facts of gestation and the ex¬
tremely close psychological attachment which results from
these.

The best way to make this abstract statement clear

will be to display the inter-working of the three rela¬
tionships in an actual community in the Trobriands.
Thus we can make our explanations concrete and get
into touch with actual life instead of moving among ab¬
stractions; and, incidentally, too, we can introduce some
personalities who will appear in the later parts of our
narrative.
The village of Omarakana is, in a sense, the capital
1 Cf. my Crime and Custom in Savage Society, Harcourt, Brace, 1926.

of Kiriwina, the main district of these islands.

It is the

residence of the principal chief, whose name, prestige,
and renown are carried far and wide over the Archipela¬
goes, though his power does not reach beyond the prov¬
ince of Kiriwina.1

The village lies on a fertile, level

plain in the northern part of the large, flat coral island
of Boyowa (see map).

As we walk towards it, from the

lagoon anchorages on the western shore, the level road
leads across monotonous stretches covered with low scrub,
here and there broken by a tabooed grove, or by a large
garden, holding vines trained on long poles and looking,
in its developed form, like an exuberant hop-yard.

We

pass several villages on our way; the soil becomes more
fertile and the settlement denser as we approach the long
ridge of raised coral outcrop which runs along the eastern
shore and shuts off the open sea from the inland plains
of the island.
A large clump of trees appears at a distance—these
are the fruit-trees, the palms and the piece of uncut virgin
jungle which together surround the village of Omarakana.

We pass the grove and find ourselves between two

rows of houses, built in concentric rings round a large
open space (see fig. i and plate i).

Between the outer

ring and the inner one a circular street runs round the
whole of the village, and in it, as we pass, we see groups
of people sitting in front of their huts (see pi. 4).

The

outer ring consists of dwelling-houses, the inner of store1 For further references to this eminent personage and for an account
of chieftainship, see C. G. Seligman, op. cit., chapters xlix and li; also
my Argonauts of the Western Pacific, passim, and “Baloma, Spirits of
the Dead,” Joum. R. Anthrop. Inst., 1916.

huts in which the taytu, a variety of yam, which forms
the staple food of the natives, is kept from one harvest
to the next.

We are struck at once by the better finish,

the greater constructive elaboration, and the superior em¬
bellishment and decoration which distinguish the yamhouses from the dwellings (see pi. 31).

As we stand on

the wide central space we can admire the circular row of
storehouses in front of us, for both these and the dwell¬
ings always face the centre.

In Omarakana a big yam-

house belonging to the chief stands in the middle of this
space.

Somewhat nearer the ring, but still well in the

centre stands another large building, the chief’s living
hut (see pis. 1 and 2).
This singularly symmetrical arrangement of the village
is of importance, for it represents a definite sociological
scheme.

The inner place is the scene of the public and

festive life.

A part of it is the old-time burial ground

of the villagers, and at one end is the dancing ground,
the scene of all ceremonial and festive celebrations.

The

houses which surround it, the inner ring of store-huts that
is, share its quasi-sacred character, a number of taboos
being placed upon them.

The street between the two

rows is the theatre of domestic life and everyday occur¬
rence (see pis. 4 and 39).

Without over-labouring the

point, the central place might be called the male portion
of the village and the street that of the women.
Let us now make preliminary acquaintance with some
of the more important inhabitants of Omarakana, be¬
ginning with the present chief, To’uluwa (see pis. 2 and
41).

Not only are he and his family the most prominent

Fig. i.—Plan of Village of Omarakana

□OOUOODO

The Chief and His

Sons

To’uluuja leaning against the plat¬
form, Namwana Guya’u on his right,
and beyond other less important sons.
Mwaydayli in the background.
The
large conch shell and the decorated
gable are symbols of chieftainship.

tCh. I, 2; also ch. II, i]

members of the community, but they occupy more than
half of the village.

As we shall see (ch. v, sec. 4), the

chiefs in the Trobriands have the privilege of polygamy.
To’uluwa, who lives in the large house in the middle of
the village, has a number of wives who occupy a whole
row of huts (A—B on the plan, fig. 1).

Also his maternal

kinsmen, who belong to his family and sub-clan called
Tabalu, have a separate space in the village for them¬
selves (A—C).

The third section (B—C) is inhabited

by commoners who are not related to the chief either as
kijnsmen or as children.

The community is thus divided into three parts.

The

first consists of the chief and his maternal kinsmen, the
Tabalu, all of whom claim the village as their own, and
consider themselves masters of its soil with all attendant
privileges.

The second consists of the commoners, who

are themselves divided into two groups: those claiming
the rights of citizenship on mythological grounds (these
rights are distinctly inferior to those of the chief’s sub¬
clan, and the claimants remain in the village only as the
chief’s vassals or servants); and strangers in the heredi¬
tary service of the chief, who live in the village by that
right and title.

The third part consists of the chief’s

wives and their offspring.
' ""
These wives, by reason of patrilocal marriage, have
to settle in their husband’s village, and with them, of
course, remain their younger children.

But the grown-up

sons are allowed to stay in the village only through the
personal influence of their father.

This influence over¬

rules the tribal law that every man ought to live in his

own—that is his mother’s—village.

The chief is always

much more attached to his children than to his maternal
kinsmen.

He prefers their company ; like every typical

Trobriand father, he takes, sentimentally at least, their
side in any dispute; and he invariably tries to grant them
as many privileges and benefits as possible.

This state of

affairs is naturally not altogether appreciated by the
chief’s legal successors, his maternal kinsmen, the children
of his sister; and frequently considerable tension and
sharp friction arise between the two sections in conse¬
quence.
Such a state of tension revealed itself recently in an
acute upheaval, which shook the quiet tribal life of
Omarakana and for years undermined its internal har¬
mony.1

There was a feud of long standing between

Namwana Guya’u, the chief’s favourite son, and Mitakata,
his nephew and third in succession to the rule (see pi. 3).
Namwana Guya’u was the most influential man in the
village, after the chief, his father: To’uluwa allowed him
to wield a great deal of power, and gave him more than
his share of wealth and privilege.
One day, about six months after my arrival in Omara¬
kana, the quarrel came acutely to a head.

Namwana

Guya’u, the chief’s son, accused his enemy, Mitakata, the
nephew and one of the heirs, of committing adultery
with his wife, brought him before the White Resident
Magistrate, and thereby caused him to be imprisoned for
1 The following account has been already published

(in Crime and
sq.). Since it is an almost exact reproduction of the
original entry in my field-notes, I prefer to give it here once more in the
same form, with a few verbal alterations only.
Custom, pp. 101

a month or so.

The news of this imprisonment reached

the village from the Government compound, a few miles
distant, at sunset, and created a panic.

The chief shut

himself up in his personal hut, full of evil forebodings
for his favourite, who had thus rashly outraged tribal
law and feeling.

The kinsmen of the imprisoned heir

to chieftainship were boiling with suppressed anger and
indignation.

As night fell, the subdued villagers settled

down to a silent supper, each family over its solitary
meal.

There was nobody on the central place.

Nam-

wana Guya’u was not to be seen, the chief To’uluwa re¬
mained secluded in his hut, most of his wives and their
children staying indoors also.

Suddenly a loud voice

rang out across the silent village.

Bagido’u, the heir

apparent and eldest brother of the imprisoned man, stand¬
ing before his hut, cried out, addressing the offender of
his family:
“Namwana Guya’u, you are a cause of trouble.

We,

the Tabalu of Omarakana, allowed you to stay here, to
live among us.

You had plenty of food in Omarakana.

You ate of our food.

You partook of the pigs brought

to us as a tribute, and of the flesh.
canoe.

You built a hut on our soil.

us harm.

You sailed in our
Now you have done

You have told lies.

Mitakata is in prison.

We

do not want you to stay here.

This is our village!

You

are a stranger here.

Go away!

We drive you away!

We drive you out of Omarakana.”
These words were uttered in a loud, piercing voice,
which trembled with strong emotion: each short sentence
was spoken after a pause; each, like an individual missile,

was hurled across the empty space to the hut where
Namwana Guya’u sat brooding. Next, the younger sister
of Mitakata rose and spoke, and then a young man, one
of their maternal nephews. Their words were in each
case almost the same as Bagido’u’s, the burden being the
formula of dismissal or driving away, the yoba. These
speeches were received in deep silence. Nothing stirred
in the village. But, before the night was over, Namwana
Guya’u had left Omarakana for ever. He had gone over
and settled a few miles away, in OsapoU, his “own” vil¬
lage, whence his mother came. For weeks she and his
sister wailed for him with loud lamentations as for the
dead. The chief remained for three days in his hut, and
when he came out he looked aged and broken by grief.
All his personal interest and affection were on the side
of his favourite son, yet he could do nothing to help him.
His kinsmen had acted strictly within their rights, and,
according to tribal law, he could not possibly dissociate
himself from them. No power could change the decree
of exile. Once the words “Go away”—bukula, “we drive
thee away”—kayabaim, had been pronounced, the pjan
had to go. These words, very rarely uttered in earnest,
have a binding force and an almost ritual power when
pronounced by citizens against a resident outsider. A
man who would try to brave the dreadful insult involved
in them and remain in spite of them, would be dis¬
honoured for ever. In fact, anything but immediate
compliance with a ritual request is unthinkable for a Trobriand Islander.
The chief’s resentment against his kinsmen was deep

Two Hereditary Enemies
The Chief’s son and the heir ap¬
parent in dancing dress before their
quarrel.
[iCh. I, 2; also ch. II, 2; ch. X, intro.]

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and lasting.

At first he would not even speak to them.

For a year or so, not one of them dared to ask to be taken
on overseas expeditions by him, although they were fully
entitled to this privilege.

Two years later, in 1917, when

I returned to the Trobriands, Namwana Guya’u was still
resident in the other village and keeping aloof from his
father’s kinsmen, though he frequently visited Omarakana
in order to be in attendance on his father, especially when
To’uluwa went abroad.

His mother had died within a

year after his expulsion.

As the natives described it:

“She wailed and wailed, refused to eat, and died.”

The

relations between the two main enemies were completely
broken, and Mitakata, the young chieftain who had been
imprisoned, had repudiated his wife, who belonged to the
same sub-clan as Namwana Guya’u.

There was a deep

rift in the whole social life of Kiriwina.
This incident was one of the most dramatic which I
have ever witnessed in the Trobriands.

I have described

it at length, as it contains a striking illustration of the
nature of mother-right, of the power of tribal law, and
of the passions which work against and in spite of these.
It shows also the deep, personal attachment which a father
feels for his children, the tendency which he has to use
all his personal influence to give them a strong position
in the village, the opposition which this always evokes
among his maternal kinsmen, and the tension and rifts
thus brought about.

Under normal conditions, in a

smaller community where the contending powers are
humbler and less important, such tension would merely
mean that, after the father’s death, the children would

have to return to his maternal kinsmen practically all the
material benefits they had received from him during his
lifetime.

In any case, a good deal of discontent and

friction and many roundabout methods of settlement are
involved in this dual play of paternal affection and matrilineal authority: the chief’s son and his maternal nephew
can be described as predestined enemies.
This theme will recur in the progress of the following
narrative.

In discussing consent to marriage, we shall

see the importance of paternal authority and the functions
oTthe matrilineal kinsmen.

The custom of cross-cousin

marriage is a traditional reconciliation of the two oppos¬
ing principles.

The sexual taboos and prohibitions of

incest also cannot be understood without a clear grasp of
the principles discussed in this section.
So far we have met To’uluwa, his favourite wife
Kadamwasila,

whose

death

followed

on

the

village

tragedy, their son Namwana Guya’u, and his enemy
Mitakata, son of the chief’s sister, and these we shall
meet again, for they were among my best informants.
We shall also become acquainted with the other sons of
the chief, and of his favourite wife, and with some of his
maternal kinsmen and kinswomen.

We shall follow sev¬

eral of them in their love affairs, and in their marriage
arrangements j we shall have to pry into their domestic
scandals, and to take an indiscreet interest in their intimate
life.

For all of them were, during a long period, under

ethnographic observation, and I obtained much of my
material through their confidences, and especially from
their mutual scandal-mongering.

Many examples will also be given from other com¬
munities, and we shall make frequent visits to the lagoon
villages of the western shore, to places on the south of
the island, and to some of the neighbouring smaller islands
of the Archipelago.

In all these other communities more

uniform and democratic conditions prevail, and this makes
some difference in the character of their sexual life.

In entering the village we had to pass across the street
between the two concentric rows of houses.1

This is the

normal setting of the everyday life of the community, and
thither we must return in order to make a closer survey
of the groups of people sitting in front of their dwellings
(see pi. 4).

As a rule we find that each group consists

of one family only—man, wife, and children—taking
their leisure, or engaged in some domestic activity which
varies with the time of day.

On a fine morning we would

see them hastily eating a scanty breakfast, and then the
man and woman preparing the implements for the day’s
work, with the help of the bigger children, while the
baby is laid out of the way on a mat.

Afterwards, during

the cool hours of the forenoon, each family would prob¬
ably set off to their work, leaving the village almost,
deserted.

The man, in company with others, may be

fishing or hunting or building a canoe or looking for

A good glimpse of the “street,” can be obtained on pi. 12, where two
dwelling huts, right and left, can be seen behind the two yam houses in
the middle.

timber.

The woman may have gone collecting shell-fish

or wild fruits.

Or else both may be working in the

gardens, or paying a visit.

The man often does harder

work than the woman, but when they return in the hot
hours of the afternoon he will rest, while the woman
busies herself with household affairs.

Towards evening,

when the descending sun casts longer, cooler shadows, the
social life of the village begins.

At this time we would

see our family group in front of their hut, the wife
preparing food, the children playing, the husband, per¬
haps, seated amusing the smallest baby.

This is the time

when neighbours call on one another, and conversation
may be exchanged from group to group.
The frank and friendly tone of intercourse, the obvious
feeling of equality, the father’s domestic helpfulness,
especially with the children, would at once strike any
observant visitor.

The wife joins freely in the jokes

and conversation; she does her work independently, not
with the air of a slave or a servant, but as one who man¬
ages her own department.

She will order the husband

about if she needs his help.

Close observation, day after

day, confirms this first impression.

The typical Trobriand

household is founded on the principles of equality and
independence of function: the man is considered to be
the master, for he is in his own village and the house
belongs to him, but the woman has, in other respects, a
considerable influence 5 she and her family have a great
deal to do with the food supply of the household; she is
the owner of separate possessions in the house; and she
is—next to her brother—the legal head of her family.

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\_Ch. I, 3; ch. VII, 4, footnote']

Resting at the ’wayside with loads off, the pads re¬
maining in position.
The central figure wears a
mourning relic over her shoulder.

Carrying Pads

The division of functions within the household is, in
certain matters, quite definite.

The woman has to cook

the food, which is simple, and does not require much
preparation.

The main meal is taken at sunset, and con¬

sists of yams, taro, or other tubers, roasted in the open
fire—or, less frequently, boiled in a small pot, or baked
in the ground—with the occasional addition of fish or
meat.

Next morning the remains are eaten cold, and

sometimes, though not regularly, fruit, shell-fish, or some
other light snack may be taken at mid-day.
In some circumstances, men can and do prepare and
cook the food: on journeys, oversea voyages, fishing or
hunting expeditions, when they are without their women
folk.

Also, on certain occasions, when taro or sago

dumplings are cooked in the large clay pots, men are
required by tradition to assist their wives (pi. 5).

But

within the village and in normal daily life the man never
cooks.

It would be considered shameful for him to do so.

“You are a he-cook (tokakabwasi yoku) would be said
tauntingly.

The fear of deserving such an epithet, of

being laughed at or shamed (kakayuwa), is extreme.

It

arises from the characteristic dread and shame, found
among savages, of not doing the proper thing, or, worse
still, of doing something which is intrinsically the attribute
of another sex or social class (see ch. xiii, secs. 1-4)*
There are a number of occupations strictly assigned by
tribal custom to one sex only.

The manner of carrying

loads is a very noteworthy example.

Women have to

carry the special feminine receptacle, the bell-shaped
basket, or any other kind of load upon their heads j men

must carry only on the shoulder (pis. 6, 7, and 28).

It

would be with a real shudder, and a profound feeling of
shame, that an individual would regard carrying anything
in the manner proper to the opposite sex and nothing
would induce a man to put any load on his head, even
in fun.
An

exclusively

supply.

feminine

department

is

the water

The woman has the water bottles of the house¬

hold in her charge.

These are made out of the woody

shell of a mature coconut, with a stopper of twisted palmleaf.

In the morning or near sunset she goes, sometimes

a full half-mile, to fill them at the water-hole: here the
women forgather, resting and chatting, while one after
another fills her water-vessels, cleans them, arranges
them in baskets or on large wooden platters, and, just
before leaving, gives the cluster a final sprinkling of water
to cover it with a suggestive gloss of freshness.

The

water-hole is the woman’s club and centre of gossip, and
as such is important, for there is a distinct woman’s public
opinion and point of view in a Trobriand village, and they
have their secrets from the male, just as the male has
from the female.
We have already seen that the husband fully shares
in the care of the children.

He will fondle and carry

a baby, clean and wash it, and give it the mashed vege¬
table food which it receives in addition to the mother’s
milk almost from birth.

In fact, nursing the baby in the

arms or holding it on the knees, which is described by the
native word kopo’i, is the special role and duty of the
father (tama).

It is said of the children of unmarried

women who, according to the native expression, are “with¬
out a tama” (that is, it must be remembered, without a
husband to their mother), that they are “unfortunate” or
“bad” because “there is no one to nurse and hug them
{gala- taytala bikopo’t).”

Again, if anyone inquires why

children should have duties towards their father, who is
a “stranger” to them, the answer is invariably: “because of
the nursing {pela ko-po’i),” “because his hands have been
soiled with the child’s excrement and urine” (cf. ch. vii).
The father performs his duties with genuine natural
fondness: he will carry an infant about for hours, looking
at it with eyes full of such love and pride as are seldom
seen in those of a European father.

Any praise of the

baby goes directly to his heart, and he will never tire of
talking about and exhibiting the virtues and achievements
of his wife’s offspring.

Indeed, watching a native family

at home or meeting them on the road, one receives a
strong impression of close union and intimacy between its
members (see pis. 7, 26).

Nor, as we have seen, does this

mutual affection abate in later years.

Thus, in the in¬

timacy of domestic life, we discover another aspect of the
interesting and complicated struggle between social and
emotional paternity, on the one hand, and the explicitly
acknowledged legal mother-right on the other.
It will be noticed that we have not yet penetrated into
the interior of a house, for in fine weather the scene of
family life is always laid in front of the dwelling.

Only

when it is cold and raining, at night, or for intimate uses,
do the natives retire into the interior.

On a wet or windy

evening in the cooler season we should find the village

streets deserted, dim lights flickering through small inter¬
stices in the hut walls, and voices sounding from within in
animated conversation.

Inside, in a small space heavy

with dense smoke and human exhalation, the people sit on
the floor round the fire or recline on bedsteads covered
with mats.
The houses are built directly on the ground and their
floors are of beaten earth.

On the adjoining diagrammatic

plan (fig. ii) we see the main items of their very simple
furniture: the fireplace, which is simply a ring of small
stones with three large ones to support a pot; wooden
sleeping bunks, placed one over another against the
back and side walls opposite the fireplace (cf. pi. 8) and
one or two shelves for nets, cooking pots, women’s grass
petticoats, and other household objects.

The chief’s per¬

sonal dwelling is built like an ordinary house, but is
larger.

The yam houses are of somewhat different and

more complicated construction, and are slightly raised
above the ground.
A normal day in a typical household forces the family
to live in close intimacy—they sleep in the same hut, they
eat in common and spend the best part both of their
working and of their leisure hours together.

OF

Members of the household are also bound together by
community of economic interest.

On this point, how-

A Family on the Road

The ivoman is carrying large yams in
a basket, and the child in a character¬
istic position on her hip; the man has
an adze on his shoulder.
The child
evidently feels safest clinging to both
father and mother.
LCh. i, 3]

Two bunks run across the back wall. Besides a Chi¬
nese trade trunk and a piece of calico there are water
bottles, folded mats and a basket on the lower bunk.
On the top bunk, note the lime pet, stuck into the
round basket and a few coils of pandanus leaf.

OoQf

iCh. I, 3]

ever, a more detailed statement is necessary, as the sub¬
ject is important and complicated.

To begin with the

right of ownership, it must be realized that personal pos¬
session is a matter of great importance to the native.

The

title toll- (“owner” or “master,” used as a prefix to the
object possessed) has a considerable value in itself as con¬
ferring a sort of distinction, even when it does not give
a claim to rights of exclusive use.

This term and the con¬

ception of ownership are, in every particular case, very
well defined, but the relationship varies with different
objects, and it is impossible to summarize it in one for¬
mula covering all cases.1
It is remarkable that in spite of the close union within
the household, domestic utensils and the many objects lit¬
tering the hut are not owned in common.

Husband and

wife have each his or her own possessions.

The wife

owns her grass petticoats, of which there are usually
some twelve to twenty in her wardrobe, for use on various
occasions.

Also she relies on her own skill and industry

to procure them.

So that in the question of toilet, a Kir-

winian lady depends solely upon herself.

The water ves¬

sels, the implements for dressmaking, a number of articles
of personal adornment, are also her own property.

The

man owns his tools, the axe and adze, the nets, the spears,
the dancing ornaments, and the drum, and also those
objects of high value, called by the natives vaygu’a, which
consist of necklaces, belts, armshells, and large polished
axe-blades.
Nor is private ownership in this case a mere word
1 Cf. Argonauts of the Western Pacific, ch. vi, and passim.

without practical significance.

The husband and the wife

can and do dispose of any article of their own property,
and after the death of one of them the objects are not
inherited by the partner, but distributed among a special
class of heirs.

When there is a domestic quarrel a man

may destroy some of his wife’s property—he may wreak
his vengeance on the water bottles or on the grass petti¬
coats—and she may smash his drum or break his dancing
shield.

A man also has to repair and keep his own things

in order, so that the woman is not the housekeeper in the
general European sense.
Immovable goods, such as garden-land, trees, houses,
as well as sailing-vessels, are owned almost exclusively by
men, as is also the live stock, which consists mainly of pigs.
We shall have to touch on this subject again, when we
speak of the social position of women, for ownership of
such things goes with power.
Passing now from economic rights to duties, let us
consider the partition of work according to sex.

In the

heavier type of labour, such as gardening, fishing, and
carrying of considerable loads, there is a definite division
between man and woman.

Fishing and hunting, the latter

of very slight importance in the Trobriands, are done by
men, while only women engage in the search for marine
shell-fish.

In gardening, the heaviest work, such as cut¬

ting the scrub, making fences, fetching the heavy yam
supports, and planting the tubers, is done exclusively by
men.

Weeding is the women’s special duty, while some

of the intermediate stages, in which the plants have to be
looked after, are performed by mixed male and female

labour.

Men do such tending as there is to be done of the

coco- and areca-nut palms and of the fruit-trees, while
it is chiefly the women who look after the pigs.
All oversea expeditions are made by men, and the
building of canoes is entirely their business.

Men have to

do most of the trading, especially the important exchange
of vegetable food for fish which takes place between the
inland and coastal villagers.

In the building of houses,

the framework is made by men, and the women help with
the thatching.

Both sexes share in the carrying of bur¬

dens j the men shoulder the heavier ones, while the women
make up by carrying more frequently.

And, as we have

seen, there is a characteristic sexual distinction in the mode
of placing the burden.
As regards the minor work of manufacturing small
objects, the women have to make the mats and plait the
armlets and belts.

Of course, they alone fashion their

personal dress, just as men have to tailor their own not
very extensive but very carefully finished garment, the
pubic leaf.

Men do the wood carving, even in the case

of objects used exclusively by women; they manufacture
lime gourds for betel chewing and, in the old days, they
used to polish and sharpen all stone implements.
This specialization of work according to sex gives, at
certain seasons, a characteristic and picturesque touch to
village life.

When harvest approaches new skirts of the

coloured variety have to be made, ready to wear when the
crops are brought in and at the subsequent festivities.
Quantities of banana and pandanus leaf are brought to
the villages, and are there bleached and toughened at the
fire.

At night the whole village is bright with the shining

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[Ch. I, 4; also ch. Ill, 4]

The bunches of frayed banana leaves are hung in the
sun after having been stained with crimson and pur¬
ple. In the inner ring of this lagoon village (teyava)
only yam houses can be seen.

of these fires, at each of which a couple of women sit
opposite each other and pass the leaf to and fro in front
of the flame (see pi. 9).

Loud chatter and song enlivens

the work, gay with the anticipation of the coming enter¬
tainments.

When the material is ready, it has still to be

cut, trimmed, and dyed.

Two kinds of roots are brought

from the bush for the dyeing, one giving a deep purple,
and the other a bright crimson.

The dye is mixed in

large bowls made of giant clam shells 5 in these the leaf
strips are steeped, and then they are hung up in thick
bunches to dry in the central place, enlivening the whole
village with their gay colour (see pi. 10).

After a very

complex process of piecing together, a resplendent “crea¬
tion” results j the golden yellow of the pandanus, the soft
hay-green or dun of the banana-leaf, the crimson and
purple of the dyed layers form a really beautiful har¬
mony of colour against the smooth, brown skin of the
woman.
Some manufactures are carried out by men and women
together.

Both sexes, for example, take part in the

elaborate process which is necessary in preparing certain
shell ornaments,1 while nets and water-vessels may be
made by either sex.
It will have been seen, then, that women do not bear
the brunt of all the drudgery and hard work.

Indeed,

the heaviest tasks in the gardens and the most monotonous
ones are performed by men.

On the other hand, women

have their own province in economic activity j it is a con¬
spicuous one, and through it they assert their status and
importance.
1 Cf. ch. xv of Argonauts of the Western Pacific.
Chapter 2
The

ideas of the native concerning kinship and descent,

with their assertion of the mother’s exclusive part in
propagation j the position of woman within the household,
and her considerable share in economic life: these imply
that woman plays an influential role in the community,
and that her status cannot be low or unimportant.

In this

section it will be necessary to consider her legal status
and her position in the tribe; that is, her rank, her power,
and her social independence of man.
In the first section of the previous chapter we have dis¬
cussed the kinship ideas of the natives, founded on the
matrilineal principle that everything descends through the
mother.

We have also seen that the real guardianship

of her family remains not with herself, but with her
brother.

This can be generalized into the formula that,

in each generation, woman continues the line and man rep¬
resents it; or, in other words, that the power and func¬
tions which belong to a family are vested in the men of
each generation, though they have to be transmitted by
the women.
I
THE

Let us examine some of the consequences of this prin¬
ciple.

For the continuation and very existence of the

family, woman as well as man is indispensable; there¬
fore both sexes are regarded by the natives as being of
equal value and importance.

When you discuss genealo¬

gies with a native, the question of continuity of line is
-constantly considered in relation to the number of women
alive.

This was noticeable whenever a man of a sub-clan

of high rank, such as the Tabalu of Omarakana, discussed
the ethnographic census of its members with me: the fact
that there was a great number of women would be em¬
phasized with pleasure, and said to be good and impor¬
tant.

That there were only two women of that sub-clan

of high rank in Omarakana, while there were several male
members, was obviously a sore point, and every Tabalu
informant volunteered the statement that there were, how¬
ever, more women in the younger line of Olivilevi, a
village in the south of the island also ruled by the Tabalu.
A man of any clan would often, in speaking of his family
relations, expatiate on the number of his sisters and of
their female children as being a matter of real importance
to his lineage.

Thus girls are quite as welcome at birth as

boys, and no difference is made between them by the
parents in interest, enthusiasm, or affection.

It is needless

to add that the idea of female infanticide would be as
absurd as abhorrent to the natives.
The general rule that women hand on the privileges
of the family and men exercise them, must be examined
as it works.

When that is done we shall be able to under¬

stand the principle better and even to qualify it somewhat.
The idea of rank—that is, of an intrinsic, social superiority
of certain people as their birthright—is very highly devel29

oped among the Trobriand Islanders j and a consideration
of the way in which rank affects the individual will best
explain the working of the general principle.
Rank is associated with definite hereditary groups of
a totemic nature, which have already been designated here
as sub-clans (see also ch. xiii, sec. 5).

Each sub-clan has

a definite rank} it claims to be higher than some, and
admits its inferiority to others.

Five or six main cate¬

gories of rank can, broadly speaking, be distinguished, and
within these the minor grades are of but small impor¬
tance.

For the sake of brevity and clarity, I shall chiefly

concern myself with a comparison of the sub-clan of
Tabalu, the highest of all in rank, with its inferiors.
Every village community “belongs to” or is “owned
by” one such sub-clan, and the eldest male is the headman
of the village.

When the sub-clan is of highest rank, its

oldest male not only is headman of his own village, but
exercises over-rule in a whole district, and is what we
have called a chief.

Chieftainship and rank are, there¬

fore, closely associated, and rank carries with it, not only
social distinction, but also the right to rule.

Now, one of

these two attributes, but one only, social distinction, is
shared by men and women alike.

Every woman of the

highest rank, that of Tabalu, enjoys all the personal
privileges of nobility.

The male members of the clan

will perhaps say that man is more aristocratic, more
guya'u than woman, but probably this merely expresses
the general assumption of male superiority.

In all con¬

crete manifestations of rank, whether traditional or social,
the two sexes are equal.

In the extensive mythology re30

ferring to the origin of the various sub-clans, a woman
ancestress always figures beside the man (her brother),
and there are even myths in which a woman alone inau¬
gurates a line.1
Another important manifestation of rank is the complex
system of taboos, and this is equally binding on man and
woman. The taboos of rank include numerous prohibi¬
tions in the matter of food, certain animals especially being
forbidden, and there are some other notable restrictions,
such as that prohibiting the use of any water except from
water-holes in the coral ridge. These taboos are enforced
by supernatural sanction, and illness follows their breach,
even if it be accidental. But the real force by which they
are maintained is a strong conviction on the part of the
taboo keeper that the forbidden food is intrinsically in¬
ferior, that it is disgusting and defiling in itself. When it
is suggested to a Tabalu that he should eat of stingaree
or bush pig he shows unmistakable signs of repulsion; and
cases are quoted in which a man of rank has vomited, with
every sign of nausea, some forbidden substance which he
had taken unwittingly. A citizen of Omarakana will
speak of the stingaree eaters of the lagoon villages with
the same disgusted contempt as the right-minded Briton
uses towards the frog- and snail-eaters of France, or the
European towards the puppy- and rotten-egg-eaters of
China.
Now a woman of rank fully shares in this disgust, and
in the danger from breaking a taboo. If, as does occa¬
sionally happen, she marries a man of lower rank, she
1 Cf. my Myth in Primitive Psychology, ch. ii

must have all food, all cooking utensils, dishes, and drink¬
ing vessels separate from her husband, or else he must
forgo all such diet as is taboo to her; the latter is the
course more usually adopted.
Rank entitles its possessors to certain ornaments, which
serve both as its insignia and as festive decorations.

For

instance, a certain kind of shell ornament, the red spondylus shell-discs, may only be worn on the forehead and on
the occiput by people of the highest rank.

As belts and

armlets they are also permitted to those next in rank.
Again, an armlet on the forearm is a mark of the first
aristocracy.

Varieties and distinctions in personal adorn¬

ment are very numerous, but it will be enough to say here
that they are observed in exactly the same manner by male
and female, though the ornaments are more frequently
made use of by the latter.
Certain house decorations, on the other hand, such as
carved boards and ornaments of shell (pis. 2, 20, and 23),
which are in pattern and material exclusive to the several
higher ranks, are primarily made use of by the male
representatives.

But a woman of rank who marries a

commoner would be fully entitled to have them on her
house.
The very important and elaborate ceremonial of respect
observed towards people of rank is based on the idea that
a man of noble lineage must always remain on a physically
higher level than his inferiors.

In the presence of a noble,

all people of lower rank have to bow the head or bend
the body or squat on the ground, according to the degree
of their inferiority.

On no account must any head reach

higher than that of the chief.

Tall platforms are always

built on to the chief’s house, and on one of these he will
sit so that the people may freely move below him during
tribal gatherings (see pi. 2, where we see the chief lean¬
ing against such a platform).

When a commoner passes

a group of nobles seated on the ground, even at a dis¬
tance, he has to call out tokay (“arise”), and the chiefs
immediately scramble to their feet and remain standing
while he crouches past them.1 One would think that so
uncomfortable a ceremonial of homage would have been
circumvented in some way; but this is not the case.

Many

times when I was sitting in the village in conversation with
the chief, a commoner would pass through the village
grove, and call out tokay, and though this would happen
every quarter of an hour or so, my friend had to rise while
the other, bending low, walked slowly by.2
Women of rank enjoy exactly the same privilege in
this matter.

When a noblewoman is married to a com¬

moner, her husband has to bend before her in public, and
others have to be still more careful to do so.

A high

platform is erected for her and she sits upon it alone at
tribal assemblies, while her husband moves or squats be¬
low with the rest of the crowd.
1 Tokay, as noun, also means “commoner.”

The noun Is perhaps de¬

rived etymologically from the verb.
2 When To’uluwa, the paramount chief of the Trobriands, was put in
jail by the resident magistrate, the latter, mostly, I am afraid, because he
wanted to humiliate his native rival, forbade the commoners incarcerated
with the chief to crouch before him.
In spite of this, I have been told
on good authority by several eye-witnesses that all the commoners in jail
did constantly move bending, except when the white satrap appeared upon
the scene. This is an example of the short-sighted policy of the typical
white official, who thinks that his authority can only be maintained at the
expense of the native chiefs, and thus undermines native tribal law and
introduces a spirit of anarchy.

The sanctity of the chief’s person is particularly local¬
ized in his head, which is surrounded by a halo of strict
taboos.

More especially sacred are the forehead and the

occiput with the neck.

Only equals in rank, the wives and

a few particularly privileged persons, are allowed to touch
these parts, for purposes of cleaning, shaving, ornamenta¬
tion, and delousing.

This sanctity of the head extends to

the female members of the noble sub-clans, and if a
noblewoman marries a commoner, her brow, her occiput,
her neck and shoulders, should not—in theory at least—
be touched by the husband even during the most intimate
phases of conjugal life.
Thus in myth, in the observation of taboo, and in the
ceremonial of bending, the woman enjoys exactly the same
privileges of rank as the man; but she never exercises
the actual power associated with it.

No woman is ever the

head of any sub-clan, and thus she cannot be a chieftainess.
What would happen should there be no male members in
a given generation I cannot say, for there are no actual
cases of this on record; but the interim regency of a woman
seems by no means incompatible with the ideas of the
Trobrianders.

But, as we shall see later on (ch. v, sec. 4),

the privilege of polygamy is the foundation of a chief’s or
headman’s power, and women, of course, have no such
similar privilege of polyandry.
Many other social functions of rank are directly exer¬
cised by men alone, the women participating only in the
social prestige.

Thus ownership of canoes, for instance,

is vested in the headman—though all the villagers enjoy
definite rights in them—but his kinswomen only have

the benefit of the renown (butura), that is, the privilege
of talking in proprietary terms of the canoes and of boast¬
ing about them.1

Only in exceptional cases do they accom¬

pany their men-folk on oversea expeditions.

Again, all

sorts of rights, privileges, and activities connected with
the kulay a special system of exchange in valuables, are
the prerogatives of men.

The woman, whether the man’s

wife or sister, is only occasionally drawn personally into
the matter.

For the most part she but basks in reflected

glory and satisfaction.

In war, men have the field of

action entirely to themselves, though the women witness
all the preparations and preliminary ceremonies, and even
take an occasional peep at the battlefield itself.2
It is important to note that in this section, when com¬
paring the parts played by the sexes, we have had quite as
often to set the brother and sister side by side as the hus¬
band and wife.

Within the matrilineal order, the brother

and the sister are the naturally linked representatives of
the male and female principle respectively in all legal
and customary matters.

In the myths concerning the

origin of families, the brother and sister emerge together
from underground, through the original hole in the earth.
In family matters, the brother is the natural guardian and
head of his sister’s household, and of her children.

In

tribal usage, their respective duties and obligations are
strictly regulated, and these form, as we shall see, one of
1 These questions have been discussed in detail in Argonauts of the
Western Pacific, ch. iv, secs, iv and v, and ch. xi, sec. n. Cf. also ch. vi
of that book, and Crime and Custom.
2 For a full description of the kula, see Argonauts; fighting has been
described in the article on “War and Weapons Among the Natives of the
Trobriand Islands,” Man, 1920.

the main strands in the social fabric.

But in their personal

relations the strictest taboo divides brother from sister—

and prevents any sort of intimacy between them.1
As woman is debarred from the exercise of power, land
ownership, and many other public privileges, it follows
that she has no place at tribal gatherings and no voice
in such public deliberations as are held in connection with
gardening, fishing, hunting, oversea expeditions, war, cere¬
monial trade, festivities and dances.

On the other hand, there are certain ceremonial and
festive activities in connection with which women have
a great deal both to say and to do.

The most important

of these in solemnity and sanctity, as well as the most
imposing in display and extent, are the mortuary cere¬
monies.

In the tending of the corpse, the parade of grief,

the burial with its manifold rites and long series of cere¬
monial food distributions: in all these activities, which
begin immediately after the death of any important tribes¬
man and continue at intervals for months or even years
afterwards, women play a large part and have their own
definite duties to fulfil.

Certain women, standing in a

special relationship to the deceased, have to hold the corpse
on their knees, and fondle it 3 and while the corpse is
tended in the hut, another category of female relatives
performs a remarkable rite of mourning outside: a number

1 Cf. ch. xiii, sec. 6, and ch. xiv.

of them, some in couples facing each other and some
singly, move in a slow dance, forwards and backwards
across the central place, to the rhythm of the wailing dirge
(see pi. 11).

Asa rule, each of them carries in her hand

some object worn or possessed by the deceased.

Such

relics play a great part in mourning and are worn by the
women for a long time after their bereavement.

The

wrapping up of the corpse and the subsequent vigil over
the grave is the duty of yet another category of the dead
man’s womenkind.
Some functions of burial, notably the gruesome custom
of cutting up the corpse, are performed by men.

In the

long period of mourning which follows, the burden of the
dramatic expression of grief falls mostly on the women ;
a widow always mourns longer than a widower, a mother
longer than a father, a female relative longer than a male
of the same degree.

In the mortuary distributions of food

and wealth, based on the idea that the members of the
deceased’s sub-clan give payment to the other relatives for
their share in the mourning, women play a conspicuous
role, and conduct some parts of the ceremonial distribu¬
tions themselves (see pi. 12).
I have barely touched on the mortuary ceremonies, as
we shall have to return to them presently (ch. vi, secs.
3 and 4), but I have said enough to show how large a
share women take in this class of religious or ceremonial
display.

Some tribal ceremonies in which women alone

are active will be described in detail later, and it is only
necessary here to state briefly that in the long and com¬
plicated ceremonial of first pregnancy (ch. viii, secs. 1 and

2) and in the rites of beauty magic at festivities (ch. xi,
secs. 2-4) women are the main actors.

On certain occa¬

sions, such as first pregnancy ritual and the first appear¬
ance after childbirth, as well as at big tribal dances and
kayasa (competitive displays), women appear in full dress
and decoration (pi. 13), which correspond to the men’s
full festive attire (as seen on pis. 14 and 79).
An interesting incident occurs during the milamala, the
annual season of dancing and feasting held after the
harvest.

This period is inaugurated by a ceremony, the

principal aim of which is to break the taboo on drums.
In this initial feast there is a distribution of food, and the
men, adorned in full dancing attire, range themselves for
the performance, the drummers and the singers in the
centre of a ring formed by the decorated dancers.

As in

a normal dance, standing in the central place, the singers
intone a chant, the dancers begin to move slowly and the
drummers to beat time.

But they are not allowed to

proceed: almost at the first throb of the drums, there
breaks forth from inside the huts the wailing of those
women who are still in mourning} from behind the inner
row of houses, a crowd of shrieking, agitated female
figures rush out and attack the dancers, beat them with
sticks, and throw coconuts, stones, and pieces of wood at
them.

The men are not bound by custom to display too

considerable courage and in a trice the drummers, who
had so solemnly initiated the performance, have entirely
disappeared} and the village lies empty, for the women
pursue the fugitives.

But the taboo is broken and, on the

pare plate 33.

Com¬
[Ch. II, 2; also ch. VI, 3]

Held at Oburaku after the death of Ineykoya.

Distribution of Skirts in Mortuary Ritual

afternoon of the same day, the first undisturbed dance of
the festivities is held.
In full dress dancing (see pis. 14, 58, 65, 73, 82), it
is mainly the men who display their beauty and skill.

In

some dances, such as those performed in a quick tempo
with carved dancing boards or with bunches of streamers
or in conventionalized imitation of animals, men alone
may participate (pis. 65, 73, 82).

Only in one tradi¬

tional type of dance, for which men put on the fibre pet¬
ticoats of the female (see pis. 3, 58), are women not
debarred by custom from participation.

But though I

witnessed scores of performances of this type, I only once
saw a womanly actually dance, and she was of the very
highest rank.

As passive witnesses and admirers, how¬

ever, women form a very important adjunct to this form
of display.
There are many other long, continuous periods of
amusement in the Trobriands besides the dancing season,
and in these women take a more active share.

The nature

of the amusement is fixed in advance, and has to remain
the same during the whole period.

There are different

kinds of kayasa, as these entertainments are called (see
ch. ix, secs. 2-4).

There is a kayasa in which, evening

after evening, groups of women, festively adorned, sit on
mats and singj in another, men and women, wearing
wreaths and garlands of flowers, exchange such ornaments
with each other 5 or a kayasa is announced, the main theme
of which is a general daily display of a certain type of
ornament.

Sometimes the members of a community pre¬

pare small toy sailing canoes and hold a miniature regatta

daily on shallow water.
erotic pastimes.

There can be also a kayasa of

Some of these entertainments are exclu¬

sively feminine (singing and certain ornaments); in others
both sexes participate (flowers, erotics, and hair decora¬
tion) ; in others only men (the toy canoes).
In all the public festivals and entertainments, whether
women take an active part or no, they are never excluded
from looking on or freely mixing with the menj and this
they do on terms of perfect equality, exchanging banter
and jokes with them and engaging in easy conversation.

woman’s share

in

magic

One aspect of public life is very important to the
Trobriander and stands apart as something peculiar and
specific.

The native sets on one side a certain category

of facts, one type of human behaviour, and designates
these by the word megwa} which may be quite adequately
translated as “magic.” \_Magic is very intimately associated
with economic life and indeed with every vital concern; it
is also an instrument of power and an index of the im¬
portance of those who practise it.

The position of women

in magic deserves therefore very special consideration?)
Magic constitutes a particular aspect of reality.

In all

important activities and enterprises in which man has not
the issue firmly and safely in hand, magic is deemed
indispensable.

Thus appeal is made to it in gardening

and fishing, in building a large canoe, and in diving for
valuable shell, in the regulation of wind and weather, in

war, in matters of love and personal attraction, in secur¬
ing safety at sea and the success of any great enterprise}
and, last but not least, in health and for the infliction of
ailments upon an enemy.

Success and safety in all these

matters is largely and sometimes entirely dependent upon
magic, and can be controlled by its proper application.
Fortune or failure, dearth or plenty, health or disease are
felt and believed to be mainly due to the right magic
rightly applied in the right circumstances.
Magic consists of spells and rites performed by a man
who is entitled by the fulfilment of several conditions to
perform them.

Magical power resides primarily in the

words of the formula, and the function of the rite, which
is as a rule very simple, is mainly to convey the magician’s
breath, charged with the power of the words, to the
object or person to be affected.

All magical spells are

believed to have descended unchanged from time imme¬
morial, from the beginning of things.
This last point has its sociological corollary; several
systems of magic are hereditary, each in a special sub¬
clan, and such a system has been possessed by that sub-clan
since the time it came out from underground.

It can only

be performed by a member, and is, of course, one of the
valued attributes and possessions of the sub-clan itself.
It is handed on in the female line, though usually, as with
other forms of power and possession, it is exercised by
men alone.

But in a few cases such hereditary magic can

also be practised by women.
The power given by magic to its performer is not due
merely to the effects of its specific influence.
4i

In the most

important types of magic the rites are intimately inter¬
woven with the activities which they accompany and are
not merely superimposed upon them.

Thus, in garden

magic, the officiator plays an economically and socially
important role and is the organizer and director of the
work.

It is the same in the building of a canoe and its

magic, and in the rites associated with the conduct of an
oversea expedition: the man who technically directs and is
the leader of the enterprise has also the duty or privilege
of performing the magic.1

Both functions, the directive

and the magical, are indivisibly united in the same person.
In other types of magic, which are placed by the natives
in the category of bulubwalata (black magic)—and this
comprises all sorcery and, among others, the charms for
drought or rain—the practitioner has an immense and
direct influence over other tribesmen.

Magic is indeed

by far the most efficient and frequently used instrument
of power.
As magic is so intimately bound up with the activity
which it accompanies, it is clear that, in certain types of
occupation, the division of functions between the sexes
will involve a corresponding division in magical per¬
formance.

Those types of work which customarily only

men perform will demand a man as officiating magician;
where women are occupied with their own business, the
magician must be female.

Thus, looking at the table

given below, we see that in fishing and hunting, as well
as in wood carving, activities in which no woman ever
participates, magic is exclusively practised by men.

War

1 Cf. Argonauts of the Western Pacific, esp. chs. iv, v, vii, and xvii.

magic, too, which is now in abeyance, was an hereditary
system of spells and rites always practised by a man of a
certain sub-clan.

The long and complex series of spells

which accompany the building of a sea-going canoe can
never be made by a v/oman, and, as no woman ever goes
on a ceremonial overseas expedition, the magic of safety
and of kula which then has to be performed can only be
done by a man.
Division of Magic Between the Sexes

Male

Female

Mixed

Public garden magic
(To’wosi)
Fishing
Hunting
Canoe building
Magic of kula
(M’wasila)
Weather (sun and
rain)
Wind
War magic (Boma)
Safety at sea
(Kayga’u)
Wood carving (Kabi-

Rites of first preg¬
nancy
Skirt making
Prevention of dangers
at birth
Toothache
Elephantiasis, swell¬
ings
Affections of the geni¬
tals with discharge
(Gonorrhoea ?)
Abortion
Female witchcraft
(Yoyova or Muluk-

Beauty magic
Love magic
Private garden magic

tam)

<wausi)

Sorcery (Bwaga’u)

Again there are some important types of magic which
are obviously adapted to female hands and lips, for they
are attached to activities or functions which by their nature
or by social convention exclude the presence of men.

Such

is the magic associated with the ceremony of first preg¬
nancy (see ch. viii, secs, i and 2)} the magic of the expert
which gives skill in the manufacture of fibre petticoats}
and the magic of abortion.
There are, however, mixed spheres of activity and in43

fluence, such as gardening or love-making, the control of
the weather or human health, where at first glance there
appears to be no association with one sex rather than the
other.

Yet garden magic is invariably a man’s concern

and women never perform the important public rites,
most scrupulously observed and highly valued by the
natives, which are carried out by the village magician over
the gardens of the whole community.1 Even those phases
of gardening, such as weeding, which are undertaken ex¬
clusively by women, have to be inaugurated by the male
garden magician in an official ceremony.

Wind, sunshine,

and rain are also controlled entirely by male hands and
mouths.
In certain mixed activities a man or a woman can equally
well perform the required magic, and some minor rites
of private garden magic, used by each individual for his
or her own benefit, can be carried out indiscriminately by
men or women.

There is the magic of love and beauty,

of which the spells are recited by anyone who suffers from
unrequited love or needs to enhance his or her personal
charm.

Again, on certain occasions, such, for instance,

as the big tribal festivals, the spells of beauty are publicly
recited by women over men (ch. xi, sec. 3), and, at other
times, men apply a form of beauty magic to their own
persons and ornaments.2
The most definite allocation of magical powers to one
1.In the Amphlett Islands, on the other hand, garden magic is made
mainly if not exclusively by women. Among the natives of Dobu Island
and on the north-eastern shores of Dawson Straits in the d’Entrecasteaux
Archipelago, women also play a preponderating role in garden magic.
Cf. Argonauts of the Western Pacific, ch. xiii, sec. i.

or other of the sexes is to be found in the dark and
dreaded forces of sorcery: those forces which most pro¬
foundly affect human hope and happiness.

The magic

of illness and health, which can poison life or restore its
natural sweetness, and which holds death as it were for
its last card, can be made by men and women alike 3 but
its character changes entirely with the sex of the prac¬
titioner.

Man and woman have each their own sorcery,

carried on by means of different rites and formulae, acting
in a different manner on the victim’s body and surrounded
by an altogether different atmosphere of belief.

Male

sorcery is much more concrete, and its methods can be
stated clearly, almost as a rational system.

The sorcerer’s

supernatural equipment is restricted to his power of van¬
ishing at will, of emitting a shining glow from his person,
and of having accomplices among the nocturnal birds.
Extremely poor means of supernatural action if we com¬
pare them with the achievements of a witch!
A witch—and be it remembered that she is always a real
woman and not a spiritual or non-human being

goes out

on her nightly errand in the form of an invisible double;
she can fly through the air and appears as a falling star;
she assumes at will the shape of a fire-fly, of a night bird
or of a flying-fox; she can hear and smell at enormous
distances; she is endowed with sarcophagous propensities,
and feeds on corpses.
The disease which witches cause is almost incurable and
extremely rapid in its action, killing, as a rule, immedi¬
ately.

It is inflicted by the removal of the victim’s inside,

which the woman presently consumes.

The wizard, on

the other hand, never partakes of his victim’s flesh, his
power is much less effective, he must proceed slowly, and
the best he can hope for is to inflict a lingering disease,
which may, with good luck, kill after months or years of
steady labour.

Even then another sorcerer can be hired

to counteract his work and restore the patient.

But there

is little chance of combating a witch, even if the help of
another witch be sought immediately.
A witch, when she is not old, is no less desirable sex¬
ually than other women.

Indeed, she is surrounded by

a halo of glory due to her personal power, and usually
she has also that strong individuality which seems to ac¬
company the reputation for witchcraft.

The attraction

which a marriageable young witch has for the other sex
need not be altogether disinterested, for witchcraft is
occasionally a source of income and of personal influence
in which it is pleasant to have a share.

But the profes¬

sion of witch, unlike that of sorcerer, is not exercised
openlyj a witch may receive payment for healing, but
she never undertakes to kill for a fee.

In this again she

differs from the sorcerer who derives the greater part of
his income from black rather than from curative practice.
Indeed, even when a woman is generally known to be a
witch, she is never supposed to admit it explicitly, even
to her husband.
Witchcraft is inherited from mother to daughter, and
an early initiation has to take place.

In later life, the

art of female necromancy is sometimes further enhanced
by less reputable means.

Some women are said to have

sexual relations with non-human, highly malignant beings

Decorated Women

[Ch. II, 2]

Men in Full Festive Attire

called tauva’u who bring epidemics and various evils
upon the people (see ch. xii, sec. 4).

By them they are

further instructed in the art of harming, and such women
are greatly feared.

Several of my personal acquaintance

were definitely pointed out as having a leman from the
sphere of tauva’u, notably the wife of the headman of
Obweria, a very intelligent and enterprising character,
who is seen, as the main performer, on plates 77 and 78.
From the point of view of the investigating sociologist,
the most important difference between male and female
sorcery lies in the fact that the wizard actually carries on
his trade, while the witch’s activity exists only in folk¬
lore and in the imagination of the native.

That is to say,

a sorcerer actually knows the magic of his trade; when
called upon he will utter it over the proper substances;
will go out at night to waylay his victim or visit him in
his hut; and in certain cases, I suspect, may even admin¬
ister poison.

The witch, on the other hand, however

much she may be believed to play the part of a yoyoya,
does not—needless to say—really fly or abstract the in¬
sides of people, and she knows no spells or rites, since
this type of female magic lives merely in legend and
fiction.
There are a number of minor ailments, among them
toothache, certain tumours, swelling of the testicles and
genital discharge (gonorrhoea?), which woman can inflict
on man by means of magic.

Toothache is exclusively a

female specialty, and one woman will be called in to
cure it when some other has caused it.

A witch can pro¬

duce it through her magical power over a small beetle

called kimy which is very similar to the one which makes
holes in taro.

The resemblance between dental caries and

the cavities bored by the beetle in taro is a sufficient proof
that similar effects have been produced by similar causes.
But some of my informants had actually seen the small
black scarab fall out of a man’s mouth while a woman was
performing the curative formula.
There are, as we have seen, forms of hereditary magic •
which can be carried on only by male members of a sub¬
clan, or, exceptionally, by the son of such a member.
(And in the latter case he has to relinquish it at his fa¬
ther’s death.)

Now, if the males of a certain generation

were to die out, a woman could learn such magic, though
she would not be allowed to practise it, and when she
bore a male heir to her sub-clan, would teach him the
formula for his future use. Thus woman can tide over
the gap of one generation, carrying in her memory a sys¬
tem of garden magic, or weather and wind charms, or
spells for fishing, hunting, canoe building, and oversea
trade.

She can even preserve a system of war magic,

but she must never learn the formula of masculine sor¬
cery, which is strictly taboo to the female sex.

Nor is

there any necessity for her to do so, since this magic is
never strictly hereditary within a sub-clan.
Thus we see that the strong tribal position of women
is also buttressed by their right to exercise magic—that
toughest and least destructible substance of belief.
And now, in order to summarize briefly the results of
this chapter and the previous one, let us imagine that we

are taking a bird’s-eye view of a native village, and are
trying to form a compound moving picture of the life of
the community.

Casting our glance over the central

place, the street, and the surrounding grove and garden
land, we see them peopled by men and women mixing
freely and on terms of equality.

Sometimes they go to¬

gether to work in the garden, or to collect food-stuffs in
the jungle or on the sea-shore.

Or else they separate,

each sex forming a group of workers engaged in some
special activity, and performing it efficiently and with
interest.

Men predominate on the central place, discuss¬

ing, perhaps, in a communal gathering the prospects of
the garden, or preparing for an oversea expedition or
for some ceremony.

The street is peopled by women,

busying themselves with household work, and there the
men will presently join them, helping them to amuse
the children or in some domestic task.

We can hear the

women scold their husbands, usually in a very goodnatured manner.
Let us suppose our attention to be drawn to some sin¬
gular event, to a death, a tribal squabble, a division of
inherited wealth, or to some ceremony.

We watch it

with understanding eyes, and see, side by side, the work¬
ings of tribal law and custom, and the play of personal
passion and interest.

We see the influence of matrilineal

principles, the working of paternal rule, usages of tribal
authority, and the results of totemic division in the clans
and sub-clans.

In all this there is a balance between the

influence of male and female, the man wields the power
while the woman determines its distribution.

Or perhaps the central place is thronged by a mixed
gathering, gay with festive dress and decorations. Women
move with a soft swaying motion in their holiday attire,
coquettishly aware of the lines of their bodies and the
elegant swish-swish of their full, crimson, purple, and
golden skirts.

The men are more soberly dressed, and

affect a stiff, immovable dignity.

They move very little,

unless they are among the performers in the dance or
other festive function.

These last are covered gorgeously

with ornaments, and are instinct with life and motion.
The performance starts; it is carried on sometimes by
men only, and sometimes by women.

As it progresses,

later in the afternoon or in the evening, the young men
and women begin to show some interest in each other:
here and there snatches of conversation, bursts of laugh¬
ter and giggling can be heard.

Nothing in the slightest

degree obscene, indecent, or sexually improper can be
observed in their behaviour, though their vocabulary is
by no means prim.

But, since we understand this com¬

munity, we know that assignations are being made and
intrigues inaugurated.

Thus we are led up to the closer

study of the erotic phase of native lifej and we now
proceed to a systematic description of this subject.
Chapter 3
The Trobrianders are very free and easy in their sexual
relations.

To a superficial observer it might indeed ap¬

pear that they are entirely untrammelled in these.

This,

however, is not the case; for their liberty has certain
very well-defined limits.

The best way of showing this

will be to give a consecutive account of the various stages
through which a man and a woman pass from childhood
to maturity—a sort of sexual life-history of a representa¬
tive couple.
We shall have first to consider their earliest years, for
these natives begin their acquaintance with sex at a very
tender age.

The unregulated and, as it were, capricious

intercourse of these early years becomes systematized in
adolescence into more or less stable intrigues, which later
on develop into permanent liaisons. Connected with these
latter stages of sexual life, there exists in the Trobriand
Islands an extremely interesting institution, the bachelors’
and unmarried girls’ house, called by the natives bukumatula; it is of considerable importance, as it is one of
those arrangements sanctioned by custom which might
appear on the surface to be a form of “group-marriage.”
5i

I

Children in the Trobriand Islands enjoy considerable
freedom and independence. They soon become emanci¬
pated from a parental tutelage which has never been
very strict. Some of them obey their parents willingly,
but this is entirely a matter of the personal character of
both parties: there is no idea of a regular discipline, no
system of domestic coercion. Often as I sat among them,
observing some family incident or listening to a quarrel
between parent and child, I would hear a youngster told
to do this or that, and generally the thing, whatever it
was, would be asked as a favour, though sometimes the
request might be backed up by a threat of violence. The
parents would either coax or scold or ask as from one
equal to another. A simple command, implying the ex¬
pectation of natural obedience, is never heard from
parent to child in the Trobriands.
People will sometimes grow angry with their children
and beat them in an outburst of ragej but I have quite
as often seen a child rush furiously at his parent and
strike him. This attack might be received with a goodnatured smile, or the blow might be angrily returned}
but the idea of definite retribution, or of coercive pun¬
ishment, is not only foreign, but distinctly repugnant to
the native. Several times, when I suggested, after some
flagrant infantile misdeed, that it would mend matters
for the future if the child were beaten or otherwise pun52

ished in cold blood, the idea appeared unnatural and im¬
moral to my friends, and was rejected with some re¬
sentment.
Such freedom gives scope for the formation of the
children’s own little community, an independent group,
into which they drop naturally from the age of four or
five and continue till puberty.

As the mood prompts

them, they remain with their parents during the day, or
else join their playmates for a time in their small republic
(see pis. 15, 16, and 17).

And this community within a

community acts very much as its own members determine,
standing often in a sort of collective opposition to its
elders.

If the children make up their minds to do a cer¬

tain thing, to go for a day’s expedition, for instance, the
grown-ups and even the chief himself, as I often ob¬
served, will not be able to stop them.

In my ethno¬

graphic work I was able and was indeed forced to collect
my information about children and their concerns directly
from them.

Their spiritual ownership in games and

childish activities was acknowledged, and they were also
quite capable of instructing me and explaining the in¬
tricacies of their play or enterprise (see pi. 15).
Small children begin also to understand and to defer
to tribal tradition and custom 5 to those restrictions which
have the character of a taboo or of a definite command
of tribal law, or usage or propriety.1
1 The processes by which respect for tribal taboo and tradition is in¬
stilled in the child are described throughout.this book, especially in ch.
xiii.
Custom must not be personified nor is its authority absolute or
autonomous, but it is derived from specific social and psychological mech¬
anisms.

Cf. my Crime and Custom, 1926.

The child’s freedom and independence extend also to
sexual matters.

To begin with, children hear of and

witness much in the sexual life of their elders.

Within

the house, where the parents have no possibility of find¬
ing privacy, a child has opportunities of acquiring prac¬
tical information concerning the sexual act.

I was told

that no special precautions are taken to prevent children
from witnessing their parents’ sexual enjoyment.

The

child would merely be scolded and told to cover its head
with a mat.

I sometimes heard a little boy or girl praised

in these terms: “Good child, he never tells what happens
between his parents.”

Young children are allowed to

listen to baldly sexual talk, and they understand per¬
fectly well what is being discussed.

They are also

themselves tolerably expert in swearing and the use of
obscene language.

Because of their early mental develop¬

ment some quite tiny children are able to make smutty
jokes, and these their elders will greet with laughter.
Small girls follow their fathers on fishing expeditions,
during which the men remove their pubic leaf.

Naked¬

ness under these conditions is regarded as natural, since
it is necessary.

There is no lubricity or ribaldry asso¬

ciated with it.

Once, when I was engaged in the discus¬

sion of an obscene subject, a little girl, the daughter of
one of my informants, joined our group.
father to tell her to go away.

I asked the

“Oh, no,” he answered,

“she is a good girl, she never repeats to her mother any¬
thing that is said among men.

When we take her fish¬

ing with us we need not be ashamed.

Another girl would

describe the details of our nakedness to her companions

Children Showing a Game to the Ethnographer

Sometimes in the course of an ethnographic demon¬
stration a general discussion breaks out, which is
easier to “snap” than to take down in notes.

or her mothers.1

Then these will chaff us and repeat

what they have heard about us.
says a word.”

This little girl never

The other men present enthusiastically

assented, and developed the theme of the girl’s discre¬
tion.

But a boy is much less in contact with his mother

in such matters, for here, between maternal relations,
that is, for the natives, between real kindred, the taboo
of incest begins to act at an early age, and the boy is re¬
moved from any intimate contact of this sort with his
mother and above all with his sisters.
There are plenty of opportunities for both boys and
girls to receive instruction in erotic matters from their
companions.

The children initiate each other into the

mysteries of sexual life in a directly practical manner at
a very early age.

A premature amorous existence begins

among them long before they are able really to carry
out the act of sex.

They indulge in plays and pastimes

in which they satisfy their curiosity concerning the ap¬
pearance and function of the organs of generation, and
incidentally receive, it would seem, a certain amount of
positive pleasure.

Genital manipulation and such minor

perversions as oral stimulation of the organs are typical
forms of this amusement.

Small boys and girls are said

to be frequently initiated by their somewhat older com¬
panions, who allow them to witness their own amorous
dalliance.

As they are untrammelled by the authority of

their elders and unrestrained by any moral code, except
that of specific tribal taboo, there is nothing but their de1 That is, “classificatory mothers,” mother, maternal aunts, etc.
xiii, secs. 5 and 6.

Cf. ch.

gree of curiosity, of ripeness, and of “temperament” or
sensuality, to determine how much or how little they
shall indulge in sexual pastimes.
The attitude of the grown-ups and even of the parents
towards such infantile indulgence is either that of com¬
plete indifference or that of complacency—they find it
natural, and do not see why they should scold or interfere.
Usually they show a kind of tolerant and amused inter¬
est, and discuss the love affairs of their children with
easy jocularity.

I often heard some such benevolent gos¬

sip as this: “So-and-so (a little girl) has already had
intercourse with So-and-so (a little boy).5’

And if such

were the case, it would be added that it was her first
experience.

An exchange of lovers, or some small love

drama in the little world would be half-seriously, halfjokingly discussed.

The infantile sexual act, or its sub¬

stitute, is regarded as an innocent amusement.
their play to kayta (to have intercourse).

“It is

They give

each other a coconut, a small piece of betel-nut, a few
beads or some fruits from the bush, and then they go
and hide, and kayta”

But it is not considered proper for

the children to carry on their affairs in the house.

It has

always to be done in the bush.
The age at which a girl begins to amuse herself in this
manner is said to coincide with her putting on the small
fibre skirt, between, that is, the ages of four and five.
But this obviously can refer only to incomplete practices
and not to the real act.

Some of my informants insisted

that such small female children actually have intercourse
with penetration.

Remembering, however, the Trobri56

ander’s very strong tendency to exaggerate in the direc¬
tion of the grotesque, a tendency not altogether devoid
of a certain malicious Rabelaisian humour, I am inclined
to discount those statements of my authorities.

If we

place the beginning of real sexual life at the age of six
to eight in the case of girls, and ten to twelve in the case
of boys, we shall probably not be erring very greatly in
either direction.

And from these times sexuality will

gradually assume a greater and greater importance as life
goes on, until it abates in the course of nature.
Sexual, or at least sensuous, pleasure constitutes if not
the basis of, at least an element in, many of the children’s
pastimes.

Some of them do not, of course, provide any

sexual excitement at all, as for instance those in imitation
of the grown-up economic and ceremonial activities (see
pi. 17), or games of skill or childish athletics} but all
sorts of round games, which are played by the children
of both sexes on the central place of the village, have a
more or less strongly marked flavour of sex, though the
outlets they furnish are indirect and only accessible to the
elder youths and maidens, who also join in them.

In¬

deed, we shall have to return later (chs. ix and xi) to a
consideration of sex in certain games, songs, and stories,
for as the sexual association becomes more subtle and
indirect it appeals more and more to older people alone
and has, therefore, to be examined in the contexts of later
life.
There are, however, some specific games in which the
older children never participate, and into which sex di¬
rectly enters.

The little ones sometimes play, for in57

stance, at house-building, and at family life.

A small

hut of sticks and boughs is constructed in a secluded part
of the jungle, and a couple or more repair thither and
play at husband and wife, prepare food and carry out or
imitate as best they can the act of sex.

Or else a band

of them, in imitation of the amorous expeditions of their
elders, carry food to some favourite spot on the sea-shore
or in the coral ridge, cook and eat vegetables there, and
“when they are full of food, the boys sometimes fight
with each other, or sometimes kayta (copulate) with the
girls.”

When the fruit ripens on certain wild trees in the

jungle they go in parties to pick it, to exchange presents,
make kula (ceremonial exchange) of the fruit, and en¬
gage in erotic pastimes.1
Thus it will be seen that they have a tendency to pal¬
liate the crudity of their sexual interest and indulgence
by associating it with something more poetic.

Indeed, the

Trobriand children show a great sense of the singular and
romantic in their games.

For instance, if a part of the

jungle or village has been flooded by rain, they go and
sail their small canoes on this new water j or if a very
strong sea has thrown up some interesting flotsam, they
proceed to the beach and inaugurate some imaginative
game around it.

The little boys, too, search for unusual

animals, insects, or flowers, and give them to the little
girls, thus lending a redeeming esthetic touch to their
premature eroticisms.
In spite of the importance of the sexual motive in the
iFor a description of thj real kula, cf. Argonauts of the Western

life of the youngest generation, it must be kept in mind
that the separation of the sexes, in many matters, obtains
also among children.

Small girls can very often be seen

playing or wandering in independent parties by them¬
selves.

Little boys in certain moods—and these seem

their more usual ones—scorn the society of the female
and amuse themselves alone (pi. 17).

Thus the small

republic falls into two distinct groups which are perhaps
to be seen more often apart than together; and, though
they frequently unite in play, this need by no means be
necessarily sensuous.
It is important to note that there is no interference by
older persons in the sexual life of children.

On rare

occasions some old man or woman is suspected of taking
a strong sexual interest in the children, and even of hav¬
ing intercourse with some of them.

But I never found

such suspicions supported even by a general consensus of
opinion, and it was always considered both improper and
silly for an older man or woman to have sexual dealings
with a child.

There is certainly no trace of any custom

of ceremonial defloration by old men, or even by men
belonging to an older age class.
AGE

I have just used the expression “age class,” but I did
so in a broad sense only: for there are no sharply distin¬
guished age grades or classes among the Trobriand na¬
tives.

The following table of age designations only

roughly indicates the stages of their life; for these stages
in practice merge into one another.
Designations of Age

W ay way a (foetus; infant till the age of
crawling, both male and female)
2. Pwapwawa (infant, till the stage of walk¬
ing, male or female)
3. Gwadi (child, till puberty, male or female)
4. M onagwadi (male
4. Inagwadi (female
child)
child)
1.

5. To’ulatile
(youth
from
puberty
till
marriage)
6.

Tobubowa’u

(ma¬

ture man)
6a. Tovavaygile (mar¬
ried man)
7. Tomway a (old
man)
7«. Toboma (old
honoured man)

I.

Stage:
Gwadi—
Word
used
as
a
generic designation
for all these stages
1-4, meaning child,
male or female, at
any
time
between
birth and maturity

5. Nakapugula or

N akubukwabuy a
(girl from puberty
till marriage)
6. Nabubowa’u (ripe
woman)
6a. N avavaygile
(married woman)
7. Numwaya (old
woman)

II. Stage: Generic
designations— Ta’u
(man), Vivila
(woman)

III. Stage: Old

age

The terms used in this table will be found to overlap
in some instances.

Thus a very small infant may be re¬

ferred to as waywaya or pwapwawa indiscriminately, but
only the former term as a rule would be used in speaking
of a foetus or referring to the pre-incarnated children
from Tuma.1

Again, you might call a few months old

child either gwadi or pwapwawa, but the latter term
would be but seldom used except for a very small baby.
The term gwadi moreover can be used generically, as
“child” in English, to denote anything from a foetus to
a young boy or girl.

Thus, it will be seen that two terms

may encroach on each other’s field of meaning, but only
1 Cf. ch. vii, sec. 2.

if they be consecutive.

The terms with sex prefixes (4)

are normally used only of elder children who may be dis¬
tinguished by their dress.
There are, besides these more specific subdivisions, the
three main distinctions of age, between the ripe man and
woman in the full vigour of life and the two stages—
those of childhood and of old age—which limit man¬
hood and womanhood on either side.

The second main

stage is divided into two parts, mainly by the fact of mar¬
riage.

Thus, the words under (5) primarily designate

unmarried people and to that extent are opposed to (6a),
but they also imply youthfulness or unripeness, and in
that respect are opposed to (6).
The male term for old age, tomway a (7) can also de¬
note rank or importance.

I myself was often so ad¬

dressed, but I was not flattered, and much preferred to
be called toboma (literally “the tabooed man”), a name
given to old men of rank, but stressing the latter attribute
rather than the former.

Curiously enough, the compli¬

ment or distinction implied in the word tomway a be¬
comes much weaker, and almost disappears in its feminine
equivalent.

Numwaya conveys that tinge of scorn or

ridicule inseparable from “old woman” in so many lan¬
guages.

THE

OF

When a boy reaches the age of from twelve to four¬
teen years, and attains that physical vigour which comes
with sexual maturity, and when, above all, his increased

strength and mental ripeness allow him to take part,
though still in a somewhat limited and fitful manner, in
some of the economic activities of his elders, he ceases to
be regarded as a child (gwadi), and assumes the position
of adolescent (ulatile or to’ulatile).

At the same time

he receives a different status, involving some duties and
many privileges, a stricter observance of taboos, and a
greater participation in tribal affairs.

He has already

donned the pubic leaf for some time; now he becomes
more careful in his wearing of it, and more interested in
its appearance.

The girl emerges from childhood into

adolescence through the obvious bodily changes: “her
breasts are round and full; her bodily hair begins to
grow; her menses flow and ebb with every moon,” as the
natives put it.

She also has no new change in her attire

to make, for she has much earlier assumed her fibre skirt,
but now her interest in it from the two points of view of
elegance and decorum is greatly increased.
At this stage a partial break-up of the family takes
place.

Brothers and sisters must be segregated in obedi¬

ence to that stringent taboo which plays such an important
part in tribal life.1

The elder children, especially the

males, have to leave the house, so as not to hamper by
their embarrassing presence the sexual life of their par¬
ents.

This partial disintegration of the family group is

effected by the boy moving to a house tenanted by bach¬
elors or by elderly widowed male relatives or friends.
Such a house is called bukumatula, and in the next section
we shall become acquainted with the details of its arrange1 Cf. ch. xiii, 6, and ch. xiv.

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ment.

The girl sometimes goes to the house of an elderly

widowed maternal aunt or other relative.
As the boy or girl enters upon adolescence the nature
of his or her sexual activity becomes more serious.

It

ceases to be mere child’s play and assumes a prominent
place among life’s interests. What was before an unstable
relation culminating in an exchange of erotic manipula¬
tion or an immature sexual act becomes now an absorbing
passion, and a matter for serious endeavour.

An adoles¬

cent gets definitely attached to a given person, wishes to
possess her, works purposefully towards this goal, plans
to reach the fulfilment of his desires by magical and other
means, and finally rejoices-in achievement.

I have seen

young people of this age grow positively miserable
through ill-success in love.

This stage, in fact, differs

from the one before in that personal preference has now
come into play and with it a tendency towards a greater
permanence in intrigue.

The boy develops a desire to

retain the fidelity and exclusive affection of the loved
one, at least for a time.

But this tendency is not asso¬

ciated so far with any idea of settling down to one exclu¬
sive relationship, nor do adolescents yet begin to think of
marriage.

A boy or girl wishes to pass through many

more experiences; he or she still enjoys the prospect of
complete freedom and has no desire to accept obligations.
Though pleased to imagine that his partner is faithful,
the youthful lover does not feel obliged to reciprocate
this fidelity.
We have seen in the previous section that a group of
children forming a sort of small republic within the com-

munity is conspicuous in every village.

Adolescence fur¬

nishes the community with another small group, of
youths and girls.

At this stage, however, though the

boys and girls are much more bound up in each other as
regards amorous interests, they but rarely mix in public
or in the daytime.

The group is really broken up into

two, according to sex (pis. 18 and 19; see also pis. 59
and 61).

To this division there correspond two words,

to’ulatile and nakubukwabuy a, there being no one expres¬
sion—such as there is to describe the younger age group,
gugwadiy children—to define the adolescent youth of
both sexes.
The natives take an evident pride in this, “the flower
of the village,” as it might be called.
mention that

They frequently

“all the to’ulatile and nakubukwabuy a

(youths and girls)

of the village were there.”

In

speaking of some competitive game, or dance or sport,
they compare the looks or performance of their own
youths with those of some other village, and always to
the advantage of their own.

This group leads a happy,

free, arcadian existence, devoted to amusement and the
pursuit of pleasure.
Its members are so far not claimed by any serious du¬
ties, yet their greater physical strength and ripeness give
them more independence and a wider scope of action than
they had as children.

The adolescent boys participate,

but mainly as free-lances, in garden work (see pi. 19),
in the fishing and hunting and in oversea expeditions;
they get all the excitement and pleasure, as well as some
of the prestige, yet remain free from a great deal of the

drudgery and many of the restrictions which trammel and
weigh on their elders.

Many of the taboos are not yet

quite binding on them, the burden of magic has not yet
fallen on their shoulders.

If they grow tired of work,

they simply stop and rest.

The self-discipline of ambition

and subservience to traditional ideals, which moves all the
elder individuals and leaves them relatively little per¬
sonal freedom, has not yet quite drawn these boys into
the wheels of the social machine.

Girls, too, obtain a

certain amount of the enjoyment and excitement denied
to children by joining in some of the activities of their
elders, while still escaping the worst of the drudgery.
Young people of this age, besides conducting their
love affairs more seriously and intensely, widen and give
a greater variety to the setting of their amours.

Both

sexes arrange picnics and excursions ana thus their in¬
dulgence in intercourse becomes associated with an enjoy¬
ment of novel experiences and fine scenery.

They also

form sexual connections outside the village community
to which they belong.

Whenever there occurs in some

other locality one of the ceremonial occasions on which
custom permits of licence, thither they repair, usually in
bands either of boys or of girls, since on such occasions
opportunity of indulgence offers for one sex alone (see
ch. ix, esp. secs. 6 and 7).
It is necessary to add that the places used for lovemaking differ at this stage from those of the previous
one.

The small children carry on their sexual practices

surreptitiously in bush or grove as a part of their games,
using all sorts of makeshift arrangements to attain pri-

vacy, but the ulatile (adolescent) has either a couch of
his own in a bachelors’ house, or the use of a hut belong¬
ing to one of his unmarried relatives.

In a certain type

of yam-house, too, there is an empty closed-in space in
which boys sometimes arrange little “cosy-corners,” af¬
fording room for two.

In these, they make a bed of dry

leaves and mats, and thus obtain a comfortable gargonniere, where they can meet and spend a happy hour or
two with their loves.

Such arrangements are, of course,

necessary now that amorous intercourse has become a pas¬
sion instead of a game.
But a couple will not yet regularly cohabit in a bach¬
elors’ house {bukumatula), living together and sharing
the same bed night after night.

Both girl and boy prefer

to adopt more furtive and less conventionally binding
methods, to avoid lapsing into a permanent relationship
which might put unnecessary restraint upon their liberty
by becoming generally known.

That is why they usually

prefer a small nest in the sokzvaypa (covered yam-house),
or the temporary hospitality of a bachelors’ house.
We have seen that the youthful attachments between
boys and girls at this stage have ripened out of childish
games and intimacies.

All these young people have

grown up in close propinquity and with full knowledge
of each other.

Such early acquaintances take fire, as it

were, under the influence of certain entertainments, where
the intoxicating influence of music and moonlight, and
the changed mood and attire of all the participants, trans¬
figure the boy and girl in each other’s eyes.

Intimate

observation of the natives and their personal confidences

have convinced me that extraneous stimuli of this kind
play a great part in the love affairs of the Trobrianders.
Such opportunities of mutual transformation and escape
from the monotony of everyday life are afforded not
only by the many fixed seasons of festivity and permitted
licence, but also by that monthly increase in the people’s
pleasure-seeking mood which leads to many special pas¬
times at the full of the moon.1
Thus adolescence marks the transition between infan¬
tile and playful sexualities and those serious permanent
relations which precede marriage.

During this interme¬

diate period love becomes passionate and yet remains free.
As time goes on, and the boys and girls grow older,
their intrigues last longer, and their mutual ties tend to
become stronger and more permanent.

A personal pref¬

erence as a rule develops and begins definitely to over¬
shadow all other love affairs.

It may be based on true

sexual passion or else on an affinity of characters.

Prac¬

tical considerations become involved in it, and, sooner or
later, the man thinks of stabilizing one of his liaisons by
marriage.

In the ordinary course of events, every mar¬

riage is preceded by a more or less protracted period of
sexual life in common.

This is generally known and

spoken of, and is regarded as a public intimation of the
matrimonial projects of the pair.

It serves also as a test

of the strength of their attachment and extent of their
mutual compatibility.

This trial period also gives time

for the prospective bridegroom and for the woman’s
family to prepare economically for the event.
1 Cf. ch. ix.

Two people living together as permanent lovers are
described respectively as “his woman” {la vivila) and
“her man” {la tayu).

Or else a term, also used to de¬

scribe the friendship between two men, is applied to this
relationship (lubay-, with pronominal suffixes).

In order

to distinguish between a passing liaison and one which is
considered preliminary to marriage, they would say of
the female concerned in the latter: “la vivila mokita;
imisiya yambwata yambwata”—“his woman truly;
sleeps with her always always.”

he

In this locution the

sexual relationship between the two is denoted by the
verb “to sleep with” {imisiya'), the durative and iterative
form of masisi, to sleep.

The use of this verb also em¬

phasizes the lawfulness of the relation, for it is used in
talking of sexual intercourse between husband and wife,
or of such relations as the speaker wishes to discuss seri¬
ously and respectfully.

An approximate equivalent in

English would be the verb “cohabit.”

The natives have

two other words in distinction to this.

The verb kaylasiy

which implies an illicit element in the act, is used when
speaking of adultery or other forms of non-lawful inter¬
course.

Here the English word “fornicate” would come

nearest to rendering the native meaning.

When the na¬

tives wish to indicate the crude, physiological fact, they
use the word kayta, translatable, though pedantically, by
the verb “copulate with.”
The pre-matrimonial, lasting intrigue is based upon
and maintained by personal elements only.
legal obligation on either party.
and dissolve it as they like.

There is no

They may enter into

In fact, this relationship dif-

Boys in the Yam Garden

A Decorated Bachelor’s House

“« «
V.

1s

a

P3 >**

bfl «

fers from other liaisons only in its duration and stability.
Towards the end, when marriage actually approaches, the
element of personal responsibility and obligation becomes
stronger.

The two now regularly cohabit in the same

house, and a considerable degree of exclusiveness in sexual
matters is observed by them.

But they have not yet

given up their personal freedom; on the several occasions
of wider licence affianced couples are invariably separated
and each partner is “unfaithful” with his or her tempo¬
rary choice.

Even within the village, in the normal

course, the girl who is definitely going to marry a par¬
ticular boy will bestow favours on other men, though a
certain measure of decorum must be observed in this; if
she sleeps out too often, there will be possibly a dissolu¬
tion of the tie and certainly friction and disagreement.
Neither boy nor girl may go openly and flagrantly with
other partners on an amorous expedition.

Quite apart

from nocturnal cohabitation, the two are supposed to be
seen in each other’s company and to make a display of
their relationship in public.

Any deviation from the

exclusive liaison must be decent, that is to say, clandes¬
tine.

The relation of free engagement is the natural

outcome of a series of trial liaisons, and the appropriate
preliminary test of marriage.

THE

The most important feature of this mode of steering
towards marriage, through gradually lengthening and

strengthening intimacies, is an institution which might be
called “the limited bachelors’ house,” and which, indeed,
suggests at first sight the presence of a “group concu¬
binage.”

It is clear that in order to enable pairs of lovers

permanently to cohabit, some building is needed which
will afford them seclusion.

We have seen the makeshift

arrangements of children and the more comfortable, but
not yet permanent love-nests of adolescent boys and girls,
and it is obvious that the lasting liaisons of youth and
adult girls require some special institution, more defi¬
nitely established, more physically comfortable, and at
the same time having the approval of custom.
To meet this need, tribal custom and etiquette offer
accommodation and privacy in the form of the bukumatula, the bachelors’ and unmarried girls’ house of which
mention has already been made (see pis. 20 and 21).

In

this a limited number of couples, some two, three, or
four, live for longer or shorter periods together in a
temporary community.

It also and incidentally offers

shelter for younger couples if they want amorous pri¬
vacy for an hour or two.
We must now give some more detailed attention to
this institution, for it is extremely important and highly
significant from many points of view.

We must consider

the position of the houses in the village, their internal
arrangements and the manner in which life within the
bukumatula shapes itself.
In the description of the typical village in the Trobriands (ch. i, sec. 2), attention was drawn to its schematic
division into several parts.

This division expresses cer70

tain sociological rules and regularities. As we have seen,
there is a vague association between the central place and
the male life of the community j between the street and
feminine activities. Again, all the houses of the inner
row, which consists principally of storehouses (pis. io
and 82), are subject to certain taboos, especially to the
taboo of cooking, which is believed to be inimical to the
stored yam. The outer ring, on the other hand, consists
of household dwellings, and there cooking is allowed
(pis. 4 and 5). With this distinction is associated the
fact that all the establishments of married people have
to stand in the outer ring, whereas a bachelor’s house may
be allowed among the storehouses in the middle. The
inner row thus consists of yam-houses (bwayma), per¬
sonal huts of a chief and his kinsmen (lisiga) (pi. 1), and
bachelors’ houses {bukumatula). The outer ring is made
up of matrimonial homes (bulaviyaka), closed yam-houses
{sokwaypa), and widows’ or widowers’ houses (bwala
nakaka’u). The main distinction between the two rings
is the taboo on cooking. A young chief’s lisiga (personal
hut) is as a rule used also to accommodate other youths
and thus becomes a bukumatula with all that this implies
(pi. 20).
At present there are five bachelors’ establishments in
Omarakana, and four in the adjoining village of Kasana’i.
Their number has greatly diminished owing to missionary
influence. Indeed, for fear of being singled out, admon¬
ished and preached at, the owners of some bukumatula
now erect them in the outer ring, where they are less
conspicuous. Some ten years ago my informants could
7i

count as many as fifteen bachelors’ homes in both villages,
and my oldest acquaintances remember the time when
there were some thirty.

This dwindling in number is

due, of course, partly to the enormous decrease of popu¬
lation, and only partly to the fact that nowadays some
bachelors live with their parents, some in widowers’
houses, and some in the missionary compounds.

But

whatever the reason, it is needless to say that this state
of affairs does not enhance true sex morality.
The internal arrangements of a bukumatula are simple.
The furniture consists almost exclusively of bunks with
mat coverings.

Since the inmates lead their life in asso¬

ciation with other households in the day-time, and keep
all their working implements in other houses, the inside
of a typical bukumatula is strikingly bare.

It lacks the

feminine touch, the impression of being really inhabited.
In such an interior the older boys and their temporary
mistresses live together.

Each male owns his own bunk

and regularly uses it.

When a couple dissolve their

liaison, it is the girl who moves, as a rule, to find another
sleeping-place with another sweetheart.

The bukumatula

is, usually, owned by the group of boys who inhabit it,
one of them, the eldest, being its titular owner.

I was

told that sometimes a man would build a house as a
bukumatula for his daughter, and that in olden days
there used to be unmarried people’s houses owned and
tenanted by girls.
I never met, however, any actual
instance of such an arrangement.
At first sight, as I have said, the institution of the
bukumatula might appear as a sort of “Group Marriage”

or at least “Group Concubinage,” but analysis shows it
to be nothing of the kind.

Such wholesale terms are

always misleading, if we allow them to carry an extrane¬
ous implication.

To call this institution “Group Concu¬

binage” would lead to misunderstanding ; for it must be
remembered that we have to deal with a number of cou¬
ples who sleep in a common house, each in an exclusive
liaison, and not with a group of people all living promis¬
cuously together; there is never an exchange of partners,
nor any poaching nor “complaisance.”

In fact, a special

code of honour is observed within the bukumatula, which
makes an inmate much more careful to respect sexual
rights within the house than outside it. The word kaylasi,
indicating sexual trespass, would be used of one who of¬
fended against this code; and I was told that “a man
should not do it, because it is very bad, like adultery with
a friend’s wife.”
Within the bukumatula a strict decorum obtains.

The

inmates never indulge in orgiastic pastimes, and it is con¬
sidered bad form to watch another couple. during their
love-making.

I was told by my young friends that the

rule is either to wait till all the others are asleep, or else
for all the pairs of a house to undertake to pay no atten¬
tion to the rest.

I could find no trace of any “voyeur”

interest taken by the average boy, nor any tendency to
exhibitionism.

Indeed, when I was discussing the posi¬

tions and technique of the sexual act, the statement was
volunteered that there are specially unobtrusive ways of
doing it “so as not to wake up the other people in the
bukumatula.”

Of course, two lovers living together in a bukumatula
are not bound to each other by any ties valid in tribal
law or imposed by custom.

They forgather under the

spell of personal attraction, are kept together by sexual
passion or personal attachment, and part at will.

The

fact that in due course a permanent liaison often develops
out of a temporary one and ends in marriage is due to a
complexity of causes, which we shall consider later; but
even such a gradually strengthening liaison is not bind¬
ing until marriage is contracted. Bukumatula relation¬
ships, as such, impose no legal tie.
Another important point is that the pair’s community
of interest is limited to the sexual relation only.
couple share a bed and nothing else.

The

In the case of a per¬

manent liaison about to lead to marriage, they share it
regularly; but they never have meals together; there are
no services to be mutually rendered, they have no obli¬
gation to help each other in any way, there is, in short,
nothing which would constitute a common menage.

Only

seldom can a girl be seen in front of a bachelors’ house
as in plate 21, and this as a rule means that she is very
much at home there, that there has been a liaison of
long standing and that the two are going to be married
soon.

This must be clearly realized, since such words as

“liaison” and “concubinage,” in the European use, usually
imply a community of household goods and interests.

In

the French language, the expression vrvre en menage,
describing typical concubinage, implies a shared domestic
economy, and other phases of life in common, besides sex.
In Kiriwina this phrase could not be correctly applied to
a couple living together in the bukumatula.

[Ch. Ill, 4]

Girl in Front of “Bukumatala”
Scraping and fraying banana leaves for a grass skirt.

Kalogusa, the Chief’s Son

In the Trobriands two people about to be married must
never have a meal in common.

Such an act would greatly

shock the moral susceptibility of a native, as well as his
sense of propriety.

To take a girl out to dinner without

having previously married her—a thing permitted in Eu¬
rope—would be to disgrace her in the eyes of a Trobriander. We object to an unmarried girl sharing a man’s
bed—the Trobriander would object just as strongly to
her sharing his meal.

The boys never eat within, or in

front of, the bukumatula, but always join their parents
or other relatives at every meal.
The institution of the bukumatula is, therefore, char¬
acterized by: (i) individual appropriation, the partners
of each couple belonging exclusively to one another}
(2) strict decorum and absence of any orgiastic or las¬
civious display} (3) the lack of any legally binding ele¬
ment} (4) the exclusion of any other community of in¬
terest between a pair, save that of sexual cohabitation.
Having described the liaisons which lead directly to
marriage, we end our survey of the various stages of
sexual life previous to wedlock.

But we have not ex¬

hausted the subject—we have simply traced the normal
course of sexuality and that in its main outlines only.
We have yet to consider those licensed orgies to which
reference has already been made, to go more deeply into
the technique and psychology of love-making, to examine
certain sexual taboos, and to glance at erotic myth and
folk-lore. But before we deal with these subjects, it
will be best to carry our descriptive narrative to its logical
conclusion—marriage.
Chapter 4
The institution of marriage in the Trobriands, which is

the theme of this and the following chapter, does not
present on its surface any of those sensational features
which would endear it to the “survival” monger, the
“origin” hunter, and the dealer in “culture contacts.”
The natives of our Archipelago order their marriages as
simply and sensibly as if they were modern European
agnostics, without fuss, or ceremony, or waste of time
and substance.

The matrimonial knot, once tied, is firm

and exclusive, at least in the ideal of tribal law, morality,
and custom.

As usual, however, ordinary human frailties

play some havoc with the ideal.

The Trobriand mar¬

riage customs again are sadly lacking in any such interest¬
ing relaxations as jus prinue noctis, wife lending, wife
exchange, or obligatory prostitution.

The personal rela¬

tions between the two partners, while most illuminating
as an example of the matrilineal type of marriage, do not
present any of those “savage” features, so lurid, and at
the same time so attractive to the antiquarian.
If, however, we dig beneath the surface and lay bare
the deeper aspects of this institution, we shall find our¬
selves face to face with certain facts of considerable im¬
portance and of a somewhat unusual type.

We .shall see

that marriage imposes a permanent economic obligation

on the members of the wife’s family: for they have to
contribute substantially towards the maintenance of the
new household.

Instead of having to buy his wife, the

man receives a dowry, often relatively as tempting as
that of a modern European or American heiress.

This

fact makes marriage among the Trobrianders a pivot in
the constitution of tribal power, and in the whole eco¬
nomic system j a pivot, indeed, in almost every institution.
Moreover, as far as our ethnological records go, it sets
aside their marriage customs as unique among those of
savage communities.
Another feature of Trobriand marriage which is of
supreme importance to the sociologist is the custom of
infant betrothal.

This is associated with cross-cousin

marriage, and will be seen to have interesting implica¬
tions and consequences.
I

FOR

The gradual strengthening of the bonds between two
partners in a liaison, and the tendency to marry displayed
at a certain stage of their mutual life in the bukumatula,
have already been described in the foregoing chapter.
We have seen how a couple who have lived together for
a time and found that they want to marry, as it were
advertise this fact by sleeping together regularly, by
showing themselves together in public, and by remaining
with each other for long periods at a time.
Now this gradual ripening of the desire for marriage

requires a more minute consideration than we have yet
given it, especially as it is one of those general, seemingly
obvious questions which do not challenge attention.

Yet,

if in a closer sociological study we try to place it in its
proper perspective, and to bring it into harmony with
other features of native life, a real problem at once be¬
comes evident.

To us marriage appears as the final ex¬

pression of love and the desire for union; but in this case
we have to ask ourselves why, in a society where mar¬
riage adds nothing to sexual freedom, and, indeed, takes
a great deal away from it, where two lovers can possess
each other as long as they like without legal obligation,
they still wish to be bound in marriage.

And this is a

question to which the answer is by no means obvious.
That there is a clear and spontaneous desire for mar¬
riage, and that there is a customary pressure towards it,
are two separate facts about which there can be not the
slightest doubt.

For the first there are the unambiguous

statements of individuals—that they married because they
liked the idea of a life-long bond to that particular per¬
son—and for the second, the expression of public opinion,
that certain people are well suited to each other and
should therefore marry.
I came across a number of cases in which I could ob¬
serve this desire for marriage developing over a prolonged
period.

When I came to Omarakana, I found several

couples engaged to be married.

The second youngest

brother of Namwana Guya’u, Kalogusa (pi. 22), had
been previously engaged to Dabugera, a girl of the
highest rank, his father’s sister’s daughter’s daughter (i.e.

the matrilineal grand-niece of To’uluwa, the present
chief and father of Kalogusa, see below, sec. 5).

Dur¬

ing a particular absence of her betrothed, which lasted
for a year, the girl married another man.

On his return,

Kalogusa consoled himself by upsetting the engagement
of his elder brother, Yobukwa’u, and taking the latter’s
betrothed, Isepuna, for himself.

These two, Kalogusa

and Isepuna were very fond of each other; they were
always together, and the boy was very jealous.

The

elder brother did not take his loss very seriously; he
started a liaison with another girl, rather plain, lazy,
trained in a Mission, and altogether unsatisfactory.

Both

brothers married their fiancees a few months after I be¬
came acquainted with them (see pi. 4, where Kalogusa
is seen standing near the hut and Yobukwa’u in the centre,
each behind his wife).
Another man, Ulo Kadala, one of the less privileged
sons of the chief, was deeply enamoured of a girl whose
people, however, did not approve of the match.

When

I returned again after two years, these two were still not
married, and I had an opportunity of witnessing the
man’s culminating failure to bring about the wedding.
I often received confidences from boys longing to marry
and faced by some obstacle.

Some of them hoped to

obtain material help from me, others to be backed by the
white man’s authority.

It was clear that, in all such

cases, the pair were already living sexually with each
other, but that the thing which they specially desired
was marriage.

A great friend of mine, Monakewo, had

a long and lasting intrigue with Dabugera, the niece of

To’uluwa just mentioned, who by that time had divorced
her first husband.

He knew that he would never be able

to marry her, for her rank was too high for him, and he
was genuinely unhappy on this account.
Such instances show clearly that young people want to
marry, even when they already possess each other sex¬
ually, and that the state of marriage has real charm for
them.

But before I could entirely understand all the

reasons and motives for this desire, I had to grasp the
complexities and deeper aspects of the institution, and its
relation to other elements in the social system.
The first thing to be realized is that the Trobriander
has no full status in social life until he is married.

As

we saw in the table of age designations, the current term
for a man in the prime of life is tovavaygile (married
man).

A bachelor has no household of his own, and is

debarred from many privileges.

There are, in fact, no

unmarried men of mature age, except idiots, incurable
invalids, old widowers and albinos.

Several men were

widowed during my stay in the Islands, and others were
deserted by their wives.

The former remarried almost

as soon as their mourning was over, the latter as soon as
their attempts at reconciliation had proved fruitless.
The same applies to women.

Provided she is at all

sexually tolerable, a widow or divorcee will not have long
to wait.

Once released from mourning, a widow again

becomes marriageable.

She may sometimes delay a lit¬

tle, in order to enjoy the sexual freedom of her unmar¬
ried state, but such conduct will ultimately draw on her
the censure of public opinion, and a growing reputation

for “immorality”—that is disregard of tribal usage—will
force her to choose a new mate.
Another very important reason for marriage, from the
man’s point of view, is economic advantage.

Marriage

-brings with it a considerable yearly tribute in staple food,
given to the husband by the wife’s family.

This obliga¬

tion is perhaps the most important factor in the whole
social mechanism of Trobriand society.

On it, through

the institution of rank and through his privilege of po¬
lygamy, rests the authority of the chief, and his power
to finance all ceremonial enterprises and festivities.

Thus

a man, especially if he be of rank and importance, is com¬
pelled to marry, for, apart from the fact that his eco¬
nomic position is strengthened by the income received
from his wife’s family, he obtains his full social status
only by entering the group of tovavaygile.
There is, further, the natural inclination of a man past
his first youth to have a house and a household of his
own.

The services rendered by a woman to her husband

are naturally attractive to a man of such an age; his
craving for domesticity has developed, while his desire
for change

and amorous

adventure has died down.

Moreover, a household means children, and the Trobriander has a natural longing for these.

Although not

considered of his own body nor as continuing his line,
they yet give him that tender companionship for which,
when he reaches twenty-five or thirty, he begins to crave.
He has become used, it should be remembered, to play¬
ing with his sister’s children and with those of other rela¬
tives or neighbours.

These are the reasons—social, economic, practical and
sentimental—which urge a man towards marriage.

And

last, though not least, personal devotion to a woman and
the promise of prolonged companionship with one to
whom he is attached, and with whom he has sexually
lived, prompt him to make certain of her by means of a
permanent tie, which shall be binding under tribal law.
The woman, who has no economic inducement to
marry, and who gains less in comfort and social status
than the man, is mainly influenced by personal affection
and the desire to have children in wedlock.
This personal motive comes out very strongly in the
course of love affairs which do not run smoothly, and
brings us from the reasons for marriage in general to the
motives which govern the individual’s particular choice.
In this matter it must first be realized that the choice
is limited from the outset.

A number of girls are ex¬

cluded completely from a man’s matrimonial horizon,
namely those who belong to the same totemic class (see
ch. xiii, sec. 5).

Furthermore, there are certain endoga-

mous restrictions, though these are by no means so pre¬
cisely defined as those imposed by exogamy.

Endogamy

enjoins marriage within the same political area, that is
within some ten to twelve villages of the same district.
The rigidity of this rule depends very much on the par¬
ticular district.

For instance, one area in the north-west

corner of the island is absolutely endogamous, for its in¬
habitants are so despised by the other Islanders that the
latter would not dream either of marrying or of having
sexual relations within it.

Again, the members of the

most aristocratic province of Kiriwina seldom marry out¬
side their own district, except into the neighbouring island
of Kitava, or into certain eminent families from one or
two outside villages (see also ch. xiii, sec. 5).
Even within this limited geographical area, there are
further restrictions on the choice of a mate, and these are
due to rank.

Thus, members of the highest sub-clan,

the Tabalu, and more especially their women, would not
marry into a sub-clan of very low caste, and a certain
correspondence in nobility is considered desirable even in
marriage between less important people.
It follows that choice must be made from among per¬
sons who are not of the same clan, who are not widely
different in rank, who reside within the convenient geo¬
graphical area, and who are of a suitable age.

In this

limited field, however, there is still sufficient freedom of
selection to allow of manages d? amour, de raison, et de
convenances and, as with Kalogusa and Isepuna of whom
I have spoken, individual preference and love are often
the determining factors of choice.

And many other mar¬

ried couples, whom I knew well personally, had been
governed in their choice by the same motive.

This could

be gathered from their history, and from the happy,
harmonious tone of their common life.
There are also mariages de convenance, where wealth,
that is the quantity of yams which a girl’s family can pro¬
vide, or pedigree, or status has determined the choice.
Such considerations have, of course, a special importance
in marriage by infant betrothal, of which we shall speak
presently.

THE

Permanent liaisons which are on the point of ripening
into marriage become known and are talked about in the
village, and now the girl’s family, who, so far, have taken
no interest in her love affairs, who have, indeed, kept
ostentatiously aloof, must face the fact about to be ac¬
complished, and make up their minds whether or no they
will approve it.

The man’s family, on the other hand,

need show little interest in a matter in which they have
practically no say.

A man is almost entirely independent

with regard to matrimony, and his marriage, which will
be a matter of constant and considerable effort and worry
to his wife’s family, will continue to lie completely out¬
side the sphere of his own people’s concerns.
It is remarkable that, of all the girl’s family, the per¬
son who has most to say about her marriage, although
legally he is not reckoned as her kinsman (veyola), is her
father.

I was astonished when this information was

given to me early in the course of my field work, but it
was fully confirmed later on by observation.

This para¬

doxical state of affairs becomes less incomprehensible,
however, if we bring it into relation with certain rules of
morals and etiquette, and with the economic aspect of
marriage.

One would naturally expect a girl’s brothers

and maternal kinsmen to take the most important part in
deliberations concerning her marriage, but the strict taboo
which rules that the brother must have nothing at all to

do with the love affairs of his sister, and her other ma¬
ternal kinsmen but little, debars them from any control
over her matrimonial plans.
Thus, although her mother’s brother is her legal
•guardian, and her own brothers will in the future oc¬
cupy the same position with regard to her own household,
they must all remain passive until the marriage is an
accomplished fact.

The father, say the natives, acts in

this matter as the spokesman of the mother, who is the
proper person to deliberate upon her daughter’s love in¬
trigues and marriage.

It will also be seen that the father

is closely concerned in the work of his sons from the eco¬
nomic standpoint, and that, after the marriage of their
sister, these will have to divide the fruits of their labour
between her and their mother, instead of, as previously,
giving them all to the parental household.

When two

lovers have decided on marriage, the young man becomes
assiduous in his attentions to his sweetheart’s family, and
perhaps her father will, on his own initiative, say: “You
sleep with my child: very well, marry her.”

As a matter

of fact, if the family are well disposed to the youth, they
will always take this initiative either by such a direct dec¬
laration or else by asking him for small gifts, an equally
unambiguous indication that he is accepted.
When the family are definitely opposed to the match
and give no sign of goodwill, the boy may take the ini¬
tiative and plead on his own behalf.

If he is refused it

may be either because he is of too low a rank, or because
he is notoriously lazy, and would be too great a drag on
his future relatives-in-law, or else because the girl is in85

tended for someone else.

After such a refusal, the pair

may relinquish their plans, or, if they are strong enough
to fight the matter out, they may try to bring about their
marriage in the teeth of opposition.

If they decide to do

this, the bride stays in her lover’s house (that is, in his
parents’ house), as if she were really married, and the
news is spread abroad that the man is attempting to wed
her in spite of her people.

Sometimes the two actually

elope and go to another village in the hope of impressing
and mortifying their hard-hearted opponents.

In any

case, they stay indoors all day, and do not eat any food
to see if this will soften the hearts of her family.

This

abstention from the common meal, which, as we know,
constitutes a definite declaration of marriage, shows that
they are still waiting for her family’s consent.
In the meantime, the boy’s father or maternal uncle
may go as an ambassador to the girl’s family and offer
them a gift of high value to melt their resistance.

Under

this combined pressure the latter may give in, and send
the customary present to the young couple.

If, on the

other hand, they do not relent, they repair in great num¬
bers to the spot where the girl stays with the youth and
“pull her back,” a customary and technical expression, but
one which also indicates what actually occurs.

The boy’s

relatives and friends may possibly oppose the “pulling
back,” and then a scuffle will ensue.

But the girl’s people

always have the whip hand, for, as long as they withhold
their consent, nobody can force them to supply the pair
with food, and without this the household is soon dis¬
solved in the natural course.

A few examples of such abortive marriage occurred in
my own experience.

Mekala’i, a boy whom I often used

as a temporary servant, became enamoured of Bodulela,
a really attractive young girl, and the step-daughter of the
headman of Kabululo, who, as was well known in the vil¬
lage, lived incestuously with her (see ch. xiii, sec. 6).
Mekala’i made an heroic attempt to abduct and retain her
in his parents’ house in Kasana’i, but he had no wealthy
relatives or powerful friends to back him up.

On the

first afternoon of their joint life, the headman of Kabu¬
lulo simply walked over to Kasana’i, took his abashed and
truant step-daughter by the hand, and led her back to his
own house j that was the end.
Another and a more complicated case was that of Ulo
Kadala, who was mentioned in the last section.

He

wooed a girl during my first stay in Omarakana and was
refused by her parents.

The couple attempted to settle

down to married life, but the family pulled the girl back
by force.
ship.

Ulo Kadala still continued his faithful court¬

On my second visit to Omarakana two years later,

the girl came to the village once more and took up her
abode in the house of Isupwana, the adoptive mother of
Ulo Kadala, a stone’s throw from my tent.

This second

attempt at marriage lasted, I think, for a day or two,
while To’uluwa was making some not very energetic ef¬
forts towards reconciliation.

One afternoon the parents

arrived from the neighbouring village, and laid hold of
the girl and unceremoniously carried her away.

The pro¬

cession passed in front of my tent, the wailing girl led by
her father and followed by vociferous partisans, who

hurled abuse at each other.

The girl’s people said quite

explicitly what they thought of Ulo Kadala, of his lazi¬
ness, his incapacity for doing anything properly, and his
well-known greed.

“We do not want you, we shall not

give her any food.”

This argument clinched the refusal,

and that was the last attempt which the two young peo¬
ple made.
When the parents are well disposed and signify their
pleasure in the match by asking the intended for a small
present, the engaged couple must still wait for a little in
order to give necessary time for the preparations.

But

one day the girl instead of returning in the morning to
her parents’ house, will remain with her husband, take
her meals in the house of his parents and accompany him
throughout the day.

The word goes round: “Isepuna is

already married to Kalogusa.”
tute the act of marriage.

Such proceedings consti¬

There is no other rite, no other

ceremony to mark the beginnings of wedlock.

From the

morning on which she has remained with the bridegroom,
the girl is married to him, provided, of course, the con¬
sent of the parents has been given.

Without this, as we

have seen, the act constitutes only an attempt at marriage.
Though utterly simple, this act of remaining with the
man, of openly sharing a meal with him, and of staying
under his roof, has a legally binding force.

It is the con¬

ventional public declaration of marriage.

It has serious

consequences, for it changes the life of the two concerned,
and it imposes considerable obligations on the girl’s fam¬
ily, obligations associated in turn with counter-obligations
on the part of the bridegroom.

This simple declaration of marriage is followed by
that exchange of gifts which is so typical of any social
transaction in the Trobriands.

Each gift is definite in

nature and quantity, each has to take its proper place in
a series and each is reciprocated by some corresponding
contribution.
The subjoined table will help to make
clear the description which follows it:
Marriage Gifts

I
G—B

i. Katuvila—cooked yams, brought in baskets by the girl’s
parents to the boy’s family.
12. Pepe’i—several baskets of uncooked yams, one given by
I
each of the girl’s relatives to the boy’s parents.
I 3. Kaykaboma—cooked vegetables, each member of the girl’s
family bringing one platter to the boy’s house.
(y. Mapula Kaykaboma—repayment of gift (3), given in
exactly the same form and material by the boy’s rela¬

II
B—G

III
G—B

IV
B—G

tives to the girl’s family.
I 5. Takzvalela Pepe’i—valuables given by the boy’s father in
repayment of gift (2) to the girl’s father.
6. Vilakuria—a large quantity of yam-food offered at the
first harvest after the marriage to the boy by the girl’s
family.
Saykzvala—gift of fish brought by the boy to his wife’s
father in repayment of (6).
Takzvalela Vilakuria—a gift of valuables handed by the
boy’s father to the girl’s father in payment of (6).

G—B (girl to boy), gifts from the girl’s family; B—G, return gifts from
the boy’s relatives to the girl’s.

The girl’s family have to make the first offering to
signify their consent to the marriage.

Since their agree¬

ment is absolutely essential, this gift, in conjunction with
the public declaration of the union of the partners, con-

stitutes marriage.

It is a small gift, a little cooked food

brought in baskets and offered by the girl’s father to the
boy’s parents.

It is set down in front of their house with

the words kam katuvila, “thy katuvila gift.”

It must be

given on the day on which the two remain together, or
on the morning of the next day.

As we have seen, when

the consent of the girl’s family is doubtful the two part¬
ners often abstain from food till this gift is brought.
Soon afterwards, usually on the same day, the girl’s
relatives bring a bigger present.

Her father, her ma¬

ternal uncle, and her brothers who now for the first time
emerge from the inaction imposed on them by the spe¬
cific brother-sister taboo, each bring a basket of uncooked
yam food, and offer it to the boy’s parents.

This gift is

called pepe’i.

A third of¬

But even this is not enough.

fering of food is brought to the boy’s parents, cooked this
time and carried on large platters, such as can be seen on
plates 4 and 5.

This gift is called kaykaboma}

The boy’s family must not delay long before they re¬
ciprocate.

The last gift, cooked food on trays, is returned

almost immediately and in exactly the same form as it
was received.

A more important gift follows.

The boy’s

father has already prepared certain valuables of the
vaygu’a type, that is to say, large, polished axe-blades of
green stone, necklaces of polished spondylus shell discs,
and armlets made of the conus shell} also, when the sec1 The reader who has grasped the complex psychology of ceremonial
gifts in the kula and in associated activities will understand the great
importance of the exchanges which accompany so many social transac¬
tions in the Trobriands.
Cf. Argonauts of the Western Pacific, espe¬
cially chs. iii and vi.

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The Marriage Gift Displayed

An exceptionally large pwata’i erected
on the outskirts of the village, filled
‘with taytu (staple small yams) capped
‘with kuvi (large yams) and taro.
VCh. IV, 3]

ond gift of uncooked food was brought to him by the
girl’s family, he made a small distribution of it among his
own relatives, and they in turn now bring him other valu¬
ables to add to his own.

All these he presents to the girl’s

family; he has kept the baskets in which the food was
brought to him; he puts the valuables into these, and they
are carried by himself and his family to the girl’s house.
This gift is called takwalela -pefe>i) or “repayment in valu¬
ables of the -pepe’i gift.”
The reader is perhaps weary of all these petty details,
but this meticulous absorption in small gifts and counter¬
gifts is highly characteristic of the Trobrianders.

They

are inclined to boast of their own gifts, with which they
are entirely satisfied, while disputing the value and even
quarrelling over what they themselves receive, but they
regard these details as most important and observe them
scrupulously.

In the exchange of marriage gifts, as a

rule, they are less cantankerous than on other occasions,
and a more generous and friendly spirit prevails.

After

the takwalela 'pe'pe^i there is a long pause in the exchange
of gifts, which lasts until the next harvest.

During this

time and while the couple’s own dwelling is being built,
the wife usually remains with her husband in his father’s
house.

At harvest time they will receive the first sub¬

stantial gift due from the girl’s family, and of this they
will themselves make a distribution by way of payment
to those who have helped in the building of their new
home.
To resume, then, the girl’s family give a present of
considerable value at the next harvest, and from then on
9i

at every harvest they will have to help the new house¬
hold with a substantial contribution of fresh yams. The
first present of this sort, however, has a special name
(■vilakuria), and is surrounded by a ceremonial of its own.
Prism-shaped receptacles (;pwata’i) are constructed of
poles, in front of the young couple’s yam-house (see pis.
23 and 24), and the girl’s family, after selecting a large
quantity, a hundred, two hundred, or even three hundred
basketfuls of the best yams, arrange them in these recep¬
tacles with a great amount of ceremony and display.
This gift also must be repaid without any too great
delay. Fish is considered a proper counter-offering. In
a coastal village, the husband will embark with his friends
on a fishing expedition. If he lives inland, he has to pur¬
chase the fish in one of the coastal villages, paying for
them in yams.
The fish is laid in front of the girl’s parents’ house,
with the words “Kam saykwala” (thy saykwala gift).
Sometimes, if the young husband is very rich, or else if
he and his family were not able previously to repay the
'pepe'i present, a gift of vaygu'a (valuables) will be given
at this point in answer to the first harvest offering. This
is called takwalela vilakuria (repayment by valuables of
the vilakuria present), and closes the series of initial mar¬
riage gifts.
This series of gifts appears at first sight unnecessarily
complicated. But, if we examine it more closely, we find
that it represents a continuous story, and is no mere dis¬
connected jumble of incident. In the first place it ex¬
presses the leading principle in the economic relation

which will subsequently obtain for the whole duration
of the marriage: that the girl’s family provide the newly
established household with food, being occasionally repaid
with valuables.

The small initial gifts (i, 2, and 3),

express the consent of the girl’s family, and are a sort of
earnest of their future and more considerable contribu¬
tions.

The return offering of food (4), made immedi¬

ately by the boy’s family, is a characteristically Trobriand
answer to a compliment.

And the only really substantial

gifts from the bridegroom’s family to the bride’s (5, or 8,
or both) exert a definitely binding force on the husband,
for if the marriage be dissolved, he does not recover them
save in exceptional cases.

They are about equivalent in

value to all the other first year’s gifts put together.

But

this present from the husband must emphatically not be
considered as purchase money for the bride.

This idea

is utterly opposed both to the native point of view and
to the facts of the case.

Marriage is meant to confer

substantial material benefits on the man.

These he re¬

pays at rare intervals with a gift of valuables, and it is
such a gift that he has to offer at the moment of mar¬
riage.

It is an anticipation of the benefits to follow, and

by no means a price paid for the bride.
It may be mentioned that not all of this series of gifts
are equally indispensable.

Of the first three, only one

(either 1 or 2) must be given at all costs.

Of the rest,

6 and 7 are never omitted, while either 5 or 8 is abso¬
lutely obligatory.
It is necessary, as I have already said, to enter into
such minute details as these if we would approximate

to the savage point of view.

Closely observing the care

and anxiety with which the gifts are gathered and given,
it is possible to determine the psychology of the acts
themselves.

Thus Paluwa, the father of Isepuna, worried

good-humouredly as to how he might collect sufficient
food to offer to a chief’s son, his daughter’s future hus¬
band; and he discussed his troubles with me at length.
He was faced by the difficulty of having three daughters
and several female relatives, and only three sons.

Every¬

body’s working power had already been taxed to provide
food for the other married daughters.

And now Isepuna

was going to wed Kalogusa, a man of high rank in his
own right, and also a son of To’uluwa, the paramount
chief.

All his people exerted themselves to the utmost

to produce as big a crop as possible that season, in order
to be able to give a fine vilakuna present.

And To’uluwa,

the bridegroom’s father, on his side, revealed to me his
own anxiety.

Could he provide a worthy counter gift?

Times were hard, and yet something fine had to be given.
I inspected several of the chief’s valuables, and discussed
their respective suitability with him.

There was an under¬

current of suggestion, in the conversation of both parties,
that some tobacco from the white man would be a much
appreciated addition to either gift.

There is another way of arranging marriages in the
Trobriands beside the ordinary method of courtship, and

in many respects the two are in sharp contrast to each
other.

Normal marriage is brought about by free choice,

by trial, and by the gradual strengthening of bonds which
assume a legal obligation only after marriage.

In mar¬

riage by infant betrothal, a binding agreement is made by
the parents in the children’s infancy 3 the boy and girl
grow up into the relationship, and find themselves bound
to each other before they have had an opportunity to
choose for themselves.
The great importance of this second type of marriage
lies in the fact that infant betrothal is always associated
with cross-cousin marriage.

The two people who, accord¬

ing to native ideas, are most suited for marriage with
each other—a man’s son and the daughter of his sister—
are betrothed in infancy.

When the father’s sister’s

daughter is too old to be betrothed to her male infant
cousin, her daughter may replace her.

By the native

legal system the two are equivalent, for the purposes of
this marriage.
The significance of this institution can be understood
only if we return to a consideration of the compromise
between father-love and matriliny.1

Cross-cousin mar¬

riage is an arrangement whereby both tribal law, which
enjoins matrilineal succession, and the promptings of
paternal love, which incline the father to bestow all pos¬
sible privileges on his son, find equitable adjustment and
adequate satisfaction.
Let us take a concrete instance.

A chief, a village

headman—or, indeed, any man of rank, wealth, and
1 Cf. also Crime and Custom.

power, will give to a favourite son all that he can safely
alienate from his heirs; some plots in the village lands,
privileges in fishing and hunting, some of the hereditary
magic, a position in the kula exchange, a privileged place
in the canoe and precedence in dancing.

Often the son

becomes in some sort his father’s lieutenant, performing
magic instead of him, leading the men in tribal council,
and displaying his personal charm and influence on all
those occasions when a man may win the much-coveted
butura (renown).

As examples of this tendency, which I

have found in every community where there was a chief of
outstanding influence, we may take the arrogant Namwana
Guya’u, before his banishment the leading figure in the
village life of Omarakana (see ch. i, sec. 2).

Again, in

the sister village of Kasana’i, the chief’s son Kayla’i, a
modest and good-natured fellow, wielded the power of
thunder and sunshine in virtue of the supreme system of
weather-magic which his father had imparted to him.
And the coastal villages of Kavataria, Sinaketa, Tukwa’ukwa, each had its leader in a son of the chief.

But

such privileged positions are invidious and insecure, even
while they last, as the rightful heirs and owners in
matriliny resent being pushed aside during the lifetime
of the chief j and, in any case, all such benefits cease with
the father’s death.

There is only one way by which the

chief can establish his son permanently in the village with
rights of full citizenship for himself and his progeny, and
secure possession of all the gifts until death; and that
is by contracting the son in paternal cross-cousin marriage,
marriage with his sister’s daughter or with this daughter’s

daughter.

The following diagram will help to make the

genealogy of the relation clear.
Diagrammatic Genealogy of Cross-Cousin Marriage

= 2 Chief’s sister

Chief S =

$ Chief’s daughter

Chief’s son $ = 2 Chief’s sister’s
daughter

$ Chief sister’s
son and
heir

his

Orthodox cross-cousin
marriage
Between these
. <-two-> marriage is not lawful

Our diagrammatical chief has a sister; and she has a
son, the chief’s heir and successor, and a daughter, the
chief’s niece by his sister, a girl who will continue the
aristocratic line.

The husband of this girl will enjoy a

very privileged position, into which he will step on the
day of his marriage.

By native law and custom he will

have a definite claim on his wife’s brother or brothers
and other male relatives, who will be obliged to give him
annual tribute of food, and will be considered his exofficio allies, friends, and helpers.

He also acquires the

right to live in the village if he choose, and to participate
in tribal affairs and in magic.

It is clear, therefore, that

he will occupy practically the same position as that en¬
joyed by the chief’s son during his father’s lifetime, and

from which he is ousted by the rightful heir at his father’s
death.

This type of marriage differs from the ordinary

one also in that the husband comes to live in his wife’s
community.

Cross-cousin marriage is thus matrilocal in

contradistinction to the ordinary patrilocal usage.1
The obvious and natural solution, therefore, of the
chief’s difficulty is to marry his son to his niece or grand¬
niece.

Usually all parties benefit by the transaction.

The

chief and his son get what they wantj the chief’s niece
marries the most influential man in the village, and in so
doing confirms this influence ■, and an alliance is established
between the son of the chief and his lawful heirs which
frustrates the potential rivalry between them.

The girl’s

brother cannot oppose the marriage, because of the taboo
(see ch. xiii, sec. 6); nor, as it is contracted in the chief’s
son’s infancy, would he normally be in a position to do so.

Whenever there is a possibility of it, a cross-cousin
marriage will always be arranged, a fact which is well
illustrated in the family of To’uluwa (see the adjacent
pedigree).
When Namwana Guya’u, the eldest son of To’uluwa’s
favourite and most aristocratic wife, was born, there was
no marriageable girl available for him in his father’s
1 I think that any man could settle in his wife’s community if he wished.
But by doing so, he would both degrade himself and suffer disabilities.
A chief’s son, however, is an exception owing to his position in the village
and his vested interests.

family, that is to say, among To’uluwa’s maternal kins¬
women.

Ibo’una and Nakaykwase were, by that time,

almost marriageable and could not be affianced to a little
child, and their daughters were yet unborn.

And the

pedigree shows no other female in the sub-clan of the
Tabalu, To’uluwa’s matrilineal lineage.

But by the time

a younger son, Kalogusa, was born to To’uluwa, his
grand-niece, Ibo’una, had a small daughter, Dabugera;
therefore the two were betrothed.

In this case the cross¬

cousin marriage failed, for, as we have seen (see above,
sec. i), the girl married another man during her fiance’s
absence abroad.
In the same pedigree we can take another example
from the previous generation.

Purayasi, the penultimate

chief of Omarakana, had a son called Yowana, who
belonged to the same sub-clan as Namwana Guya’u.
Yowana was a man of great talent and strong personality}
he was renowned for his mastery of several systems of
important magic which he performed for his father, and
for his skill as a gardener, sailor, and dancer.

He married

Kadubulami, Purayasi’s grand-niece, and lived all his life
in Omarakana in the enjoyment of his personal privileges.
He instructed his son, Bagido’u, the present heir apparent,
in all his magical and other accomplishments.
In his turn Bagido’u had a son by his first wife, but he
died in infancy.

This child, soon after birth, had been

betrothed to an infant daughter of Bagido’u’s youngest
sister Nakaykwase.

Thus, in one small pedigree, we see

three cases of cross-cousin marriage arranged by infant
betrothal.

It must be remembered, however, that this

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pedigree includes the noblest family of the chieftains of
Omarakana and the sub-clan Kwoynama of Osapola, both
regarded as especially suitable for entering into matri¬
monial alliance.
Cross-cousin marriage is, undoubtedly, a compromise
between the two ill-adjusted principles of mother-right
and father-love 5 and this is its main raison d'etre.

The

natives are not, of course, capable of a consistent theo¬
retical statement 5 but in their arguments and formulated
motives this explanation of the why and wherefore of the
institution is implicit, in an unmistakable though piecemeal
form.

Several points of view are expressed and reasons

given by them which throw some further light on their
ideas, but all, if pushed to a conclusion, point to the same
ultimate reason for cross-cousin marriage.

Sometimes,

for instance, it will be stated as a rider to the principle
of exogamy that “the marriage between brother and sister
is wrong” (“brother and sister” in the extended sense,
all people of opposite sex and of the same generation re¬
lated through the mother).

“To marry a tabula (cross¬

cousin) is right5 the true tabula (the first cross-cousin) is
the proper wife for us.”
Let us make clear one more point: among all the mar¬
riages possible between cousins, only one is lawful and
desirable for the Trobriander.

Two young people of

opposite sex, whose mothers are sisters, are, of course,
subject to the strict sexual taboo which obtains between
brother and sister.

A boy and a girl who are the children

of two brothers stand in no special relation to each other.
They may marry if they like, but there is no reason why
IOI

they should j no special custom or institution is connected
with such a relationship, since in a matrilineal society it
is irrelevant.

Only a boy and a girl, descendants of a

brother and sister respectively, can conclude a marriage
which is lawful and which, at the same time, stands out
from mere haphazard alliances; for here, as we have seen,
a man gives his own kinswoman to his son for a wife.
But an important point must here be noted: the man’s son
has to marry the woman’s daughter, and not the man’s
daughter the woman’s son.

Only in the former combina¬

tion do the two people call each other tabugu, a term
which implies lawfulness of sexual intercourse.

The

other couple joined by a dotted line on the diagram
(sec. 4) stand in a different relation according to native
ideas of kinship (see the discussion of these kinship terms
in ch. xiii, sec. 6).

A girl calls the son of her father’s

sister tamagu “my father.”

Marriage with the real father

or with the father’s brother is incestuous and strictly
tabooed.

Marriage with the tama (“father”=father’s

sister’s son) is not incestuous, but it is viewed with dis¬
favour and happens only rarely.
few inducements.

Such a marriage offers

A chief might like his daughter to be

married to another chief or to a man of rank in his own
family, but she would not thus acquire any specially high
or privileged position.

On the

other hand, as his

daughter will have to be supported by the same men who
now work for her mother, the chief’s wife, he may prefer
for his own sake to marry her to a humbler and less exact¬
ing person than his heir.

It all depends on his relations

with his heir, which are, as we have seen, by no means so
uniformly friendly and intimate as those with his own
son.
The advantages of cross-cousin marriage were put to
me from another point of view by Bagido’u, when I asked
him why he had wanted his little son Purayasi to marry
Kabwaynaya.

“I wanted a daughter-in-law who would

be my real kinswoman,” he said.

“I wanted, when I got

old, to have someone of my family to look after me; to
cook my food 3 to bring me my lime-pot and lime-stick, to
pull out my grey hairs.
do that.

It is bad to have a stranger to

When it is someone of my own people, I am

not afraid.”

His fear was, of course, of sorcery.

It

should be realized that since marriage is patrilocal, and
since the son, in the case of important people, often re¬
mains near the father, this latter has good reasons to be
interested in his daughter-in-law.

Since she is his kins¬

woman there is yet another justification for his son’s resi¬
dence in the father’s community.

Thus we are brought

back to cross-cousin marriage as the reconciling compro¬
mise between the claims of father-love and matriliny.
The man may have to rely, in his old age, on the atten¬
tions of his son and his son’s wife, but neither of them
are his real kindred unless the daughter-in-law is also his
sister’s child.

In spite of his personal affection for his

son, he prefers to have someone of his own veyola (ma¬
ternal kindred) about him, and this can only be achieved
if the son marries the right cross-cousin, that is the father’s
sister’s daughter or her daughter.

Now that we have grasped the principles of cross¬
cousin marriage, a brief account must be given of the
steps and ceremonies by which it is brought about.

The

initiative is always taken by the brother, who, on behalf
of his son, asks his sister for the hand of her daughter in
marriage.

A man has a definite right to make such a

request; as the natives say: “Is he not the kadala (mater¬
nal uncle) of the girl?

Are his sister and her child not his

real veyola (maternal kindred)?

Has he not raised the

urigubu (annual harvest contribution)

for the house¬

hold?”
The request may be made when the son is born, if his
sister has a daughter, or perhaps a granddaughter (daugh¬
ter’s daughter), who will not be too old to become the
wife of the new-born infant later on.

The disparity of

age should never exceed two or three years.
Or the boy’s father may wait, and if within ten years
or so a girl is born to his sister, he may requisition her as
a future daughter-in-law.
refuse his application.

His sister is not allowed to

Soon after the preliminary agree¬

ment has been concluded, the man has to take a vaygu'a
(valuable), a polished axe-blade or shell ornament, and
give it to his sister’s husband, the father (tama) of the
infant bride.

“This is the katupwoyna kapo'ula for your

child,” he says, and adds that it is given “so that she may

not sleep with men, nor make katuyausi (licentious esca¬
pades), nor sleep in the bukumatula (bachelors’ house).
She must sleep in her mother’s house only.”

Shortly

after this, three gifts of food are offered by the girl’s
family to the boy’s father.

They are similar in nature

to the three initial gifts in ordinary marriage, and are
designated by the same names: katuvila, -pe-pe’iy and
kaykaboma.

The natives regard vaypokala (infant betrothal) as
equivalent to actual marriage.

The betrothed are spoken

of as husband and wife, and thus address each other.

As

in adult wedding, the three gifts are considered to con¬
clude the marriage and the infant bridegroom’s family
have to repay the last present by a return gift of food—
mapula kaykaboma.

At the next harvest, the girl’s father

brings a vilakuria (substantial contribution of yam food)
to the boy’s parents.

This latter fact is interesting, since

it is a reversal, on account of the anticipated marriage,
of what happens in the previous generation.

The boy’s

father, who is the brother of the girl’s mother, has to give
a harvest gift year by year to the girl’s parents j and this
at the time of his sister’s marriage he had inaugurated by
a gift of vilakuria.

Now he receives on behalf of his

infant son a vilakuria gift from his sister’s husband, who
acts as the representative of his own son or sons, that is
the brother or brothers of the future bride, who later on
will annually bring substantial harvest offerings to the
household, when it becomes such.

As yet, however, the

yearly urigubu (harvest gifts) do not follow the first

offering of crops (the vilakuria), and this interval in the
exchange of gifts lasts until betrothal culminates in actual
marriage.
This concludes the preliminary exchange of gifts at
infant betrothal.

Although it is called by the natives a

marriage, the de facto difference between betrothal and
marriage is recognized in the explicit statements of the
natives and in custom, for when the two grow up they
have to marry again.

The bride, that is, has to go offi¬

cially to the bridegroom’s house, share his bed there, take
her meals with him and be publicly announced to have
married him.

The initial gifts of ordinary marriage,

however (Nos. 1-4 of the table in sec. 3) are omitted on
this occasion.

Only the large harvest gift (vilakuria),

and its repayment (takwalela vilakuria) are exchanged.
But before this stage is reached and the two are safely
married, a somewhat difficult course has to be steered.
Although nobody seriously expects the young people to
be chaste and faithful to each other, appearances have to
be kept up.

A flagrant transgression of the obligation to

the betrothed would be resented by the offended party,
and with some exaggeration called “adultery.”

It is con¬

sidered a great shame to the girl if her fiance openly has
a liaison with someone else, and she on her side must
not make a bukumatula her permanent abode either in
the company of her betrothed or of anyone elsej nor may
she go to other villages on those avowedly sexual expedi¬
tions called katuyausi (see ch. ix, sec. 7).

Both parties

to the betrothal must carry on their amours discreetly and
sub rosa.

This, of course, is neither easy nor pleasant for

them, and they tread the strait path
decorum only under heavy pressure.

of superficial

The boy knows

what he has to lose, so he is as careful as he can bring
himself to be.

Also, the father controls his son to some

extent, and at the same time exercises some authority over
his future daughter-in-law, through his status of maternal
uncle.

A man who had betrothed his son and niece to

each other put the matter thus to me: “She is afraid that
she might die (that is, by sorcery), or that I might hit
her.”

And, of course, her mother is very careful and does

what she can to conceal and make light of her daughter’s
delinquencies.
In spite of this, friction is common and ruptures not
unknown.

One of my earliest informants was Gomaya

of Sinaketa, an enterprising, but very lazy and dishonest
man, and a great coureur de femmes.

I got his story

partly from himself, partly from gossip, and partly by
personal observation.

He was betrothed to his cross¬

cousin, but in spite of this, entered into a flagrant intrigue
with a good-looking girl, one Ilamweria of Wakayse, a
village near Omarakana (see ch. vii, sec. 4).

Once, when

he brought this girl to Sinaketa, the kinsmen of his fiancee
wanted to kill her and she had to run away.

When

Gomaya grew tired of his amour and went back to his
native village, he wished to sleep with his betrothed, but
she refused.

“You always sleep with Ilamweria,” she

said, “so go to her.”

He at once applied to a man

acquainted with love magic and asked for a spell, saying:
“I want to sleep with my wife (that is, my fiancee) j she
refuses me.

I must make some magic over her.

And

it was only after the required rites had been performed
that she yielded.

The marriage, however, was never

completed, for in the end her parents dismissed him as
a lazy good-for-nothing.

The presents were not re¬

turned, for this is not customary when a cross-cousin
betrothal is dissolved.

We have also seen that the be¬

trothal between Kalogusa and Dabugera never resulted
in marriage.

But in my opinion both these failures, which

are of recent date, were largely due to the subversive in¬
fluence of the white man on native custom.
In the foregoing sections we have given an account of
the various inducements to marriage and of the two
modes of contracting it.

In the next chapter we shall

pass to a description of the phases of wedded life itself,
and of the sociological features of marriage as an institu¬
tion.

Mitakata AND Orayse

She is lousing him, one of the few
intimate attentions allowed in public
between husband and wife.
\Ch. V, 1; also ch. X, 3]

Tokulubakiki and his wife Kuwo’igu in front of their
yam house; their little daughter is in the usual posi¬
tion on the mother's hip.
Chapter 5
Husband and wife

in the Trobriands lead their common

life in close companionship, working side by side, sharing
certain of the household duties, and spending a good deal
of their leisure with each other, for the most part in
excellent harmony and with mutual appreciation.

We

have already visited a native household, while taking a
general survey of the relations between the sexes, and
have gained this impression from our preliminary inspec¬
tion.

With our present greater knowledge of Trobriand

sociology, and better understanding of sexual matters, we
must now reconsider the subject of the personal relations
between husband and wife.
I

We left the young couple starting their common life
in the hut of the bridegroom’s parents 5 here they remain
until the protracted series of marriage gifts and counter¬
gifts, and the redistribution of every one of these among
more distant relatives, has been completed.

Only about

the time of the next harvest do they build their own
home5 until then they have to spend a protracted “honey109

moon” under the parental roof.

This must seem a most

unsatisfactory state of affairs to the European reader.
But he must avoid drawing too close a parallel to our
own conditions.

The young people have left the pas¬

sionate stages of their life together behind them in the
bukumatula, and the initial months of matrimony, on

which they now enter, are not of predominantly sexual
interest to them.

Now it is the change in their social

status, and the alteration which their relations undergo,
both towards their own families and towards the other
people in the village, which mainly preoccupy them.
Although there is no definite sexual taboo at this time,
the newly wedded couple probably think less of lovemaking during the stage which corresponds to our honey¬
moon than they have done for a long time previously.
I have heard this statement volunteered: “We
ashamed in the house of our mother and father.

feel

In the

bukumatula a man has intercourse with his sweetheart

before they marry.

Afterwards they sleep on the same

bunk in the parental house, but they do not take off their
garments.”

The young couple suffer from the embar¬

rassment of new conditions.

The earlier

nights of

marriage are a natural period of abstinence.
When the pair move on to their own hut, they may
or may not share the same bunk; there seems to be no
rule in this matter.

Some of my native authorities

specifically informed me that married couples always sleep
in the same bed at first, but later on they separate and
come together only for intercourse.

no

I suspect, however,

that this is rather a piece of cynical philosophy than a
statement of accepted usage.
It must be remembered that it is impossible to get
direct information from any man concerning his own
conjugal life5 for in this matter a very strict etiquette
has to be observed.

In speaking to a husband the slightest

allusion to this must be avoided.

Nor is any reference

allowed to their common sexual past, nor to the woman’s
previous love adventures with other men.

It would be

an unpardonable breach of etiquette were you to men¬
tion, even unwittingly and in passing, the good looks of
a wife to her husband: the man would walk away and
not come near you for a long time.

The Trobriander’s

grossest and most unpardonable form of swearing or
insult is Kwoy um kwava (copulate with thy wife).

It

leads to murder, sorcery, or suicide (see ch. xiii, sec. 4).
There is an interesting and, indeed, startling contrast
between the free and easy manner which normally obtains
between husband and wife, and their rigid propriety in
matters of sex, their restraint of any gesture which might
suggest the tender relation between them.

When they

walk, they never take hands or put their arms about each
other in the way, called kaypapa, which is permitted to
lovers and to friends of the same sex.

Walking with a

married couple one day, I suggested to the man that he
might support his wife, who had a sore foot and was
limping badly.

Both smiled and looked on the ground

in great embarrassment, evidently abashed by my im¬
proper suggestion.

Ordinarily a married couple walk

one behind the other in single file.
ill

On public and festival

occasions they usually separate, the wife joining a group
of other women, the husband going with the men.

You

will never surprise an exchange of tender looks, loving
smiles, or amorous banter between a husband and wife in
the Trobriands.
To quote a terse statement of the case made by one of
my informants: “A man who puts his arm round his
wife on the baku (central place of the village, i.e. in
public); a man who lies down beside his wife on his yamhouse platform—he is a fool.

If we take hold of our

wife by the hand—we act as fools.

If a husband and

wife catch each other’s lice on the baku—that is correct”
(see pi. 25).

With the possible exception of the last

point, it will be conceded that married couples in the
Trobriands push their etiquette to a point which would
seem unnaturally exaggerated and burdensome to us.
This punctilio, as we know, does not preclude goodhumoured familiarity in other respects.

Husband and

wife may talk and exchange banter in public as long as
any allusion to sex is rigidly excluded.

Generally speak¬

ing? husband and wife remain on excellent terms, and
show a marked liking for each other’s company.

In

Omarakana, Oburaku, Sinaketa, and in the many other
places where I became intimately acquainted with the
domestic life of the people, I found the majority of
couples united by unwavering sexual attachment or by real
congeniality of temperament.

Kalogusa and his wife, to

take an instance from among friends already mentioned,
I found as good comrades after two years of marriage
as in the days of courtship.

And Kuwo’igu, the wife of

my best informant and chief favourite, Tokulubakiki,
made him a good mate, for the two were well-matched
in looks, in dignity, in decency of character and in sweet¬
ness of temper (see pi. 26).

Mitakata and his wife

-Orayayse, before their divorce, Towese’i and Ta’uya;
Namwana Guya’u and Ibomala were all, in spite of occa¬
sional differences, excellent friends and companions.

Be¬

tween older couples also a real affection is sometimes
found.

The chief, To’uluwa, for instance, was genuinely

attached to his wife, Kadamwasila.

But affection, in some

cases, is not sufficient to stand against the stress of cir¬
cumstance.

Thus Mitakata and Orayayse, an exemplary

couple when I first knew them in 1915, were forced apart
by the quarrel between the husband and the wife’s kins¬
man, Namwana Guya’u (ch. i, sec. 2).

Two of the finest

looking people whom I knew in the Trobriands, Tomeda
of Kasana’i, and his wife, Sayabiya, whom I had supposed
most tenderly attached during my first visit, were already
divorced on my return.

But the existence of attachments

lasting into old age shows that conjugal affection in the
Trobriands can be real, even though perhaps it is not
always deep.
I seldom witnessed quarrels or heard bad language
among married people.

If a woman is a shrew (uriweri)

and the husband not sufficiently dominated to bear the fact
meekly, or vice versa, marriage is so easily dissolved that
there is hardly ever an unsuccessful match which survives
the first outbreak long.

I can remember only two or three

households, where relations between husband and wife
were outwardly and chronically strained.
ii3

Two married

people

in

Oburaku

frequently

indulged

in

lengthy

quarrels, to such a degree that the matter became a serious
nuisance to me and disturbed my field-work.

As their

hut was next door to my tent, I could hear all their do¬
mestic differences—it almost made me forget that I was
among savages and imagine myself back among civilized
people.

Morovato, a reliable informant and friend of

mine, was ordered about by his wife and badly henpecked,
and I could cite perhaps one more really unfortunate
marriage in Sinaketa.

That there are fewer matches in

which the man, and not the woman, is the aggressor in the
quarrel is probably due to the fact that it is a rather more
serious loss to a man to break up a good home than it is
to a woman (see next chapter).

A couple living in Liluta

used to have difficulties owing to the man’s aggressive and
jealous temper.

Once, when he scolded and ill-treated

his wife very brutally for making kula (ceremonial ex¬
change) of aromatic wreaths of the butia flower with
another man, she went away to her own village.

I saw

an embassy of several men come from the husband to the
wife, bringing her reconciliation presents (lula).

This

was the only case of wife-beating which actually occurred
during my stay in Kiriwina, and it was done in a fit of
jealousy.

AND

Jealousy, with or without adequate reason, and adultery
are the two factors in tribal life which put most strain
on the marriage tie.

In law, custom and public opinion,

sexual appropriation is exclusive. There is no lending of
wives, no exchange, no waiving of marital rights in favour
of another man. Any such breach of marital fidelity is as
severely condemned in the Trobriands as it is in Christian
principle and European law; indeed the most puritanical
public opinion among ourselves is not more strict. Need¬
less to say, however, the rules are as often and as easily
broken, circumvented, and condoned as in our own
society.
In the Trobriands the norms are strict, and though
deviations from them are frequent, they are neither open
nor, if discovered, unatoned j they are certainly never
taken as a matter of course.
For example, in October, 1915, during one of the
chief’s long absences overseas, the village of Omarakana
was put under the usual taboo. After sunset, no people
were supposed to leave their houses, no young men from
the neighbourhood were allowed to pass through, the
village was deserted save for one or two old men who
had been appointed to keep watch. Night after night,
when I was out in search of information, I found the
streets empty, the houses shut, and no lights to be seen.
The village might have been dead. Nor could I get
anyone from Omarakana or the neighbourhood to come
to my tent. One morning before I was up, a great com¬
motion arose at the other end of the village, and I could
hear loud quarrelling and screaming. Startled, I hurried
to make inquiries and was able to find one or two of my
special friends in the angry, vociferating crowd, who told
me what had occurred. Tokwaylabiga, one of the less

noble sons of To’uluwa, the chief, who had not accom¬
panied his father, had left Omarakana on a visit.

Re¬

turning before he was expected, he was told that his wife,
Digiyagaya, had slept in his absence with another son of
To’uluwa, Mwaydayle, and that they had that very morn¬
ing gone together to the gardens, the woman taking her
water-bottles as a pretext.

He ran after them and,

according to gossip, found them under compromising
conditions, though the real facts will never be known.
Tokwaylabiga, not a very bloodthirsty man, vented his
passion and revenged himself on his wife by smashing
all her water-bottles.

Obviously a philosopher like M.

Bergeret, he did not want to cause any serious trouble, and
yet was not willing to suppress his injured feelings alto¬
gether.

The commotion which had attracted my attention

was the reception given to husband and wife on their re¬
turn to the village; for the taboo had been broken, and
all the citizens were out taking sides with one party or the
other.

The same evening I saw the outraged husband

sitting beside his wife in perfect harmony.1
Another case of adultery has been previously men¬
tioned in the account of Namwana Guya’u’s expulsion.
Rightly or wrongly, he suspected his father’s nephew and
heir, Mitakata, of having committed adultery with his
wife, Ibomala.

But he also did not push his conjugal

vindictiveness beyond bringing the case before the white
magistrate, and after he left the capital, he and his wife
1 Another case of breach of the sexual taboo imposed on the village
during the chiefs absence has been described in Argonauts of the West¬
ern Pacific, p. 484. See also pp. 205-6 of that book.

Il6

were to be seen together in his own village apparently
on excellent terms.
There are more serious cases of conjugal infidelity on
record, however.

In a small village near Omarakana,

• there lived a man called Dudubile Kautala, who died in
1916, apparently of old age, and whose funeral I at¬
tended.

I remember his wife, Kayawa, as a terrible old

hag, shrivelled like a mummy and smeared all over with
grease and soot as a sign of mourning; and I can still
feel the dreadful atmosphere pervading her little widow’s
cage, where I paid her a visit soon after her bereavement.
History tells us, however, that once she was fair and
tempting, so that men were driven to suicide for her.
Molatagula, chief of a neighbouring village, was among
those who succumbed to her beauty.

One day, when the

husband had gone to procure fish from a lagoon village,
the love-sick chieftain entered Kayawa’s house knowing
her to be indoors—a gross breach of usage and manners.
The story runs that Kayawa lay asleep naked upon her
bed, offering a most alluring sight to the intruder, as the
natives somewhat crudely put it.

He approached her and

took advantage of her sleep and helplessness, without,
says my version, still gallantly partial to the lady, any
connivance on her part.

But when the husband returned,

panting under a load of fish, he found them together.
Both were undressed and there was more besides to com¬
promise them.

The adulterer tried to carry it off with

effrontery, and said he had only come to fetch some fire.
But the evidence was against him, and when the husband
seized an axe, the offender tore a big hole in the thatch

and escaped.

Public opinion was unfavourable and the

villagers insulted and ridiculed Molatagula.

So he took

some of the fish poison which is, as a matter of fact, the
resource of those who wish to leave a loop-hole in the
suicide forced upon them.

He was, in fact, saved by

emetics, and lived in all honour and good health for some
time afterwards.
A more tragic story is that told in Omarakana about a
man called Taytapola, belonging to a generation now
passed away.

He caught his wife Bulukwau’ukwa in the

very act of adultery with Molukwayawa, a man of the
same village.
escape.

The adulterer succeeded in making his

The husband pursued him spear in hand, but

failing to overtake him, came back to his hut and blew the
conch shell.

His maternal kinsmen

(veyola)

rallied

round him ; and they all repaired to the adversary’s end
of the village, where they accused the culprit and insulted
him in front of his sub-clan.

A village fight ensued, the

two principals facing each other, each supported by his
kinsmen.

The offender was speared and died.

In such

a case, the attack was probably concentrated on him per¬
sonally, and the defence of the wrongdoer lacked the
impetus of conviction.
Kouta’uya, a chief of the compound village of Sinaketa,
went on a kula expedition to Gumasila.1

One of his

wives, Bogonela, had a lover, by name Kaukweda Guya’u.
Both men are still alive and well known to me.

The

eldest wife of the absent chief, Pitaviyaka, was suspicious
1 He and his sailings are familiar to readers of Argonauts of the West¬
ern Pacific.
Il8

of her fairer companion and watched her.

Hearing a

noise one night, she went to Bogonela’s hut and found the
two lovers together.
village.

A great scandal broke out in the

The guilty wife was publicly harangued and

insulted by the female relatives of her husband: “You
like carnal pleasures too much} you are too fond of male
charms.”

Bogonela did as the custom and ideal of per¬

sonal honour dictated.

In her best attire and adorned

with all her valuable ornaments, she climbed a tall coconut
palm on the central place of the village.

Her little

daughter, Kaniyaviyaka, stood under the tree and cried.
Many people were assembled.

She commended her child

to the care of the eldest wife and jumped from the tree.
She was killed on the spot.
There are many such stories which prove the existence
of strong passions and complex sentiments among the
natives.

Thus a man of Sinaketa named Gumaluya was

married to Kutawouya, but fell in love with Ilapakuna,
and entered into a regular liaison with her.

His wife

refused to cook for him or to bring him water, so he had
to receive these from a married sister.

One evening, at

the time when a village is socially astir with families
sitting over their supper or gossiping round the fire,
Kutawouya made a scene in public, and her scolding rang
right through the village: “You are too fond of dissi¬
pation} you are in a constant state of sexual excitement}
you never tire of copulation”} these were fragments of
her speech, retailed to me in a vividly coloured narrative.
She goaded herself into a fury, and insulted the man in
such shocking words that he also became blinded by pas119

sion, and seized a stick and beat her into senselessness.
Next day she committed suicide by taking the gall-bladder
of the soka fish (a species of globe-fish), a poison which
acts with lightning rapidity.
Isakapu, a fine-looking young woman, virtuous and
hard-working, was, if we are to believe the testimony of
historical gossip, quite faithful to her husband, yet wrong¬
fully suspected by him.

One day, returning home after

a prolonged absence, he fell into a fury of jealousyj he
accused and insulted her in a loud voice, and beat her
mercilessly.

She wept and lamented, crying: “I am sore

all over, my head aches, my back aches, my buttocks ache.
I shall climb a tree and jump down.”

A day or two after

the quarrel, she adorned herself, climbed a tree and cried
aloud to her husband: “Kabwaynaka, come here.

Look

at me as I see you.

You

I never committed adultery.

beat and insulted me without reason.
myself.”

Now I shall kill

The husband tried to reach her in time to stop

her, but when he was half-way up the tree, she threw
herself down and thus ended her life.
For some reason Bolobesa, one of the wives of Numakala, the predecessor of the present chief of Omarakana,
left her husband for a time and returned to her own vil¬
lage, Yalumugwa.

Her maternal uncle, Gumabudi, chief

of that village, sent her back to her husband.

She refused

to go and turned back again half-way, although, I was
told, she quite intended to return to her husband ulti¬
mately.

Her uncle insisted, and insulted her so grossly

that she committed suicide.
In each of these cases it was open to the woman simply

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to leave her husband; or, in the last quoted incident, to
return to him.

In each, she was evidently prevented from

adopting this easy solution by some strong attachment, or
by amour propre and a sense of personal honour.

Death

was preferable to life in the village where she had been
dishonoured, preferable too to life in any other village.
It was unbearable to live with the man, and impossible
to live without him, a state of mind which, though it
might seem incredible among savages whose sexual life is
so easy and carnal, yet can exercise real influence on their
married life.

THE

THE

We now come to the most remarkable and, one might
say, sociologically sensational feature of Trobriand mar¬
riage.

It is so important that I have already had to

anticipate my statement of it several times.

Marriage

puts the wife’s family under a permanent tributary obli¬
gation to the husband, to whom they have to pay yearly
contributions for as long as the household exists.

From

the moment when they signify by the first gift that they
accept the marriage, they have to produce, year after year
by their own labour, a quantity of yams for their kins¬
woman’s family.

The size of the offering varies with the

status of both partners, but covers about half the annual
consumption in an average household.
When, after their “honeymoon” in the boy’s parental
house, the couple set up for themselves, they have to erect
a yam-store as well as a dwelling-hut, and the former,

as we know, will stand in the inner ring facing the latter.
The yam-house has a ceremonial compartment, contained
between the beams of a square well, and into this the
annual contribution of the wife’s family is regularly
stowed at harvest.

At the same time the master of the

new household is himself delivering a large quantity of
yams to his own sister or female relatives.

He keeps for

himself only the inferior tubers, stowed under the thatch
in the top compartment and in the inferior yam-houses,
sokwaypa.

He also produces his own seed yams and all

other vegetables: peas, pumpkins, taro and viya.
Thus everyone keeps back a fraction of his gardenyield for himself.

The rest goes to his female relatives

and their husbands.

When a boy is young, his duty is

to provide for his nearest female relative, his mother.
Later on, he has to maintain his sister when she marries j
or perhaps a maternal aunt, or a maternal aunt’s daughter,
if these have no nearer male kinsmen to provide for them.
There are several types of garden, each of a different
nature and with a different name.

There are the early

gardens, kaymugwa, planted with mixed crops, which
begin to yield new food after the last year’s harvest has
been exhausted.

This keeps the household going until the

new, main harvest has begun.
garden, tapopu.
its own use.

And there is the taro

Both of these every family makes for

Then there is the main garden, kaymata,

the yield of which is chiefly devoted to the supply of the
female relatives.

All that the man produces for his own

use is called by the generic term taytumwala; what he

grows for his women-folk and their husbands is called
urigubu.

The harvest of the main gardens inaugurates a long
and elaborate series of activities, associated with the offer¬
ing of annual gifts.

The members of each household—

for digging is always done en famille—repair to their own
garden-plot within the large, communal enclosure.

The

yams of the small variety, called taytu, which are by far
the most important of all native vegetables, are then dug
up by means of pointed sticks and carried to a shady
arbour (kalimomyo) made of poles and yam vine, where
the family group sit down and carefully clean the dug-up
tubers, shaking the earth from them and shaving off the
hairs with sharpened shells.

Then a selection is made.

The best yams are placed in a large conical heap in the
middle, and this is the urigubu yield (see pi. 27).

The

rest are stowed away in the corners in less regular and
much smaller heaps.

The main heap is constructed with

almost geometrical precision, with the best yams carefully
distributed all over its surface, for it will remain in the
little shed for some time, to be admired by people from
the village and neighbouring communities.

All this part

of the work, which, as can easily be seen, has no utili¬
tarian value, is done eagerly, with interest and con amore,
under the stimulus of vanity and ambition.

The chief

pride of a Trobriander is to gain renown as a “mastergardener” (tokway-bagula).

And to achieve this, he will

make great efforts and till many plots in order to produce
a considerable number of heaps with a large quantity of

yams in each.

It must also be remembered that the mar¬

riage gift is the chief and most ostentatious product of
the garden work.
In about a week or a fortnight, the taytu (small yams)
are brought in from the gardens to the village.

The

owner then engages a number of helpers—men, women,
and children—to carry the gift to his sister’s husband,
perhaps right at the other end of the district (pi. 28).
These put on semi-festive dress (see pi. 61), paint their
faces, adorn themselves with flowers and set out in a merry
crowdj this is a time for gaiety and rejoicing.

The carrier

parties walk about all over the gardens, inspect and admire
or criticize the crops.

Perhaps a man, through special

luck or excess of zeal in labour, has an outstandingly good
yield, and the renown (butura) of this has spread.

Or

there may be a famous master-gardener in the village,
and his crops have to be viewed and compared with his
previous achievements.

Sometimes a village community,

or several of them, agree to have a kayasa (competitive)
harvest, and all strive to the utmost to do themselves and
their community credit.

The rivalry is so strong that in

old days there was seldom a kayasa harvest without a war,
or at least fights, to follow.
The gardens have a picturesque and festive appearance
at this time.

The uprooted heaps of taytu vine litter the

soil with large, decorative leaves, shaped like those of
the fig or of the grape.

Among them groups of people

are seated cleaning the yams and arranging them, while
gay parties of sightseers come and go through the welter
of leaves.

The copper-colour of their bodies, the red and

gold of the girls’ gala petticoats, the crimson of the
hibiscus, the pale yellow pandanus, and the green of the
garlands of trailing foliage, catching at limb or breast,
make up a half Bacchic, half idyllic South Sea pastoral.
After they have rested and admired the gardens, the
crowd of carriers engaged for the occasion repair to the
owner’s plot.

There the yams are dealt out and measured

with a standard basket.

For each basketful, a small petal

is torn off a cycas leaf.

Each tenth petal is left standing,

to mark the tithe.

For a big plot, several cycas leaves

may have to be used.

The carriers then proceed to the

recipient’s village, men and women mixing together, with
jokes and laughter.

The owner supplies them with

dainties on the road: cocoa-drinks to quench their thirst,
betel-nut as a stimulant, succulent bananas to refresh
them.

The village is entered at high speed; the men run

ahead, pandanus petals streaming from their armlets, and
the women follow closely.

As they come among the

houses, a collective litany is shouted, the fore-runner re¬
peating a series of meaningless traditional words very
quickly at the top of his voice: “Bomgoy, yakakoy,
siyaloy . . .” while the whole crowd thunder back in
unison a loud and strident “Yah.”

Then in front of the

recipient’s yam-house, they build the yams into a circular
heap, quite as fine as the one made before in the garden
(pi. 29).

It is only after a few days that the next cere¬

monial event takes place, when the vegetables are re¬
moved to the inside of the yam-house.
Returning now to the sociological and economic im¬
portance of the annual marriage endowment, it has very

considerable effect not only on the marriage institution
itself, but on the whole economy and constitution of the
tribe.

Looked at from the point of view of the recipient,

it is clear that every man has to guide his marital choice
according to his needs, and to his prospective wife’s en¬
dowment.

For he will be dependent, not only on his

own industry and capacity, but also on that of his rela¬
tives-in-law.

A fortune-hunter will lay siege to a girl

who is the only sister of several brothers—the very ex¬
istence of whom would at once cool the ardour of a Euro¬
pean with a similar end in view.

Only a man who could

face destitution with equanimity would court a girl who
had several sisters and but a single brother.

As a man’s

wife bears sons and they grow up, he acquires as it were
home-made relatives-in-law—for in a matrilineal society
children are naturally classed with relatives-in-law—and
their first duty is to provide for the parental household.
Ordinarily the husband receives the main part of his wife’s
endowment from one relative-in-law only; but in the case
of a chief or a man of importance, though one man will
nominally be responsible, many others will co-operate
with him to provide a suitable gift.

Even a commoner,

however, receives, besides the urigubu from his chief
donor, a number of smaller gifts named kovisi or taytu'peta from his wife’s other relatives.

They are all

presented at harvest time and consist of several baskets of
yams and other vegetables.
A man also receives from his relatives-in-law various
services, given as occasion demands.

They have to assist

him when he builds a house or canoe, arranges for a

fishing expedition, or takes part in one of the public fes¬
tivals.

In illness, they must keep watch over him against

sorcerers, or carry him to some other place where he hopes
to get better.

In feuds or in other emergencies he may,

given

circumstances,

certain

command

their

services.

Finally, after his death, the bulk of mortuary duties will
fall upon them.

Only from time to time has the man to

repay the annual services of his relatives-in-law by a gift
of valuables—such occasional gifts being called youlo.
The most interesting question about this institution of
annual harvest gifts, and the most difficult to under¬
stand, is this: what are the legal, social, or psychological
forces which impel a man to give freely and liberally
year after year, and to strain his working power to the
utmost in so doing?
personal pride.

The answer is: tribal custom and

There are no definite punishments to

enforce this duty; those who neglect it merely sink in the
public esteem and have to bear public contempt.
A Trobriander is extremely ambitious and there are
two points at which his ambition is specially sensitive.
One of them is his family pride.

A man’s sister is his

nearest relation, and her honour, her position and her
dignity he identifies with his own.

The other point of

honour is concerned with food supply.

Scarcity of food,

hunger, lack of superabundance are considered very
shameful indeed.1

Thus, when it is necessary to uphold

the honour of his family by providing his sister with
food, a Trobriander, unless he is entirely devoid of de1 For this psychology of food honour, compare Argonauts of the West¬
ern Pacific, esp. ch. vi, and Crime and Custom.

cency and morality, works with a will.

When his sister’s

husband is a man of higher rank than himself, then all
the weight of the latter’s prestige is added to the stimulus
of ambition j and if the husband is of a rank lower than
himself, then the sister’s status must be the more en¬
hanced.

In short, the sense of what is right, the pressure

of public opinion, and inequalities of rank in either direc¬
tion, produce strong psychological incentives which only
in very rare and exceptional cases fail in their effect.
From the point of view of tribal economy, this system
of annual marriage endowment introduces extraordinary
elements of complication: there is all the additional work
associated with display and ceremonial offering; there is
the sorting, cleaning, and arrangement of the heaps 5 there
is the building of an arbour.

In addition there is the

work of transport, which is sometimes very considerable j
for a man has to make his garden in the place where he
lives and to transport the produce to his brother-in-law’s
village, perhaps six or eight miles away at the other end
of the district.

Sometimes, where the distance is excep¬

tionally great, a few hundred basketfuls of yams have to
be carried in relays to a coastal village, transported thence
by canoe, and afterwards carried again.

It is easy to see

the enormous amount of waste involved in all this.

But

if a benevolent white reformer, and there are, alas, many
such at work even in the Trobriands, tried to break down
the native system, the good would be very doubtful and
the harm most certain.

In general, the destruction of any

tribal custom is subversive of order and morals.

And

more than this: if we examine the roundabout methods of
native economy more closely, we see that they provide a
powerful incentive to industrial efficiency.

If he worked

just to satisfy his own immediate wants, and had only
the spur of directly economic considerations, the native,
who has no means of capitalizing his surplus, would have
no incentive to produce it.

The deep-rooted motives of

ambition, honour, and moral duty have raised him to a
relatively high level of efficiency and organization which,
at seasons of drought and scarcity, allows him to produce
just enough to tide over the calamity.
In this extraneous economic endowment of households,
we see again the dual workings of father-right and
matriliny.

The husband is only partially the head of the

household} he is also only partially its provider.

His

wife’s brother, who according to tribal law remains the
guardian of the wife and her children, has heavy economic
duties towards the household.

Thus there is an economic

counterpart to the wife’s brother’s interference with
household affairs.

Or in other words, the husband,

through his marriage, acquires an economic lien on his
male relatives-in-law, while they, in exchange for their
services, retain a legal authority over the wife and her
children.

This, of course, is a formulation in abstract

terms of the state of affairs as the sociologist sees it, and
contains no hypothesis as to the relative priority in time
or importance of father-right and mother-right.

Nor

does it represent the point of view of the natives, who
would be incapable of producing such an abstract formula.

OF

Monogamy is so much the rule among the Trobrianders, that our treatment of their marriage customs has,
so far, assumed the existence of one wife only.

In a way

this is not misleading, since if a man has several wives,
all that has been said refers to each union separately.
But a few supplementary notes must be added on plurality
of wives.

Polygamy (vilayawa) is allowed by custom to

people of higher rank or to those of great importance,
such as, for instance, the sorcerers of renown.

In certain

cases, indeed, a man is obliged to have a great number
of wives by virtue of his position.

This is so with every

chief, that is to say, every headman of high rank who
exercises an over-rule in a more or less extended district.
In order to wield his power and to fulfil the obligations
of his position, he must possess wealth, and this in
Trobriand social conditions is possible only through plu¬
rality of wives.
It is a very remarkable fact in the constitution of the
tribe of which we are speaking, that the source of power
is principally economic, and that the chief is able to carry
.out many of his executive functions and to claim certain
of his privileges only because he is the wealthiest man
in the community.

A chief is entitled to receive tokens of

high respect, to command observance and require services;
he can ensure the participation of his subjects in war, in
any expedition and in any festival; but he needs to pay

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A Polygamous Family

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v

heavily for all these things.

He has to give great feasts

and finance all enterprises by feeding the participants and
rewarding the chief actors.
essentially plutocratic.

Power in the Trobriands is

And a no less remarkable and

unexpected feature of this system of government is that,
although the chief needs a large revenue, there is nothing
of the sort directly attached to his office: no substantial
tributes are paid him by the inhabitants as from subject
to chief.

The small annual offerings or tribute in special

dainties—the first fish caught, vegetable primitive, special
nuts and fruits—are by no means a source of revenue;
in fact the chief has to repay them at full value.

For his

real income he has to rely entirely on his annual marriage
contribution.

This, however, in his case, is very large,

for he has many wives, and each of them is far more
richly dowered than if she had married a commoner.
A statement of the specific conditions will make matters
clearer.

Each chief has a tributary district comprising

several villages—a few dozen in the case of Kiriwina;
a dozen or so in Luba or Tilataula; one or two in the
cases of some minor chiefs—and this district is tributary
through marriage.

Each subject community renders a

considerable contribution to the chief, but only and exclu¬
sively in the form of a dowry, paid annually in yams.
Each village—and in the case of a compound village each
constituent part of it—is “owned” by a sub-clan (see
ch. i, sec. 2) and ruled by the headman of that sub-clan.
From every one of these sub-clans the chief takes a wife
and she is, as it were, perpetual, since on her death another
wife, her substitute {kaymapula), is immediately wed to
Hi

him from the same sub-clan.

To the dowry of this one

woman, the chosen representative of the sub-clan, all its
male members contribute their share, though the whole is
presented collectively by the headman.

Thus every man

in a district works for his chief, but he works for him as
for his relative-in-law, however distant.
The headman of Omarakana, and chief of Kiriwina, is
supreme in rank, power, extent of influence and renown.
His tributary grasp, now considerably restricted by white
men and crippled by the disappearance of some villages,
used to reach all over the northern half of the island
and comprise about five dozen communities, villages, or
sub-divisions of villages, which yielded him up to sixty
wives (of whom a remnant may be seen on pi. 30).

Each

of these brought him in a substantial yearly income in
yams.

Her family had to fill one or two storehouses each

year (pi. 31) containing roughly five to six tons of yams.
The chief would receive from 300 to 350 tons of yams
per annum.1

The quantity which he disposes of is cer¬

tainly sufficient to provide enormous feasts, to pay crafts¬
men for making precious ornaments, to finance wars and
oversea expeditions, to hire dangerous sorcerers and as¬
sassins—to do all, in short, which is expected of a person
in power.
Thus wealth emphatically forms the basis of power,
though in the case of the supreme chief of Omarakana,
it is reinforced by personal prestige, by the respect due to
1 This rough computation was made for me by a trader who was en¬
gaged among other things in exporting yams for the mainland plantations.
As I was unable to check it, it must be received with caution.

his tabooed or holy character, and by his possession of
the dreaded weather magic through which he can make
or mar the prosperity of the whole country.

The smaller

chiefs have usually only a few villages to draw upon; the
smallest merely the other component parts of their own
settlement.

In every case their power and status depend

entirely on their privilege of polygamy and on the excep¬
tionally rich dowry due to a woman who marries a chief.
This account though short and necessarily incomplete
will yet be sufficient to indicate the enormous and mani¬
fold influence of marriage and polygamy on the consti¬
tution of power and on the whole of social organization
in the Trobriands.1

THE

OF

Turning now to the domestic aspect of polygamy, let
us consider the steps by which a chief acquires his several
wives.

It will be best to take a specific instance; that of

To’uluwa, for example.

He began his sexual life in the

ordinary way, passing through the stages of complete
freedom, then of a liaison in the bukumatulay and finally
of a permanent attachment.

His first choice fell on

Kadamwasila, of the clan of Lukwasisiga, the sub-clan
Kwaynama of Osapola village (see pi. 4 and diag. in ch.
iv, sec. 5).

It was quite a suitable match, for this sub-

11 cannot enter here more deeply into the political nature of chieftain¬
ship: I have treated the subject somewhat more fully elsewhere {Argo¬
nauts, ch. ii, sec. v, pp. 62-70). Nor can I deal in extenso' with the eco¬
nomic aspect of power; this has been examined in ‘The Primitive Eco¬
nomics of the Trobriand Islanders,” Economic Journal, March, 1921.

clan is the very one from which a Tabalu chief ought to
choose his principal wife.

The girl must have been very

good-looking, and she certainly was a “real lady,” possess¬
ing charm, dignity, and simple honesty.

The two were

deeply attached to each other and remained so; and the
union was blessed by five boys and a girl, the youngest
child.

I have called Kadamwasila “the chief’s favourite

wife,” meaning by that that theirs was a union of love,
a real companionship, and undoubtedly in its early years,
a passionate relation.

The chief, however, even before

his accession, took to himself other wives, each from one
of the communities which have to supply him with an
annual contribution.

It often happens that when a chief’s

wife dies, the community from which she came supplies
the heir apparent, instead of the actual chief himself,
with a girl who counts as substitute for the deceased.
To’uluwa had become possessed of three or four wives
of this kind, when his elder brother and predecessor died.
Then he inherited the late chief’s widows, who auto¬
matically and immediately became his wives, while their
children became part of his household.

The majority of

the widows were fairly old, some having passed through
the hands of three husbands.

It seems that the chief

would not have any obligation to live sexually with such
inherited wives, but of course he could do so if he wished.
Subsequently To’uluwa married four other wives, from
such communities as were not represented among his com¬
plement at the time.

The marriage of a chief does not

differ from that of a commoner, except that his wife is

J34

brought to him by her parents openly, and that the gifts
exchanged are more substantial.
At present a stop is being gradually put to the whole
system of the chief’s polygamy.

The first administrators,

benevolently conceited and megalomaniacally sensitive as
all those with arbitrary power over an “inferior” race are
apt to be, were not guided by any sympathetic under¬
standing of native custom and institutions.

They did not

grope, but proceeded at once to hit about them in the
dark.

They tried to destroy such native power as they

found, instead of using it and working through it.

Po¬

lygamy, a practice uncongenial to a European mind and
indeed regarded by it as a sort of gross indulgence,
seemed a weed proper for extirpation.

So the chiefs, and

especially he of Omarakana, though allowed to retain
such wives as they had, were forbidden to fill the place
left by each death, as would have been done in olden
days.

This prohibition was, by the way, an arbitrary act

on the part of the white Resident, since it was justified
by no law or regulation of the colony.1

Now To’uluwa’s

wealth and influence are declining, and would already
have ceased to exist if it had not been for the faithful
obedience of his subjects to native custom.

They were

openly encouraged to forgo payment of the annual
gifts, and the wives were invited to leave their husband;
11 am unable to say whether the Magistrate’s taboo on polygamy was
ever embodied in a definite statement or order, or only verbally given to
the natives. But I know that chiefs and headmen have not acquired re¬
cently any new wives and that they not only allege, as a reason for this,
a taboo from the white authorities, but they are genuinely afraid of
defying this taboo, and also deeply resent it.

but so far loyalty and tradition have prevailed. At the
death of the present chief, however, a complete disor¬
ganization is sure to take place among the natives of the
Trobriands, and is certain to be followed by a gradual
disintegration of culture and extinction of the race.1
Returning to the chief’s household, it is clear that his
relations with his different wives cannot be the same.
Three classes of these latter may be roughly distin¬
guished.
The first of these consists of wives acquired from his
predecessor, a man much older than himself. These
should be regarded as dowager tribute-bringers, who
cannot be repudiated, and are living in dignity and retire¬
ment, but hardly exercise sexual allurement. Some of
them, indeed, play an important role and enjoy a high
degree of prestige. The eldest wife of To’uluwa, Bokuyoba (fourth from right on pi. 30), whom he inherited
from his elder brother, has, though childless, a right of
precedence in many matters, and is considered the head
of the giyovila (chief’s wives) whenever, for ceremonial
or festival purposes or during private receptions, they act
as a body. Next come Bomiyototo, Bomidabobu, and
others, and there is also Namtauwa, mother of two strap¬
ping fellows, sons of the last chief, who take next place
after To’uluwa’s own sons. The chief has probably never
actually lived sexually with these venerable relicts of the
former regime.
, The second class of wives are those whom the chief
1 Cf. the excellent analysis of such conditions in other parts of Mela¬
nesia in G. Pitt-Rivers s Clash of Culturet pp. 134 scj. and passim.

married in his youth, women acquired and not inherited.
There is usually one favourite among these: Kadamwasila
filled this position in youth, and in her old age she was
highly respected and had considerable influence.

This

influence was exercised directly and also indirectly through
her sons, one of whom is the banished Namwana Guya’u.
The third class consists of younger women, adopted in
exchange for such older ones as have died.

Some of them

are really pretty, for the most attractive women are al¬
ways chosen for the chief.

The method of choice is sim¬

ple ; the chief simply indicates which of the girls pleases
him best, and, irrespective of her previous attachments,
she is given to him.

With these younger women their

husband unquestionably has sexual intercourse, but the
same degree of intimacy and companionship as with the
wives of his youth does not, as a rule, obtain.
The latest acquisition of To’uluwa, Ilaka’ise (second
from right on pi. 30, and on pi. 31) is one of the best¬
looking girls in the Trobriands.
seen in her company.

But the chief is seldom

Isupwana (pi. 18), the eldest of

the third class of acquisitions, really stands on the border¬
line between the second and the last category.

She is the

present favourite of the chief, and is often to be seen
with him in the garden, or on visits, or in front of his
personal hut.

But he always used to prefer to take his

meals at the house of Kadamwasila during her life-time,
and—apart from his own personal hut—made it his home.
The outward relations of the chief’s wives towards
each other are noticeably good.

Nor could I discover

from indiscreet village gossip the existence of any vio137

lent rivalries and hatreds among them.

Bokuyoba, the

oldest wife, who, as has been said, enjoyed a privileged
position among them, is undoubtedly popular and liked
by them all.

She is also supposed to keep an eye on their

morals, a somewhat invidious task which always falls to
the oldest wife.

It will be remembered that Pitaviyaka,

the first wife of Kouta’uya, one of the chiefs of Sinaketa,
actually discovered an act of adultery among her col¬
leagues, a discovery which, as we have seen, ended so
tragically in the suicide of the guilty one. In Omarakana,
however, the first wife is less of a Mrs. Grundy.
Scandal reports many breaches of marital

fidelity

among To’uluwa’s wives, especially and naturally on the
part of the youngest ones.

The point on which village

gossip centres its most eager and malicious interest is the
fact that several of the most prominent sons of the chief
himself are among the adulterers.

Of course, this rela¬

tion has not the same incestuous flavour as it would pos¬
sess for us, since the bodily tie between father and son is
not recognized; but it is bad enough to scandalize the na¬
tives, or rather to arouse their interest by its piquancy.
Ilaka’ise, the youngest wife, a girl of not more than
twenty-five and, with her tall figure, soft and well-de¬
veloped contour, and shapely face, a model of Melane¬
sian beauty, has a permanent intrigue with Yobukwa’u.
He is the third son of To’uluwa and Kadamwasila, and
one of the finest-looking, best-mannered, and really
most satisfactory fellows of my acquaintance.

As the

reader may remember, he has recently married a girl who
is not his equal either in character or in personal charm

A Chief’s Wife and Her Annual Dowry

Decorated Corpse

Body of a young and beautiful woman
carried off by sudden death and sin¬
cerely mourned by the widower, who
is seen supporting the corpse for the
photograph.
Her face is painted;
shell necklaces, belt and armlets adorn
her; she wears elaborate coloured
skirts. Her legs have been tied, but
not her arms, nor have her nostrils,
etc., yet been stuffed with fibre.

iCh. VI, 3]

(see ch. iv, sec. i).

His friends smiled at the suggestion

that his marriage might mean a rupture with Ilaka’ise.
Isupwana, the chief’s favourite of his younger wives
and a woman who has the air of a stately yet comely
matron, is enamoured, among others, of Yabugibogi, a
young son of the chief.

This youth, though good-

looking enough and endowed, according to the scandal¬
mongers, with great attractions for a jaded feminine
taste, is perhaps the most obnoxious waster in the whole
community.
Namwana Guya’u, the eldest son of Kadamwasila and
his father’s favourite, does not consider this fact a suffi¬
cient reason for being more abstemious than his brothers.
He has chosen Bomawise for his mistress, the least at¬
tractive of the few younger wives of his father.

Both

before his marriage and after it, he lived in a faithful
though incestuous relation with her, which only ended
with his banishment.
The greatest scandal of all was caused by Gilayviyaka,
the second son of Kadamwasila, a fine and intelligent
native, who died soon after my first departure from the
Trobriands.

Unfortunately for himself, he married a

very attractive girl, Bulubwaloga, who seems to have been
passionately fond and very jealous of him.

Before his

marriage, he had an intrigue with Nabwoyuma, one of
his father’s wives, and did not break it off after the wed¬
ding. His wife suspected and spied upon him. One
night, the guilty couple were caught in flagrante delicto
in Nabwoyuma’s own hut by the adulterer’s wife.

The

alarm was given, and a dreadful public scandal ensued.

The outraged wife left the village immediately.

A great

social upheaval took place in Omarakana, and a perma¬
nent estrangement ensued between the father and son.
For, though the chief probably knows a good deal of
what goes on and condones it, once a scandal becomes
public, custom demands the punishment of the offenders.
In olden days they would have been speared, or destroyed
by sorcery or poison.

Now that the chief’s power is para¬

lysed, nothing so drastic can happen; but Gilayviyaka had
to leave the village for some time, and after his return
was always under a cloud.

His wife never returned to

him. The chief’s wife remained with a stain on her char¬
acter, and in great disfavour with her husband.
I heard many other items of scandalous gossip which
space forbids me to retail.

It is sufficient to say that the

behaviour of the eldest sons of Kadamwasila is typical.
The chief’s other male children seem to have no such
permanent intrigues with special wives, but they are not
held in greater public esteem because of that, since they
are known to take any opportunity of a temporary affair
with any one of their father’s wives.

Nowadays, when

the law and the moral pretence of the white rule have
done much to rot away the real morality and sense of
what is right among the natives, all these inter-family
adulteries are committed much more openly and shame¬
lessly.

But, even in the old days, as some of my more

ancient informants told me with a reminiscent smile, the
young wives of an old chief would never suffer a sad lot
in resignation, and would always seek comfort, with dis140

cretion, but not without success.

Polygamy in the Tro-

briands was never a cruel and inhuman institution.
In this chapter we have discussed marriage in its do¬
mestic aspect, and in the aspect of the economic and legal
obligations which it imposes on the wife’s family with
regard to the household.

Finally we have discussed the

effect on public and political life which it exerts through
the fact of the chief’s polygamy.

In the next chapter we

shall see what light is thrown on marriage in the Trobriands by the modes of its dissolution through divorce
and death.
Chapter 6
The nature of matrimonial bonds reveals

itself in their

breaking in life by divorce, as it does also in their disso¬
lution by death.

In the first instance we can observe the

strain to which they are submitted} we can see where they
are strong enough to resist and where they most easily
yield.

In the second we can estimate the strength of the

social ties and the depth of personal sorrow by their ex¬
pression in the ceremonial of mourning and burial.
I

Divorce, called by the natives vaypaka (vay = mar¬
riage} -paka, from payki, to refuse), is not infrequent.
Whenever husband and wife disagree too acutely, or
whenever bitter quarrels or fierce jealousy makes them
chafe too violently at the bond between them, this can
be dissolved—provided the emotional situation does not
lead instead to a more tragic issue (see sec. 2 of the pre¬
vious chapter).

We have seen why this solution, or

rather dissolution, of the difficulty is a weapon used by
the woman rather than the man.

A husband very seldom

repudiates his wife, though in principle he is entitled to

do so.

For adultery, he has the right to kill her; but the

usual punishment is a thrashing, or perhaps merely re¬
monstrance or a fit of the sulks.

If he has any other se¬

rious grievance against her, such as bad temper or laziness,
the husband, who is little hampered by marriage ties,
easily finds consolation outside his household, while he
still benefits by the marriage tribute from his wife’s
relatives.
There are, on the other hand, several instances on rec¬
ord of a woman leaving her husband because of ill-treat¬
ment or infidelity on his part, or else because she had
become enamoured of someone else.

Thus, to take a

case already described, when Bulubwaloga caught her
husband, Gilayviyaka, in flagrante delicto with his father’s
wife, she left him and returned to her family (see ch. v,
sec. 5).

Again, a woman married to Gomaya, the ne’er-

do-well successor to one of the petty chiefs of Sinaketa,
left him because, in his own words, she found him an
adulterer and also “very lazy.”

Bolobesa, the wife of the

previous chief of Omarakana, left him because she was
dissatisfied or jealous, or just tired of him (ch. v, sec. 2).
Dabugera, the grand-niece of the present chief, left her
first husband because she discovered his infidelities and
found him, moreover, not to her taste. Her mother,
Ibo’una, the chief’s grand-niece, took as a second husband
one Iluwaka’i, a man of Kavataria and at that time inter¬
preter to the resident magistrate.

When he lost his po¬

sition she abandoned him, not only, we may presume,
because he was less good-looking without his uniform, but
also because power attracts the fair sex in the Trobriands

as elsewhere.

These two ladies of rank display an exact¬

ing taste in husbands, and indeed the fickleness of those
privileged by birth has become proverbial in the Trobriands: “She likes the phallus as a woman of guy a’ u
(chief) rank does.”
But among people of lower rank, also, there are many
instances of a woman leaving her husband simply be¬
cause she does not like him.

During my first visit to the

Trobriands, Sayabiya, a fine-looking girl, bubbling over
with health, vitality, and temperament, was quite happily
married to Tomeda, who was a handsome, good-natured
and honest, but stupid man.

When I returned, she had

gone back to live in her village as an unmarried girl,
simply because she was tired of her husband.

A very

good-looking girl of Oburaku, Bo’usari, had left two
husbands, one after the other, and, to judge from her
intrigues, was looking for a third.

Neither from her,

nor from the intimate gossip of the village, could I get
any good reason for her two desertions, and it was ob¬
vious that she simply wanted to be free again.
Sometimes extraneous conditions, more especially quar¬
rels between the husband and the wife’s family, lead to
divorce.

Thus as one result of the quarrel between

Namwana Guya’u and Mitakata, Orayayse, Mitakata’s
wife, had to leave her husband because she belonged to
his enemy’s family.

In a dispute between two communi¬

ties, marriages are often dissolved for the same reason.
An interesting case of matrimonial misfortune which
led to divorce is that of Bagido’u, the heir apparent of
Omarakana (pi. 64).

His first wife and her son died,

and he then married Dakiya, an extremely attractive
woman who bore traces of her good looks even at the
somewhat mature age at which I first saw her.

Dakiya’s

younger sister Kamwalila was married to Manimuwa, a
renowned sorcerer of Wakayse.

Kamwalila sickened, and

her sister Dakiya went to nurse her.

Then between her

and her sister’s husband evil things began.
love magic over her.

He made

Her mind was influenced, and they

committed adultery then and there.

When, after her

sister’s death, Dakiya returned to her husband Bagido’u,
matters were not as before.

He found his food tough,

his water brackish, the coconut drinks bitter, and the betel
nut without a bite in it.

He would also discover small

stones and bits of wood in his lime pot, twigs lying about
in the road where he used to pass, pieces of foreign mat¬
ter in his food.

He sickened and grew worse and worse,

for all these substances were, of course, vehicles of evil
magic, performed by his enemy, the sorcerer Manimuwa,
assisted in this by the faithless wife.

In the meantime,

his wife trysted with her leman.
Bagido’u scolded and threatened her until one day she
ran away and went to live with Manimuwa, an altogether
irregular procedure.

The power of the chiefs being now

only a shadow, Bagido’u could not use special force to
bring her back; so he took another wife

a broad-faced,

sluggish, and somewhat cantankerous person by the name
of Dagiribu’a.

Dakiya remained with her wizard lover,

and married him.

The unfortunate Bagido’u who obvi¬

ously suffers from consumption, a disease with which all
his family are more or less tainted, attributes his ills to

his successful rival’s sorcery, even now, as he believes,
active against him.

This is very galling, for he has the

injury of black magic added to the insult of his wife’s
seduction.

When I came back to Omarakana in 1918, I

found my friend Bagido’u much worse.

By now (1928),

this man of extraordinary intelligence, good manners,
and astounding memory, the last worthy depository of
the family tradition of the Tabalu, is no doubt dead.
The formalities of divorce are as simple as those by
which marriage is contracted.

The woman leaves her

husband’s house with all her personal belongings, and
moves to her mother’s hut, or to that of her nearest ma¬
ternal kinswoman.
There she remains, awaiting the
course of events, and in the meantime enjoying full
sexual freedom.

Her husband, as likely as not, will try

to get her back.

He will send certain friends with

“peace offerings” (koluluvi, or lula) for the wife and for
those with whom she is staying.

Sometimes the gifts

are rejected at first, and then the ambassadors are sent
again and again.

If the woman accepts them, she has to

return to her husband, divorce is ended and marriage re¬
sumed.

If she means business, and is determined not to

go back to her wedded life, the presents are never ac¬
cepted j then the husband has to adjust himself as best
he may, which means that he begins to look for another
girl.

The dissolution of marriage entails in no case the

restitution of any of the inaugural marriage gifts ex¬
changed, unless, as we shall see, the divorced woman
should remarry.
The girl, if she is still young enough, now resumes
her prenuptial life and leads the free, untrammelled

existence of a nakubukvoabuya (unmarried girl), entering
upon liaison after liaison, and living in bachelors’ houses.
One of the liaisons may lengthen out and develop into a
new marriage.

Then the new husband must present a

valuable object (vaygu’a) to his predecessor, in recom¬
pense for the one given to the wife’s family at the begin¬
ning of the first marriage.

The new husband must also

give another vaygu’a to his wife’s relatives, and he then
receives from them the first annual harvest gift—vilakuria—and the subsequent yearly tribute in yams.

It

seemed to me that a divorcee was much more independ¬
ent of family interference in choosing her new husband
than an ordinary unmarried girl.

The initial gifts of

food (pepe’i, etc.) are not given in the case of such a
remarriage.

There is, apparently, no social stigma on a

girl or a man who has been married and divorced, al¬
though as a matter of amour propre no one wishes to
own that he or she has been abandoned by the other.
It goes without saying that the children, in case of di¬
vorce, always follow their mother} and this is no doubt
another reason why divorce is less popular with men than
with women.

During the interim, when their mother is

living as a spinster, they remain in the household of her
nearest married maternal relative.

When a man dies, his wife is not set free by the event.
It may be said without paradox that, in a way, the strictest
and heaviest shackles of marriage are laid on her after

the real tie has been dissolved by death.

Custom com¬

pels her to play the burdensome role of chief mourner;
to make an ostentatious, dramatic, and extremely onerous
display of grief for her husband from the moment of his
demise until months, at times years, afterwards.

She has

to fulfil her part under the vigilant eyes of the public,
jealous of exact compliance with traditional morals, and
under the more suspicious surveillance of the dead man’s
kindred, who regard it as a special and grievous offence
to their family’s honour if she flags for a single moment
in her duty.

The same applies in a smaller degree to a

widower, but in his case the mourning is less elaborate
and burdensome, and the vigilance not so relentless.
The ritual in the early stages of widowhood reveals in
a direct and intimate manner a most interesting complex
of ideas—some very crude and quaint—concerning kin¬
ship, the nature of marriage, and the purely social ties
between father and children.

The whole mortuary ritual

is, in fact, perhaps the most difficult and bewildering
aspect of Trobriand culture for the investigating sociolo¬
gist.

In the overgrowth of ceremonial, in the inextricable

maze of obligations and counter-obligations, stretching
out into a long series of ritual acts, there is to be found
a whole world of conceptions—social, moral, and mytho¬
logical—the majority of which struck me as quite unex¬
pected and difficult to reconcile with the generally accepted
views of the human attitude towards death and mourning.
Throughout this ritual, the unfortunate remains of the
man are constantly worried.

His body is twice exhumed;

it is cut up; some of its bones are peeled out of the car148

cass, are handled, are given to one party and then to
another, until at last they come to a final rest.

And what

makes the whole performance most disconcerting is the
absence of the real protagonist—Hamlet without the
Prince of Denmark.

For the spirit of the dead man

knows nothing about all that happens to his body and
bones, and cares less, since he is already leading a happy
existence in Tuma, the netherworld, having breathed of
the magic of oblivion and formed new ties (see ch. xii,
sec. 5).

The ritual performances at his twice-opened

grave and over his buried remains, and all that is done
with his relics, are merely a social game, where the various
groupings into which the community has re-crystallized
at his death play against each other.

This, I must add

with great emphasis, represents the actual contemporary
view of the natives, and contains no hypothetical refer¬
ence to the origins or past history of this institution.
Whether the dead man always had his spiritual back
turned on the Trobriand mortuary ritual, or whether his
spirit has gradually evaporated from it—it is not for the
field-worker to decide.

In this context we shall have to

confine ourselves to the study of mortuary practices in
their barest outline only.

A complete account of them

would easily fill a volume of the present size.

We shall,

therefore, select such features as throw light on the ties
of marriage, and on the ideas of kinship and relationship;
and even this will have to be done in a somewhat sche¬
matic and simplified form.1
1 Compare the brief account of these ceremonies among the Northern
Massim, by Professor C. G. Seligman, The Melanesians .of British New
Guinea.

Let us take the death of a man of consequence in the
fulness of age, leaving behind a widow, several children
and brothers.

From the moment of his death, the dis¬

tinction between his real, that is matrilineal, kinsmen
(■veyola) on the one hand, and his children, relatives-inlaw and friends on the other, takes on a sharp and even
an outwardly visible form.

The kinsmen of the deceased

fall under a taboo; they must keep aloof from the corpse.
They are not allowed either to wash or adorn or fondle
or bury it; for if they were to touch or to come near it,
pernicious influences from the body would attack them
and cause their disease and death.

These pernicious in¬

fluences are conceived in the form of a material exhala¬
tion, issuing from the corpse and polluting the air.

It is

called bwaulo, a word which also designates the cloud of
smoke which surrounds a village especially on steamy,
calm days.

The necrogenic bwaulo, invisible to common

eyes, appears to a witch or sorcerer as a black cloud
shrouding the village. It is innocuous to strangers, but
dangerous to kinsmen (ch. xiii, sec. i).
The kindred must also not display any outward signs
of mourning in costume and ornamentation, though they
need not conceal their grief and may show it by weeping.
Here the underlying idea is that the maternal kinsmen
0veyola)

are hit in their own persons; that each one suf¬

fers because the whole sub-clan to which they belong has
been maimed by the loss of one of its members.

“As if

a limb were cut off, or a branch lopped from a tree.”
Thus, though they need not hide their grief, they must
not parade it.

This abstention from outward mourning

extends, not only to all the members of the sub-clan be¬
yond the real kinsmen, but to all the members of the clan
to which the dead man belonged.

On the other hand,

the taboo against touching the corpse applies primarily to
the members of the sub-clan and especially to the actual
kinsmen, to whom, of course, the temptation to touch the
corpse, as an expression of love, would be strongest.
Quite different, in the native idea, is the relation of the
widow, and of the children and relatives-in-law, to the
dead and to his corpse.

They ought, according to the

moral code, to suffer and to feel bereaved.

But in feeling

thus they are not suffering directly; they are not griev¬
ing for a loss which affects their own sub-clan (dala) and
therefore their own persons.

Their grief is not sponta¬

neous like that of the veyola (maternal kinsmen), but a
duty almost artificial, springing as it does from acquired
obligations.

Therefore they must ostentatiously express

their grief, display it, and bear witness to it by outward
signs.

If they did not, they would offend the surviving

members of the dead man’s sub-clan.

Thus an interest¬

ing situation develops, giving rise to a most strange spec¬
tacle: a few hours after the death of a notable, the vil¬
lage is thronged by people, with their heads shaven, the
whole body thickly smeared with soot, and howling like
demons in despair.

And these are the non-kinsmen of the

dead man, the people not actually bereaved.

In contrast iO

these a number of others are to be seen in their usual at¬
tire, outwardly calm and behaving as if nothing had hap¬
pened.

These represent the sub-clan and clan of the de¬

ceased, and are the actually bereaved.

Thus by a devious

reasoning, tradition and custom produce the reverse of
what would seem natural and obvious to us or any ob¬
server from almost any other culture.
Among those who display their grief, it is easy to dis¬
tinguish several groups and grades.

There is the rank

and file of mourners, comprising all the people belonging
to the remaining three clans 5 for, when a notable dies,
everyone in the village community puts on mourning,
except the members of his own clan.

A small group is

busy about the body and the grave; this consists of the
male children and brothers-in-law of the deceased. Near¬
est to the corpse and plunged most deeply in the mimicry
of grief are seated a few women, among whom one, the
widow, is conspicuous, supported by her daughters and
sisters.

In this group, and it may be in that of the sons

also, an observer well acquainted with these natives would
be able to distinguish an interesting interplay of feigned
and merely histrionic grief with real and heartfelt sorrow.

OF

THE

With this sociological scheme before us, we can now
follow the sequence of event and ritual which begins
automatically with a man’s death.

When death is seen

to be approaching, the wife and children, kinsmen and
relatives-in-law crowd round the bed, filling the small
hut to overflowing.

The consummation of death is

marked by a frantic outburst of wailing.

The widow,

who generally stands at the head of the dying man, ut¬
ters the first piercing shriek, to which immediately other
women respond, till the village is filled with the strange
harmonies of the melodious dirge.

From this moment

all the varied activities of the days, and even weeks,
which follow will be carried on to the choral accompani¬
ment of a long-drawn wail which never stops for one
instant.

At times it swells up in violent and discordant

gusts; then ebbs again into soft, melodious strains, mu¬
sically well expressing sorrow.

To me, this powerful

uneven stream of sound, flowing over the village and
enveloping as it were all these human beings in a feeble,
imbecile protest against death, became symbolic of all
that was deeply human and real in the otherwise stiff,
conventional, incomprehensible ritual of mourning.
First the corpse is washed, anointed, and covered with
ornaments (pis. 32 and 33)> then the bodily apertures
are filled with coconut husk fibre, the legs tied together,
and the arms bound to the sides.

Thus prepared, it is

placed on the knees of a row of women who sit on the
floor of the hut, with the widow or widower at one end
holding the head.1

They fondle the corpse, stroke the

skin with caressing hands, press valuable objects against
chest and abdomen, move the limbs slightly and agitate
the head.

The body is thus made to move and twist with

slow and ghastly gestures to the rhythm of the incessant
wailing.

The hut is full of mourners, all intoning the

melodious lamentation.

Tears flow from their eyes and

1 Cf pi Ixv in Argonauts of the IVestern Pacific, where this act is re¬
constructed outside the hut for purposes of photography and the widow
is replaced by the son.

mucus from their noses, and all the liquids of grief
are carefully displayed and smeared over their bodies
or otherwise conspicuously disposed.

Outside, certain

women, usually relatives-in-law of the dead man, per¬
form a slow rhythmic dance (the vaysali) with relics in
their hands (pi. u).
The sons in the meantime dig the grave, which in olden
days was always on the central place of the village, but
which now, by the white man’s decree, must be on the
outskirts.

A few hours after death the body is laid in it,

wrapped in mats, and is covered with logs, which leave a
shallow space above.

On this layer of logs the widow

lies down to keep vigil over the corpse.

Her daughter

may be beside her; round the brink of the grave are her
sisters, kinswomen and friends, and the other relativesin-law of the dead man.

As night draws on, the central

place fills with people; for even nowadays the white
man’s regulations against burial in the baku are circum¬
vented by making a temporary grave there, or placing the
corpse on the ground.

Here the mourners, the kinsmen,

all the villagers and many guests from far afield congre¬
gate to hold a most remarkable wake (yawait).
The chief mourners and kinsmen in appropriate groups
keep the central position round the grave.

Outside this

inner ring, the villagers and guests are seated, each com¬
munity in a separate body, their mood and behaviour be¬
coming less tragic as they are farther removed from the
corpse, until on the outskirts of the crowd, we find people
in animated conversation, eating and chewing betel nut.
The central group of mourners intones the deep wail of

H4

H
u-

i*

Q

O

3J

Widow in Full Mourning

The breast is covered voith black beads
(seeds of an unidentified plant) ; she
wears a necklace of balls from her
husband s hair, another of rope, yet
another of his calico, and, on top of
all, the jaw-bone.
Her head is com¬
pletely shaved and her face blackened.
ICk. VI, 3]

sorrow, the others sing songs, and, as the night goes on,
people will stand up and recite fragments of magic in
honour of the departed, chanting them over the heads of
the crowd.
The body is not allowed to remain long in peace—if
the weird, noisy, and discordant din of singing, wailing,
and haranguing can be so described.

On the following

evening, the body is exhumed, and inspected for signs of
sorcery (see pi. 33).

Such an inspection yields most im¬

portant clues, as to who caused the death by witchcraft
and for what motive this was done.

I have assisted at

this ceremony several times; the photograph for plate 33
was taken during the first exhumation of Ineykoya, wife
of Toyodala, my best informant in Oburaku.1
Before daybreak after the first exhumation, the body
is taken out of the grave, and some of the bones are re¬
moved from it.

This anatomical operation is done by the

man’s sons, who keep some of the bones as relics and dis¬
tribute the others to certain of their relatives.

This prac¬

tice has been strictly forbidden by the Government—
another instance of the sacrifice of most sacred religious
custom to the prejudice and moral susceptibilities of the
“civilized” white.

Yet the Trobrianders are so deeply

attached to this custom that it is still clandestinely per¬
formed, and I have seen the jaw-bone of a man with
whom I had spoken a few days before dangling from the
neck of his widow (see pis. 34, 35, and 36).
The excision of the bones and their subsequent use as
1 For further information about the signs of sorcery, see Crime and
Custom, pp. 87-91.

relics is an act of piety; the process of detaching them
from the putrefying corpse, a heavy, repugnant, and dis¬
gusting duty.

The sons of the deceased are expected by

custom to curb and conceal their disgust, and to suck some
of the decaying matter when they are cleaning the bones.
Speaking with virtuous pride they will say: “I have sucked
the radius bone of my father; I had to go away and
vomit j I came back and went on.”

After they have

cleansed the bones, which is always done on the seashore,
they return to the village, and the dead man’s kinswomen
ceremonially “wash their mouths” by giving them food
and purify their hands with coconut oil.

The bones are

converted to various purposes, serviceable and ornamental:
the skull is made into a lime pot to be used by the widow ;
the jaw-bone is turned into a neck ornament to hang on
her breast; the radius, ulna, tibia, and some other bones
are carved into lime spatulas to be used with betel and
areca nut.
A curious mixed sentiment underlies this complex of
customs.

On the one hand, it should be the wish of the

widow and children to keep a part of the beloved dead.
“The relic (kayvaluba) brings the departed back to our
mind and makes our inside tender.”

On the other hand

the use of these relics is regarded as a harsh and un¬
pleasant duty, as a sort of pious repayment for all the
benefits received from the father.

As it was explained

to me: “Our mind is grieved for the man who has fed
us, who has given us dainties to eat; we suck his bones
as lime spatulas.”

Or again: “It is right that a child

should suck the father’s ulna.

For the father has held

out his hand to its excrement and allowed it to make
water on to his knee” (compare similar locutions quoted
in section 3 of chapter i). Thus the use of relics is at
the same time a relief to the bereaved widow and chil¬
dren, and an act of filial piety which must be rigorously
observed.
To the dead man’s maternal kinsmen (veyola) the use
of his bones is strictly tabooed. If they broke this taboo
they would fall ill, their bellies would swell and they
might die. The contact is most dangerous when the bone
is still wet with the dead man’s bodily juices. When,
after a few years, the bones are handed over to the kins¬
men, they are presented carefully wrapped in dry leaves,
and are then only gingerly handled by them. They are
finally deposited on rocky shelves overlooking the sea.
Thus the bones pass several times from hand to hand be¬
fore they come to their final rest.
More distant relatives-in-law and friends of the dead
man have his nails, teeth and hair, which they make into
all sorts of mourning ornaments and wear as relics. The
dead man’s personal possessions are used in the same way,
and nowadays, when the bodily relics have frequently to
be concealed, this practice is very much in favour (see
frontispiece).
After the second exhumation the body is buried, the
wake is over, and the people disperse; but the widow,
who, during all this time, has not stirred from her hus¬
band’s side, nor eaten nor drunk nor stopped in her wail¬
ing, is not yet released. Instead she moves into a small
cage, built within her house, where she will remain for

months together, observing the strictest taboos.

She must

not leave the place; she may only speak in whispers; she
must not touch food or drink with her own hands, but
wait till they are put into her mouth; she remains closed
up in the dark, without fresh air or light 5 her body is
thickly smeared over with soot and grease, which will not
be washed off for a long time.

She satisfies all the neces¬

sities of life indoors, and the excreta have to be carried
out by her relatives.

Thus she lives for months shut up

in a low-roofed, stuffy, pitch-dark space, so small that
with outstretched hands she can almost touch the walls
on either side; it is often filled with people who assist or
comfort her, and pervaded by an indescribable atmosphere
of human exhalations, accumulated bodily filth, stale
food, and smoke.

Also she is under the more or less

active control and surveillance of her husband’s matrilineal relatives, who regard her mourning and its inherent
privations as their due.

When the term of her widow¬

hood has almost run its course—its length depends upon
the status of her husband and varies from about six
months to two years—she is gradually released by the
dead man’s kinsmen.

Food is put into her mouth accord¬

ing to a ritual which gives her permission to eat with her
own hands.

Then, ceremonially, she is allowed to speak;

finally she is released from the taboo of confinement and,
still with appropriate ritual, requested to walk forth.

At

the ceremony of her complete release by the female
veyola of the dead man, the widow is washed and
anointed, and dressed in a new gaudy grass skirt in three
colours. This makes her marriageable again-

THE

Throughout the rigorous ritual of mourning, in which
the widow, the orphans, and to a much lesser degree the
other relatives-in-law of the deceased are caught and held
as in a vise, we can observe the working of certain ideas
belonging to the tribal tradition of the Trobrianders.
One especially, the taboo on maternal kinsmen, which
forces them to keep aloof since it is both dangerous to
approach the corpse and superfluous to show grief, is
strikingly visible throughout the whole course of burial,
exhumation, and grave-tending.

The corresponding idea,

that it is the imperative duty of the widow and her rela¬
tives to show grief and perform all the mortuary services,
emphasizes the strength and the permanence of marriage
bonds as viewed by tradition.

It is also a posthumous

continuation of the remarkable system of services which
have to be given to a married man by his wife’s family,
including the woman herself and her children.
In the mortuary phase of these services, however, the
dead man’s sub-clan have to render payment more strictly
and more frequently than he had to do in his life-time.
Immediately after the bones have been cut out and the
remains buried, the dead man’s sub-clan organize the first
big distribution of food and valuables, in which the widow,
children, and other relatives-in-law, as well as the unre¬
lated mourners, are richly paid for the various services
rendered in tending the corpse and digging the grave.

Other distributions follow at stated intervals.

There is

one expressly for women mourners; one for the tenders
of the grave 5 one for the rank and file of mourners; one,
by far the largest, in which presents of valuables and enor¬
mous quantities of food are given to the widow and chil¬
dren, in so far as they, in grief and piety, have used the
bones of the dead man for their lime-chewing or as orna¬
ments.

This intricate series of distributions stretches out

into years, and it entails a veritable tangle of obligations
and duties j for the members of the deceased’s sub-clan
must provide food and give it to the chief organizer, the
headman of the sub-clan, who collects it and then dis¬
tributes it to the proper beneficiaries. These, in their
turn, partially at least, re-distribute it.

And each gift in

this enormous complex trails its own wake of counter¬
gifts and obligations to be fulfilled at a future date.
The ostentation with which the widow and children
have to display their grief, the thickness—literally and
metaphorically speaking—with which they put on their
mourning are indeed striking 3 and the underlying com¬
plex psychology of these things must have become ap¬
parent in the above account.

In the first place, it is a

duty towards the dead and towards his sub-clan, a duty
strongly enjoined by the code of morals and guarded by
public opinion, as well as by the kinsmen.

“Our tears_

they are for the kinsmen of our father to see,” as one of
the mourners simply and directly told me.

In the second

place, it demonstrates to the world at large that the wife
and children were really good to the dead and that they
took great care of him in his illness.

Lastly, and this is

very important, it allays any suspicion of their complicity
in his murder by black magic.

To understand the last

queer motive, one has to realize the extreme fear, the
ever-vigilant suspicion of sorcery, and the unusual lack
of trust in anyone at all with reference to it.

The Tro-

brianders, in common with all races at their culture level,
regard every death without exception as an act of sorcery,
unless it is caused by suicide or by a visible accident, such
as poisoning or a spear thrust.

It is characteristic of their

idea of the bonds of marriage and fatherhood—which
they regard as artificial and untrustworthy under any
strain—that the principal suspicion of sorcery attaches al¬
ways to the wife and children.

The real interest in a

man’s welfare, the real affection, the natural innocence of
any attempt against him are, by the traditional system of
ideas, attributed to his maternal kinsmen.

His wife and

children are mere strangers, and custom persists in ignor¬
ing any real identity of interest between them.1
How utterly this traditional view is generally at vari¬
ance with the economic and psychological reality, has
been shown, and illustrated by many facts in chapter i,
sections I and 2.

For, apart from the personal attach¬

ment which always exists between husband and wife,
father and children, it is clear that a man’s children lose
more at his death than do his kinsmen, who, as his heirs,
always gain materially, especially in the case of a man of
wealth, rank, and importance.

And, in reality, the actual

1 Even this is a simplified account, one in which the ideal of native law
and tradition is emphasized, as is always done by the natives themselves.
The full account of native ideas about sorcery in relation to kinship and
relationship by marriage will have to be postponed to a later publication.

feelings of the survivors run their natural course inde¬
pendently of the mimic and official display of grief.

The

existence of an individual reality of thought, sentiment,
and impulse, unfolding itself side by side with the con¬
ventional sentiment and idea contained in and imposed by
a traditional pattern, is one of the most important sub¬
jects of social psychology—a subject on which we need
more material from ethnological investigation, carried
on with a good deal of detail and based upon personal
knowledge of the savages observed.
In the Trobriands, the genuine sorrow of the widow
and children is blurred, overlaid, and made almost un¬
recognizable by the histrionic display of grief.

But their

real feelings can be gauged by observing their behaviour
at other times, especially under critical conditions.

I

have seen more than one case of a husband sitting night
after night at his sick wife’s bedside.

I have seen his

hopes surge and ebb, and unmistakable, even deep, de¬
spair set in as the apparent chances of survival waned.
Differences are clearly distinguishable in the sorrow of
widows and widowers, some merely conforming to cus¬
tom, others genuinely grieving.

To’uluwa, the chief,

though a rather selfish and shallow character, could not
speak about the death of Kadamwasila, his favourite wife,
without visible and real emotion.

Toyodala, the nicest

man I knew in Oburaku (see pi. 33), was for weeks anx¬
iously watching his wife’s illness, and hoping for her re¬
covery.

When she died, he behaved at first like a mad¬

man, and then, during his mourning confinement, in
which I often visited him, he wept so bitterly that his

Widow in Half Mourning
The same ’woman as in the previous
picture, now wearing only one necklace
and the jaw-bone; the hair is partly
grown, she is no longer blackened and
there is a sprig of aromatic herbs in
her right armlet,
(She was married
a few months later.)
[Ch. VI, 3]

A Decorated Jaw-bone
It is the same as shown on plates 14.
and 35.
ICh. VI, 3]

eyesight suffered.

There is no doubt at all that the

kinsmen feel the personal loss much less.

On the other

hand, their conventional sentiment of bereavement and
realization of the maiming of their group do not leave
them unaffected. But here we enter upon a problem,
that of feelings and ideas relating to the solidarity of the
clan, which, if followed up, would take us too far away
from our subject.
The study of marriage has led us away from the study
of sex in the narrower sense of the word.

We have had

to consider questions of social organization, and the legal,
economic, and religious setting of the relation between
husband and wife, parents and children.

This last sub¬

ject, parenthood, will still occupy us in the next two
chapters, before we pass to the detailed analysis of the
sexual impulse in its cultural manifestations among our
natives.
Chapter 7
The dependence of social organization in a given society

upon the ideas, beliefs, and sentiments current there is of
primary importance to the anthropologist.

Among sav¬

age races we often find unexpected and fantastic views
about natural processes, and correspondingly extreme and
one-sided developments of social organization as regards
kinship, communal authority, and tribal constitution.

In

this chapter I shall give an account of the Trobrianders’
idea of the human organism as it affects their beliefs about
procreation and gestation, beliefs which are embodied in
oral tradition, customs, and ceremonies, and which exer¬
cise a deep influence on the social facts of kinship and on
the matrilineal constitution of the tribe.
I

The natives have a practical acquaintance with the
main features of the human anatomy, and an extensive
vocabulary for the various parts of the human body and
for the internal organs.

They often cut up pigs and

other animals, while the custom of -post mortem dissec164

tion of corpses, and visits among their overseas cannibal
neighbours supply them with an exact knowledge of the
homologies of the human and animal organism.

Their

physiological theories, on the other hand, are remarkably
defective j there are many notable gaps in their knowledge
about the functions of the most important organs, side
by side with some fantastic and strange ideas.
Their understanding of sexual anatomy is, on the
whole, limited in comparison with what they know about
other parts of the human body.

Considering the great

interest which they take in this matter, the distinctions
which they make are superficial and rough, and their
terminology meagre.

They distinguish and name the

following parts: vagina (wila), clitoris (kasesa), penis
(kwila), testes (puwala).

They have no words to de¬

scribe the mons veneris as a whole, nor the labia majora
and minora. The glans 'penis they describe as the “point”
of the penis (matala kwila) and the prepuce as the skin
of the penis (kanivinela kwila).

The internal female

organs are called generically bam, and this comprises the
uterus and the placenta.

There is no special word for

the ovaries.
Their physiological views are crude.

The organs of

sex serve for excretion and for pleasure.

The excretive

urinary processes are not associated with the kidneys.

A

narrow duct (wotuna) leads from the stomach directly to
the bladder, from which it passes through the male and
female genitals.

Through this canal the water which we

drink passes slowly till it is expelled, and on its way it
becomes discoloured and sullied in the stomach by contact

with excrement.

For food begins to be changed into

excrement in the stomach.
Their ideas about the sexual functions of the genitals
are more complex and systematic, and present a sort of
psycho-physiological theory.

The eyes are the seat of

desire and lust (magila kayta, literally “desire of copu¬
lation”).

They are the basis or cause (uyula) of sexual

passion.

From the eyes, desire is carried to the brain by

means of the wotuna (literally, tendril or creeper 5 in the
anatomical context, vein, nerve, duct, or sinew), and
thence spreads all over the body to the belly, the arms,
the legs, until it finally concentrates in the kidneys.

The

kidneys are considered the main or middle part or trunk
(.ta'pwana)

of the system.

From them, other ducts

(wotuna) lead to the male organ.

This is the tip or

point (matala, literally eye) of the whole system.

Thus,

when the eyes see an object of desire they “wake up,”
communicate the impulse to the kidneys, which transmit
it to the penis and cause an erection.

Hence the eyes are

the primary motive of all sexual excitement: they are “the
things of copulation”} they are “that which makes us de¬
sire to copulate.”

In proof of this the natives say: “A

man with his eyes closed will have no erection”} though
they qualify this statement by admitting that the olfac¬
tory sense can sometimes replace the eyes, for “when a
woman discards her grass petticoat in the dark, desire may
be aroused.”
The process of sexual excitement in the female is
analogous.

Thus the eyes, the kidneys and the sexual

organs are united by the same system of wotuna (com166

municating ducts). The eyes give the alarm, which passes
through the body, takes possession of the kidneys, and
produces sexual excitation of the clitoris.

Both the male

and female discharge are called by the same name
(momona or momola\ and they ascribe to both the same
origin in the kidneys, and the same function, which has
nothing to do with generation, but is concerned with
lubricating the membrane and increasing pleasure.
I first obtained this account of the subject from Namwana Guya’u and Piribomatu, the former an amateur and
the latter a professional sorcerer; both were intelligent
men and both, in virtue of their profession, were inter¬
ested in human anatomy and physiology.

Thus it repre¬

sents the highest development of Trobriand knowledge
and theory.

I obtained similar statements in other parts

of the island, and in their main outline—such as the
sexual functions of the kidneys, the great importance of
the eyes and the olfactory sense, and the strict parallel
between male and female sexuality—all were in agree¬
ment.
And on the whole, it is a fairly consistent, and not
altogether nonsensical view of the psycho-physiology of
sexual libido.

The drawing of a parallel between the

two sexes is consistent.

The indication of the three car¬

dinal points of the sexual system is sound, and character¬
istic of native canons of classification.

In many subjects

they distinguish these three elements: the u’ula, the ta-pvcanay and the matala.

The image is derived from a tree

or a pillar or a spear: u’ula—in its literal sense the foot
of the tree, the base, the foundation—has come, by ex167

tension, to mean cause, origin, source of strength} tapwana, the middle part of the trunk, also means the trunk
itself, the main body of any elongated object, the length
of a road} matala—originally eye, or point (as in a spear),
and sometimes replaced by the word dogina or dabwana,
the tip of a tree or the top of any high object—stands for
the highest part, or, in more abstract metaphor, the final
word, the highest expression.
The comparison as generally applied to the sexual
mechanism is not, as we have said, altogether devoid of
meaning, and only becomes nonsensical in ascribing a
special function to the kidneys.

These are regarded as

a highly important and vital part of the human organism,
and mainly because they are the source of the seminal
fluid.

Another view attributes male and female dis¬

charge, not to the kidneys, but to the bowels.

In either

case, the natives consider that something in the bowels is
the actual agent of ejaculation: ipipisi 'rnomonu—“it
squirts out the discharge.”
Very remarkable is their entire ignorance of the physio¬
logical function of the testes.

They are not aware that

anything is produced in this organ, and leading questions
as to whether the male fluid (momonu) has not its source
there are answered emphatically in the negative.

“See,

women have no testes and yet they produce 'tno,mofiad>
This part of the male body is said to be only an orna¬
mental appendage (katububula).

“Indeed, how ugly

would a penis look without the testes,” a native aesthete
will exclaim.
(bwoynd).

The testes serve “to make it look proper”

Love or affection (yobwayli) has its seat in the intes¬
tines, in the skin of the belly, and of the arms, and only
to a lesser extent in those springs of desire, the eyes.
Hence, we like to look at those of whom we are fond,
such as our children, our friends, or our parents, but
when this love is strong we want to hug them.
Menstruation the Trobrianders regard as a phenome¬
non connected with pregnancy in a vague manner: “the
flow comes, it trickles, it trickles, it ebbs—it is over.”
They denote it simply by the word blood, buyavi, but
with a characteristic grammatical peculiarity.

While or¬

dinary bodily blood is always mentioned with the pronoun
of nearest possession, which is affixed to all the parts of a
human body, menstruous blood is spoken of with the
same possessive pronouns as are used for ornamentation
and articles of apparel (second nearest possession).

Thus

buyavigu, “blood-mine” (“part of me—blood”), means
bodily blood coming from a cut or hemorrhage; agu
buyavi, “my blood” (“belonging to me—blood”), means
menstruous blood.
There is no pronounced masculine dislike or dread of
menstruous blood.

A man will not cohabit with his wife

or sweetheart during her monthly period, but he will
remain in the same hut and participate in the same food,
and only refrains from sleeping in the same bed. Women,
during menstruation, wash themselves daily, for purposes
of cleanliness, in the same large water hole from which
the whole village draws its drinking water, and in which,
also, males occasionally take a bath.

There are no special

ablutions ceremonially carried out at the end of the pe169

riod, nor is any rite performed when a girl menstruates
for the first time.

The women have no special way of

dressing during menstruation, except that at times they
wear a longer skirt, and there is no particular modesty on
the subject between the sexes.

THE

The relation between menstruous blood and the for¬
mation of the foetus has been observed and recognized by
the natives, but their ideas about it are extremely vague.
Such as they are, they are so mixed up with beliefs about
the incarnation of spiritual beings, that physiological
process and spiritual agencies will have to be considered
together in this account.

Thus we shall preserve the

natural sequence and perspective of native doctrine. Since
the new life, in Trobriand tradition, begins with death,
we shall now have to move to the bedside of a dying
man, and follow the progress of his spirit till we trace
him back to earthly existence again.1
The spirit after death moves to Tuma, the Island
of the Dead, where he leads a pleasant existence analo¬
gous to the terrestrial life—only much happier.

Into

1 In my article “Baloma, the Spirits of the Dead” already quoted I
have given a short preliminary account of native beliefs concerning pro¬
creation. I also expressed certain opinions about primitive ignorance of
paternity in general, some of which were challenged by Professor Westermarck (History of Human Marriage, 5th edition, vol. i, pp. 290 sq ) and
by Professor Carveth Read (article, “No Paternity” in the Journal of the
Anthropological Institute, 1917)The fuller evidence adduced in this
chapter answers certain questions of fact raised by my critics.

the nature of this bliss we shall have to inquire in some¬
what more detail, for sex plays an important part in it.1
Here we are concerned with one of its features only: per¬
petual youth, preserved by the power of rejuvenation.
Whenever the spirit (baloma) sees that bodily hair is cov¬
ering his skin, that the skin itself is getting loose and
wrinkled, and that his head is turning grey, he simply
sloughs his covering and appears fresh and young, with
black locks and smooth hairless skin.
But when a spirit becomes tired of constant rejuvena¬
tion, when he has led a long existence “underneath” as
the natives call it, he may want to return to earth again;
and then he leaps back in age and becomes a small pre¬
born infant.

Some of my informants pointed out that in

Tuma, as on earth, there are plenty of sorcerers.

Black

magic is frequently practised, and can reach a spirit and
make him weak, sick and tired of life5 then, and then
only, will he go back to the beginnings of his existence
and change into a spirit-child.

To kill a spirit by black

magic or accident is quite impossible j his end will always
mean merely a new beginning.
These rejuvenated spirits, these little pre-incarnated
babies or spirit-children, are the only source from which
humanity draws its new supplies of life.

A pre-born

infant finds its way back to the Trobriands and into the
womb of some woman, but always of a woman who be¬
longs to the same clan and sub-clan as the spirit child
itself.

Exactly how it travels from Tuma to Boyowa,

how it enters the body of its mother, and how there the
1 Cf. below, ch. xii, last section.

physiological processes of gestation combine with the spirit
activity, are questions on which native belief is not alto¬
gether consistent.

But that all spirits have ultimately to

end their life in Tuma and turn into unborn infants; that
every child born in this world has first come into exist¬
ence (ibubuli) in Tuma through the metamorphosis of a
spirit; that the only reason and real cause of every birth
is spirit activity, are facts known to everybody and firmly
believed by all.
Owing to its importance, I collected details and vari¬
ants of this system of beliefs with special care.

The re¬

juvenation process is associated in a general way with sea
water.

In the myth which describes how humanity lost

the privilege of regaining youth at will, the scene of the
last rejuvenation is laid on the seashore in one of the
lagoon inlets.1

In the first account of rejuvenation which

I obtained in Omarakana, I was told that the spirit “goes
to the beach and bathes in the salt water.”

Tomwaya

Lakwabulo the Seer (pi. 37), who in his trances often goes
to Tuma and has frequent intercourse with the spirits, told
me: “The baloma go to a spring called sopiwina (literally
‘washing water’); it lies on the beach.
their skin with brackish water.
(young men).”

There they wash

They become to’ulatile

Likewise in the final rejuvenation, which

makes them return to the infant state, the spirits have to
bathe in salt water, and, when they become babies again,
they go into the sea and drift.

They are always spoken

1 This story is given in Myth in Primitive Psychology, pp. 80-106. The
village of Bwadela, where the loss of immortality occurred, is on the
west shore of the southern half of the main island.

of as floating on drift-logs, or on the leaves, boughs, dead
seaweed, sea-scum, and the other light substances which
litter the surface of the sea.

Tomwaya Lakwabulo says

that they float all the time around the shores of Tuma,
wailing wa, wa, wa.

“At night I hear their wailing.

ask, ‘What is it?’

‘Oh, children; the tide brings them,

they come.’ ”

I

The spirits in Tuma can see these pre¬

incarnated infants, and so can Tomwaya Lakwabulo when
he descends into the spirit world.
they are invisible.

But to ordinary people

At times, however, fishermen from

the northern villages of Kaybola and Lu’ebila, when they
go far out into the sea after shark, will hear the wailing
—wa, wa, wa—in the sighing of the wind and the waves.
Tomwaya Lakwabulo and other informants maintain
that such spirit children never float far away from Tuma.
They are transported to the Trobriands by the help of
another spirit.
account.

Tomwaya Lakwabulo gives the following

“A child floats on a drift log.

is good-looking.

She takes it.

A spirit sees it

She is the spirit of the

mother or of the father of the pregnant woman (nasusuma).

Then she puts it on the head, in the hair, of the

pregnant woman, who suffers headache, vomits, and has
an ache in the belly.

Then the child comes down into the

belly, and she is really pregnant.

She says: ‘Already it

(the child) has found me; already they (the spirits) have
brought me the child.’ ”

In this account we find two

leading ideas: the active intervention of another spirit—
the one who somehow conveys the child back to the Tro¬
briands and gives it to the mother—and the insertion of

it through the head, with which (not in the statement
quoted, but usually) is associated the idea of an effusion
of blood, first to the head and then into the abdomen.
As to how the transportation is actually accomplished
opinions vary: there are natives who imagine that the
older spirit carries the baby either in some sort of re¬
ceptacle—a plaited coconut basket or a wooden dish—
or else simply in her arms.
do not know.

Others say candidly that they

But the active control of another spirit is

essentially important.

When natives say that the chil¬

dren are “given by a balomathat “a baloma is the real
cause of childbirth,” they refer always to this controlling
spirit (as we might call it), and not to the spirit baby
itself.

This controlling spirit usually appears in a dream

to the woman about to be pregnant (see ch. viii, sec. i).
As Motago’i, one of my best informants, volunteered:
“She dreams her mother comes to her, she sees the face
of her mother in a dream.
there is a child for me.’ ”

She wakes up, and says: ‘Oh,

Frequently a woman will tell her husband who it was
that brought the baby to her.

And the tradition of this

spiritual godfather or godmother is preserved.

Thus the

present chief of Omarakana knows that it was Bugwabwaga, one of his predecessors in office, who gave him to his
mother.

My best friend, Tokulubakiki, was a gift to his

mother from her kadala, mother’s brother.

Tokulu-

bakiki’s wife received her eldest daughter from her
mother’s spirit.

Usually it is some maternal relative of

the prospective mother who bestows the gift; but it may
be her father, as in Tomwaya Lakwabulo’s statement.

The physiological theory associated with this belief
has already been touched on.

The spirit-child is laid by

the bringer on the woman’s head.

Blood from her body

rushes there, and on this tide of blood the baby gradually
descends until it settles in the womb.

The blood helps to

build the body of the child—it nourishes it.

That is the

reason why, when a woman becomes pregnant, her menstruous flow stops.

A woman will see that her menstrua¬

tion has stopped.

She will wait one, two, three moons,

and then she will know for certain that she is pregnant.
A much less authoritative belief maintains that the baby
is inserted fer vaginam.
Another version of the story of reincarnation ascribes
more initiative to the pre-incarnated infant.

It is sup¬

posed to be able to float of its own will towards the Trobriands.

There it remains, probably in company with

others, drifting about the shores of the island, awaiting
its chance to enter the body of a woman while she bathes.
Certain observances kept by girls in coastal villages are
evidence that the belief has vitality.

The spirit children

are imagined, as around Tuma, to be attached to drift
logs, scum, leaves, and branches, or else to the small
stones on the bottom of the sea.

Whenever, through

wind and tide, much debris accumulates near the shore,
the girls will not enter the water for fear they might con¬
ceive.

Again, in the villages on the northern coast, there

is a custom of filling a wooden baler with water from the
sea which is then left overnight in the hut of a woman
who wishes to conceive, on the chance that a spirit-child
might have been caught in the baler and transfer itself

during the night into the woman.

But even in this case,

the woman is said to be visited in her dream by the spirit
of some deceased maternal relative, so that a controlling
spirit is still essential to conception.

It is important to

note that the water must always be fetched by her brother
or by her mother’s brother 5 that is, by a maternal kins¬
man.

To give an example: a man from the village of

Kapwani, on the northern shore, was asked by his sister’s
daughter to procure her a child.
to the beach.

He went several times

One evening he heard a sound like the

wailing of children.

He drew water from the sea into

the baler and left it in his kadala's (niece’s) hut over
night.

She conceived a child, a girl.

This child, unfor¬

tunately, turned out to be an albino, but this mischance
was not due to the method of conception.
The chief points in which this belief differs from the
one first described are that the pre-incarnated spirit child
is endowed with more spontaneity—it can float across the
sea and enter the bathing woman without help—and that
its entry is effected per vaglnam, or else through the skin
of the abdomen if conception takes place in the hut.

I

found this belief prevalent in the northern part of the
island, and especially in its coastal villages.
The nature of the spirit-child, or pre-incarnated baby,
is not very clearly defined in traditional folk-lore. In
answer to a direct question, the majority of informants
said that they did not know what it was or what it looked
like. . One or two, however, who, through their superior
intelligence, had worked out their beliefs in greater detail
and with more consistency, said that it was like the foetus

in the womb which, they added, “looks like a mouse.”
Tomwaya Lakwabulo volunteered the statement that pre¬
incarnated infants look like very minute and fully devel¬
oped children, and that they are sometimes very beautiful.
He had to say something, of course, since, on his own
showing, he had seen them frequently in Tuma.
the nomenclature is not quite definite.

Even

Usually it is called

maywaya, small child or foetus, but sometimes the word
'pwa'pwawa is used, which, though almost synonymous
with waywaya, refers perhaps rather to a child already
born than to the foetus or a pre-incarnated baby.

Quite

as often, however, it is spoken of simply as “child,” gwadi
(plural, gugwadi).
I was told, though I was not able to verify this com¬
pletely, that there is a magic performed over a species of
betel leaf (kwega) called kaykatuvilena kwega, to induce
pregnancy.

A woman in Yourawotu, a small village near

Omarakana, knows this magic, but unfortunately I was
unable to get into touch with her.1
Thus, as is always the case, this belief dissolves into
various and only partially consistent elements when ex¬
amined under the magnifying glass of detailed research
made over an extended area.

The divergencies are not

wholly due to geographical differences; nor can they be
assigned to special social layers, for some of the incon¬
sistencies occurred in the account of one and the same
1 A statement which I guardedly gave on the authority of a trader in
my article for the Journal of the Anthropological Institute, 1916, p. 404,
to the effect that there are “some stones in Sinaketa, to which a woman
who wants to become enceinte may have recourse,” I found quite baseless
after careful inquiries on the spot.

man.

Tomwaya Lakwabulo, for instance, insisted that

the children cannot travel alone, but must be carried by a
controlling spirit and placed in the woman; yet he in¬
formed me that their wailing could be heard on the north
shore near Kaybola. Or, again, the man of Kiriwina, who
told me how the spirit child might enter from a baler,
also spoke of an older spirit “giving” that child.

Such

inconsistencies are probably the result of several mytho¬
logical cycles of ideas, meeting, so to speak, and inter¬
secting on the locus of this belief.

One of these cycles

contains the idea of rejuvenation} another that of fresh
life floating on the sea towards the island} another that a
new member of the family comes as a gift from some
ancestral spirit.
It is important, however, that, in all principal points,
the various versions and descriptions agree, overlap and
fortify one another j and we are left with a composite
picture which, though blurred in some of its details, pre¬
sents a strong outline when viewed from a distance.

Thus

all spirits rejuvenate} all children are incarnated spirits}
the identity of sub-clan is preserved throughout the cycle}
the real cause of childbirth is the spirit initiative from
Tuma.
It must be remembered, however, that the belief in
reincarnation is not one which exercises a great influence
over custom and social organization in the Trobriands;
rather it is one of those doctrines which lead a quiet and
passive existence in folk-lore, and affect social behaviour
only to a small extent.

Thus, for instance, although the

Trobrianders firmly believe that each spirit becomes a pre-

Tomwaya Lakwabulo the

Seer

Seated on the doorstep of his house,
his widower’s cap (made of basket
work) covering his shaven head. He
shows the
characteristic expression
which heralds the approach of a
trance.

\Ch. VII, z\ also ch. XII, 5]

Albino
The difference in pigmentation be¬
tween this and a normal Melanesian
can best be gauged by comparing the
contrast between skin and brown armlet in this picture with the complete
fusion of the two tints on any other
man.
\_Ch. VII, 3 ; also ch. X, 2]

born infant, and that this again becomes reincarnated into
a human being, yet no consciousness of personal identity
is preserved through the process. That is, no one knows
whose incarnation the infant is—who he was in his
previous existence. There is no remembrance of past life
in Tuma or on earth. Any questioning of the natives
makes it obvious that the whole problem appears to them
irrelevant and indeed uninteresting. The only recognized
.rule which guides these metamorphoses is that the con¬
tinuity of clan and sub-clan is preserved throughout.
There are no moral ideas of recompense or punishment
embodied in their reincarnation theory, no customs or
ceremonies associated with it or bearing witness to it.

The correlation of the mystical with the physiological
aspects in pregnancy belief—of the origin of the child
in Tuma and its journey to the Trobriands with the sub¬
sequent processes in the maternal body, the welling up
of the blood from the abdomen to the head and down
again from the head to the womb—provides a co-ordi¬
nated and self-contained, though not always consistent,
theory of the origin of human life. It also gives a good
theoretical foundation for matrilinyj for the whole
process of introducing new life into a community lies
between the spirit world and the female organism. There
is no room for any sort of physical paternity.
But there is another condition considered by the natives

indispensable for conception and child-birth, which com¬
plicates their theory and blurs the clear outline of their
belief.

This condition is related to sexual intercourse,

and brings us face to face with the difficult and delicate
question: are the natives really entirely ignorant of physi¬
ological fatherhood?

Is it not rather a fact of which

they are more or less aware, though it may be overlaid
and distorted by mythological and animistic beliefs?

Is

it not an instance of empirical knowledge possessed by a
backward community, but never formulated because it is
too obvious to need explicit statement, whereas the tradi¬
tional legend which is the basis of their social structure is
carefully expressed as a part of the body of authoritative
dogma?

The facts which I am about to adduce contain

an unambiguous and decisive answer to these questions.

I

shall not anticipate the conclusion, which, indeed, as we
shall see, will be drawn by the natives themselves.
A virgin cannot conceive.
Tradition, diffuse folk-lore, certain aspects of custom
and customary behaviour, teach the natives this simple
physiological truth.

They have no doubt about it, and it

will be seen from what follows that they can formulate
it tersely and clearly.
This statement was volunteered by Niyova, a sound
informant in Oburaku: “A virgin does not conceive, be¬
cause there is no way for the children to go, for that
woman to conceive.

When the orifice is wide open, the

spirits are aware, they give the child.”

This is quite

clear; but during the same sitting, the same informant
had previously given me a detailed description of how the

spirit lays the child on the woman’s head.

The words of

Niyova, here quoted verbatim, imply an insertion per
Ibena, a clever old man of Kasana’i, gave me

vaginam.

a similar explanation—in fact, it was he who first made
it clear to me that virginity mechanically impedes spirit
impregnation.

His method of explanation was graphic.

Holding out his closed fist, he asked: “Can anything
enter?”

Then, opening it, he continued: “Now, of course,

it is easy.

Thus it is that a bulabola (large orifice) con¬

ceives easily, and a nakapatu (small or closed entrance, a
virgin) cannot do it.”
I have quoted these two statements in extenso, as they
are telling and characteristic 5 but they are not isolated.
I received a great number of similar declarations, all ex¬
pressing the view that the way must be open for the child,
but this need not necessarily be brought about by sexual
intercourse.

The point is quite clear.

The vagina must

be opened to remove the physiological obstacle, called
simply kalapatu (her tightness).

Once this has been

done, in the normal way by sexual intercourse, there is no
need for male and female to come together in order to
produce a child.
Considering that there are no virgins in the villages—
for every female child begins her sexual life very early—
we may wonder how the natives arrived at this conditio
sine qua non.

Again, since they have got so far, it may

appear difficult to see why they have not advanced just
a little further and grasped the fertilizing virtue of
seminal fluid.

Nevertheless, there are many facts to

prove that they have not made this advance: as certainly

as they know the necessity of a mechanical opening of the
vagina, so they do not know the generative power of the
male discharge.

It was in discussing the mythological

tales of mankind’s beginnings on earth (see below, ch.
xiii, sec. 5) and fantastic legends of distant lands, to the
account of which I shall now proceed, that I was made
aware of this subtle yet all-important distinction between
mechanical dilation and physiological fertilization; and
was thus enabled to place native belief regarding pro¬
creation in its proper perspective.
According to native tradition, mankind originated from
underground, whence a couple, a brother and a sister,
emerged at different specified places. According to certain
legends, only women appeared at first.

Some of my com¬

mentators insisted upon this version: “You see, we are so
many on the earth because many women came first. Had
there been many men, we would be few.” Now, whether
accompanied by her brother or not, the primeval woman is
always imagined to bear children without the interven¬
tion of a husband or of any other male partner; but not
without the vagina being opened by some means.
some of the traditions this is mentioned explicitly.

In

Thus

on the island of Vakuta there is a myth which describes
how an ancestress of one of the sub-clans exposed her
body to falling rain, and thus mechanically lost her vir¬
ginity.

In the most important Trobriand myth, a woman,

called Mitigis or Bolutukwa, mother of the legendary
hero Tudava, lives quite alone in a grotto on the seashore.
One day she falls asleep in her rocky dwelling, reclining
under a dripping stalactite.

The drops of water pierce

her vagina, and thus deprive her of virginity.

Hence

her second name, Bolutukwa: bo} female, prefix litukwa,
dripping water.

In other myths of origin the means of

piercing the hymen are not mentioned, but it is often
explicitly stated that the ancestress was without a man,
and could, therefore, have no sexual intercourse.

When

asked in so many words how it was that they bore children
without a man, the natives would mention, more or less
coarsely or jestingly, some means of perforation which
they could easily have used, and it was clear that no more
was necessary.
Moving into another mythological dimension—into
present-day legends of countries far to the north—we
find the marvellous land of Kaytalugi, peopled exclu¬
sively by sexually rabid women.1

They are so brutally

profligate that their excesses kill every man thrown by
chance upon their shores, and even their own male chil¬
dren never attain maturity before they are sexually done
to death.

Yet these women are very prolific, producing

many children, male and female.

If a native is asked

how this can be, how these females become pregnant
if there are no men, he simply cannot understand such
an absurd question.

These women, he will say, destroy

their virginity in all sorts of ways if they cannot get hold
of a man to torture to death.

And they have got their

own baloma, of course, to give them children.
I have adduced these mythical instances first, for they
clearly demonstrate the native point of view; the need
for perforation, and the absence of any idea concerning
1 Cf. ch. xii, sec. 4.

the fertilizing value of the semen.

But there are some

convincing present-day instances which show that the
natives believe that a girl can be with child without
previous sexual intercourse.

Thus, there are some women

so ugly and repulsive that no one believes that they can
ever have had intercourse (save, of course, for those few
who know better, but who are very careful to keep silent
from shame3 see ch. x, sec. 2).

There is Tilapoh, now

an old woman, who was famous for her hideousness in
youth.

She has become blind, was always almost an

idiot, and had a repulsive face and deformed body.

Her

unattractiveness was so notorious that she became the
subject of a saying: Kwoy Tilapo’i (“have connection
with Tilapo’i”), a form of abuse used in mild chaff (ch.
xiii, sec. 4).

Altogether she is an infinite source and pivot

of all kinds of matrimonial and obscene jokes, all based
on the presumed impossibility of being Tilapo’i’s lover
or prospective husband.

I was assured, over and over

again, that no one ever could have had connection with
her.

Yet this woman has had a child, as the natives

would triumphantly point out, when I tried to persuade
them that only by intercourse can children be produced.
Again, there is the case of Kurayana, a woman of
Sinaketa, whom I never saw, but who, I was told, was
“so ugly that any man would be ashamed” to have inter¬
course with her.

This saying implies that social shame

would be an even stronger deterrent than sexual repul¬
sion, an assumption which shows that my informant was
not a bad practical psychologist.

Kurayana, as thoroughly

chaste as anyone could be—by necessity, if not by virtue_

had no less than six children, five of whom died and one
of whom still survives.1
Albinos, male and female, are considered unfit for
sexual intercourse.

There is not the slightest doubt that

all the natives feel real horror of and disgust for these
unfortunate beings, a horror perfectly comprehensible
after one has seen specimens of such unpigmented natives
(see pi. 38).

Yet there are on record several instances

of albino women who have brought forth a numerous
progeny.

“Why did they become pregnant?

Is it because

they copulate at night time? or because a baloma has
given them children?”

Such was the clinching argument

of one of my informants, for the first alternative appeared
obviously absurd.

Indeed, the whole of this line of argu¬

ment was volunteered to me in one of my early discus¬
sions of the subject, although I obtained confirmatory
data by subsequent research.

For as a means of testing

the firmness of their belief, I sometimes made myself
definitely and aggressively an advocate of the truer physi¬
ological doctrine of procreation.

In such arguments the

natives would quote, not only positive instances, such as
those just mentioned, of women who have children with¬
out having enjoyed any intercourse; but would also refer
to the equally convincing negative aspect, that is, to the
many cases in which an unmarried woman has plenty of
intercourse and no children.

This argument would be

repeated over and over again, with specially telling con1 In the already quoted article in the Journal of the Anthropological
Institute, 1916, I did an injustice to Kurayana in stating on p. 412 that
she was the mother of five children only. Six is the correct number, all
produced without the assistance of a man.

Crete examples of childless persons renowned for prof¬
ligacy, or of women who lived with one white trader
after another without having any baby.

Although I was never afraid of using a leading ques¬
tion, or of eliciting the natives’ point of view by con¬
tradicting it, I was somewhat astonished at the fierce
opposition evoked by my advocacy of physiological pater¬
nity.

Only late in my Trobriand career did I find out

that I was not the first to attack this part of native belief,
having been preceded by the missionary teachers.

I speak

mainly of the coloured ones; for I do not know what
attitude was taken by the one or two white men who were
in charge of the mission before my time, and those who
came to the islands while I was there only held office
for a short period and did not go into such details.

But

all my native informants corroborated the fact, once I
had discovered it, that the doctrine and ideal of Paternity,
and all that tends to strengthen it, is advocated by the
coloured Christian teachers.
We must realize that the cardinal dogma of God the
Father and God the Son, the sacrifice of the only Son and
the filial love of man to his Maker would completely miss
fire in a matrilineal society, where the relation between
father and son is decreed by tribal law to be that of two
strangers, where all personal unity between them is
denied, and where all family obligations are associated

with mother-line.

We cannot then wonder that Paternity

must be among the principal truths to be inculcated by
proselytizing Christians.

Otherwise the dogma of the

Trinity would have to be translated into matrilineal
terms, and we should have to speak of a God-kadala
(mother’s brother),
baloma (spirit).

a God-sister’s-son, and a divine

But apart from any doctrinal difficulty, the missionaries
are earnestly engaged in propagating sexual morality
as we conceive it, in which endeavour the idea of the
sexual act as having serious consequences to family life is
indispensable.

The whole Christian morality, moreover,

is strongly associated with the institution of a patrilineal
and patriarchal family, with the father as progenitor
and master of the household.

In short, a religion whose

dogmatic essence is based on the sacredness of the father
to son relationship, and whose morals stand or fall by a
strong patriarchal family, must obviously proceed by con¬
firming the paternal relation, by showing that it has a
natural foundation.

Only during my third expedition to

New Guinea did I discover that the natives had been
somewhat exasperated by having an “absurdity” preached
at them, and by finding me, so “unmissionary” as a rule,
engaged in the same futile argument.
When I found this out, I used to call the correct
physiological view “the talk of the missionaries,” and
goad the natives into comment or contradiction.

In this

manner I obtained some of my strongest and clearest
statements, from which I shall select a few.
Motago’i, one of my most intelligent informants, in

answer to a somewhat arrogantly framed affirmation that
the missionaries were right, exclaimed:—
“Gala voalal

Isasopasi:

yambwata

yambwata

Not

They lie:

always

always

at all!

nakubukwabuya
unmarried girls
litusi

gala.

momona

ikasewo

seminal fluid

it is brimful

children theirs not.
Which may be freely rendered: “Not at all, the mis¬
sionaries are mistaken ; unmarried girls continually have
intercourse, in fact they overflow with seminal fluid, and
yet have no children.”
Here, in terse and picturesque language, Motago’i ex¬
presses the view that, after all, if sexual intercourse were
causally connected with child production, it is the un¬
married girls who should have children, since they lead
a much more intensive sexual life than the married ones—
a puzzling difficulty which really exists, as we shall see
later on, but which our informant exaggerates slightly,
since unmarried girls do conceive, though not nearly as
frequently as anyone holding the “missionary views”
would be led to expect.

Asked in the course of the same

discussion: “What, then, is the cause of pregnancy?” he
answered: “Blood on the head makes child.
fluid does not make the child.

The seminal

Spirits bring at night time

the infant, put on women’s heads—it makes blood.
after two or three months, when the blood

Then,

[that is,

menstruous blood] does not come out, they know: ‘Oh,
I am pregnant!’ ”

An informant in Teyava, in a similar discussion, made
several statements of which I adduce the two most spon¬
taneous and conclusive ones.
produce a child.
late.

“Copulation alone cannot

Night after night, for years, girls copu¬

No child comes.”

In this we see again the same

argument from empirical evidence; the majority of girls,
in spite of their assiduous cultivation of intercourse, do
not bring forth.

In another statement the same infor¬

mant says: “They talk that seminal fluid makes child.
Lie!

The spirits indeed bring [children] at night time.”

My favourite informant in Omarakana, Tokulubakiki,
on whose honesty, goodwill, and dispassionate reflection
I could always rely, when I wanted a final test of my
information, gave a clear, though somewhat Rabelaisian,
statement of the native point of view:—
“Takayta,

it okay

vivila

italagila

We copulate

she gets up

woman

it runs out

momona—

iwokwo.”

seminal fluid—

it is finished.

In other words, after the traces of sexual intercourse
have been removed, there are no further consequences.
These sayings are trenchant enough, as were those pre¬
viously quoted j but, after all, an opinion is a mere aca¬
demic expression of belief, the depth and tenacity of
which can best be gauged by the test of behaviour.

To

a South Sea native, as to a European peasant, his domestic
animals—that is, his pigs—are the most valued and cher¬
ished members of the household.

And if his earnest and

genuine conviction can be seen anywhere, it will be in his

care for the welfare and quality of his animals.

The

South Sea natives are extremely keen to have good, strong,
and healthy pigs, and pigs of a good breed.
The main distinction which they make in the matter
of quality is that between the wild or bush-pigs, and the
tame village pigs.

The village pig is considered a great

delicacy, while the flesh of the bush-pig is one of the
strongest taboos to people of rank in Kiriwina, the trans¬
gression of which they hold in genuine horror and disgust.
Yet they allow the female domestic pigs to wander on
the outskirts of the village and in the bush, where they
can pair freely with male bush-pigs.

On the other hand,

they castrate all the male pigs in the village in order to
improve their condition.

Thus, naturally, all the progeny

are in reality descended from wild bush sires.

Yet the

natives have not the slightest inkling of this fact.

When

I said to one of the chiefs, “You eat the child of a
bush-pig,” he simply took it as a bad joke; for making
fun of bush-pig eating is not considered altogether good
taste by a Trobriander of birth and standing.
did not understand at all what I really meant.

But he

On one occasion when I asked directly how pigs breed,
the answer was: “The female pig breeds by itself,” which
simply meant that, probably, there is no baloma involved
in the multiplication of domestic animals.

When I drew

parallels and suggested that small pigs are brought by
their own balomas, they were not convinced; and it was
evident that neither their own interest, nor the data sup¬
plied by tradition, went far enough to inspire any con¬
cern as to the procreation of pigs.

Very important was a statement volunteered to me by
Motago’i: “From all male pigs we cut off the testes.
They copulate not.

Yet the females bring forth.”

Thus

he ignored the possible misconduct of the bush-pigs, and
adduced the castration of domestic hogs as final proof
that intercourse has nothing to do with breeding.

On

another occasion, I instanced the only two goats in the
Archipelago, one male and one female, which a trader
had recently imported.

When I asked whether the

female would bear any young if the male were killed,
there was no uncertainty about the answer: “Year after
year she will breed.”

Thus they have the firm conviction

that if a female animal were entirely cut off from any
male of the species, this would by no means interfere with
her fecundity.
Another crucial test is provided by the recent importa¬
tion of European pigs. In honour of the first man who
brought them, the late Mick George, a Greek trader
and a truly Homeric character, they are called by the
natives bulukwa Miki (Mick’s pigs), and they will give
five to ten of the native pigs in exchange for one of them.
Yet when they have acquired it, they will not take the
slightest precautions to make it breed with a male of the
same superior race, though they could easily do so.

In

one instance when, having several small pigs of European
race they castrated all the males, they were reproved by
a white trader, and told that by so doing they lowered the
whole breed.

But they simply could not be made to

understand, and all over the district they continue to allow
their valued European pigs to mis-breed.

In the article already quoted (Journal of the An¬
thropological Institute, 1916) I gave verbatim a remark
of one of my informants about pigs, obtained early in the
course of my field-work.

“They copulate, copulate, pres¬

ently the female will give birth.”

My comment was:

“Thus here copulation appears to be the u'ula (cause)
of pregnancy.”
is incorrect.

This opinion, even in its qualified form,

As a matter of fact, during my first visit

to the Trobriands, after which this article was written,
I never entered deeply into the matter of animal procrea¬
tion.

The concise native utterance quoted above, cannot,

in the light of subsequent fuller information, be inter¬
preted as implying any knowledge of how pigs really
breed.

As it stands, it simply means that vaginal dilation

is as necessary in animals as in human beings.

It also

implies that, according to native tradition, animals are
not subject in this, as in many other respects, to the same
causal relations as man.

In man, spirits are the cause of

pregnancy: in animals—it just happens.

Again, while the

Trobrianders ascribe all human ailments to sorcery, with
animals disease is just disease.

Men die because of very

strong evil magic5 animals—just die.

But it would be

quite incorrect to interpret this as evidence that the natives
know, in the case of animals, the natural causes of
impregnation, disease, and death j while in man they
obliterate this knowledge by an animistic superstructure.
The true summary of the native outlook is that they are
so deeply interested in human affairs that they construct
a special tradition about all that is vital for man; while

in what concerns animals, things are taken as they come,
without any attempt at explanation, and also without any
insight into the real course of nature.
Their attitude to their own children also bears witness
to their ignorance of any causal relation between congress
and the ensuing pregnancy.

A man whose wife has con¬

ceived during his absence will cheerfully accept the fact
and the child, and he will see no reason at all for sus¬
pecting her of adultery.

One of my informants told me

that after over a year’s absence he returned to find a
newly born child at home.

He volunteered this statement

as an illustration and final proof of the truth that sexual
intercourse has nothing to do with conception.

And it

must be remembered that no native would ever discuss
any subject in which the slightest suspicion of his wife’s
fidelity could be involved.

In general, no allusion is

ever made to her sexual life, past or present.

Her preg¬

nancy and childbirth are, on the other hand, freely dis¬
cussed.
There is another instance of a native of the small
island of Kitava, who, after two years’ absence, was quite
pleased to find a few months’ old baby at home, and could
not in the slightest degree understand the indiscreet taunts
and allusions of some white men with reference to his
wife’s virtue.

My friend Layseta, a great sailor and ma¬

gician of Sinaketa, spent a long time in his later youth
in the Amphlett Islands.

On his return he found two

children, borne by his wife during his absence.

He is very

fond of them and of his wife} and when I discussed the

matter with others, suggesting that one at least of these
children could not be his, my interlocutors did not under¬
stand what I meant.
Thus we see, from these instances, that children born
in wedlock during a prolonged absence of the husband,
will yet be recognized by him as his own children, that is
as standing to him in the social relation of child to father.
An instructive parallel to this is supplied by cases of chil¬
dren born out of wedlock, but during a liaison as exclu¬
sive as a marriage.

In such a case, the physiological father

would be obvious to us; yet a Trobriander would not
recognize the children as his, and further, since for a girl
it is dishonourable to bear children before she is married,
he might refuse to marry her.

Of this I had a good

example: Gomaya, one of my early informants, whom
we know already (ch. iv, sec. 6), had a liaison with a girl
called Ilamweria (pi. 39)- They lived together and were
going to be married, but she became pregnant and gave
birth to a girl, whereupon Gomaya abandoned her.

He

was quite convinced that she had never had any relations
with another boy, so, if any question of physiological
fatherhood had come into his mind, he would have ac¬
cepted the child as his own, and married the mother.
But, in accordance with the native point of view, he simply
did not inquire into the question of fatherhood; it was
enough that there was prenuptial motherhood.
Thus of children borne by a married woman, her hus¬
band is the father ex ojjlcio, but for an unmarried mother,
there is “no father to the child.”

The father is defined

socially, and in order that there may be fatherhood there

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must be marriage.

And traditional sentiment regards

illegitimate children, as we have said, as improper on the
part of the mother.

Of course there is no implication of

sexual guilt in this censure, but, to the native, to do wrong
is simply to act contrary to custom.

And it is not the

custom for an unmarried girl to have babies, although
it is the custom for her to have as much sexual intercourse
as she likes.

When asked why it is considered bad, they

will answer:—
“Pela gala tamala, gala taytala biko-po'i”
“Because no father his, no man he [who] might take
[it] in his arms.”
“Because there is no father to the child, there is no
man to take it in his arms.”

In this locution, the correct

definition of the term tamala is clearly expressed: it is
the mother’s husband, the man whose role and duty it
is to take the child in his arms and to help her in nursing
and bringing it up.

This seems a convenient place to speak about the very
interesting problem of illegitimate children, or, as the
natives word it, “children borne by unmarried girls,”
“fatherless children.”

Several questions must, no doubt,

have already obtruded themselves on the reader.

Since

there is so much sexual freedom, must there not be a great
number of children born out of wedlock?

If this is not

so, what means of prevention do the natives possess?

If

it is so, how do they deal with the problem, what is the
position of illegitimate children?
As to the first question, it is very remarkable to note
that illegitimate children are rare.

The girls seem to

remain sterile throughout their period of licence, which
begins when they are small children and continues until
they marry j when they are married they conceive and
breed, sometimes quite prolifically.

I express myself cau¬

tiously about the number of illegitimate children, for in
most cases there are special difficulties even in ascertain¬
ing the fact.

To have prenuptial children is, as I have

said, by an arbitrary ruling of doctrine and custom, con¬
sidered reprehensible.

Thus, out of delicacy towards

people present, out of family interest or local pride, the
existence of such children is invariably concealed.

Such

children are often adopted by some relative, and the
elasticity of kinship terms makes it very difficult to dis¬
tinguish between actual and adopted children.

If a mar¬

ried man says, “This is my child,” it may quite easily
be his wife’s sister’s illegitimate baby.

So that only an

approximate estimate can be made even in a community
with which one is very well acquainted.
find roughly a

dozen

illegitimate

I was able to

children

recorded

genealogically in the Trobnands, or about one per cent.
In this the illegitimate children of the ugly, deformed, or
albino women mentioned above are not included, as none
of them happens to figure in the genealogical records
made by me.
Thus we are faced with the question: Why are there

so few illegitimate children?

On this subject I can only

speak tentatively, and 1 feel that my information is per¬
haps not quite as full as it might have been, had I con¬
centrated more attention upon it.

One thing I can say

with complete confidence: no preventive means of any
description are known, nor the slightest idea of them
entertained.

This, of course, is quite natural.

Since the

procreative power of seminal fluid is not known, since it is
considered not only innocuous but beneficent, there is
no reason why the natives should interfere with its free
arrival in the parts which it is meant to lubricate.

In¬

deed, any suggestion of neo-Malthusian appliances makes
them shudder or laugh according to their mood or tem¬
perament.

They never practice coitus interru'ptus, and

still less have any notion about chemical or mechanical
preventives.
But though I am quite certain on this point, I cannot
speak with the same conviction about abortion, though
probably it is not practised to any large extent.

I may say

at once that the natives, when discussing these matters,
feel neither fear nor constraint, so there can be no question
of any difficulties in finding out the state of affairs because
of reticence or concealment.

My informants told me that

a magic exists to bring about premature birth, but I was
not able either to obtain instances in which it was per¬
formed, or to find out the spells or rites made use of.
Some of the herbs employed in this magic were mentioned
to me, but I am certain that none of them possess any
physiological properties.

Abortion by mechanical means

seems, in fine, the only effective method practised to check
the increase of population, and there is no doubt that even
this is not used on a large scale.
So the problem remains.

Can there be any physio¬

logical law which makes conception less likely when
women begin their sexual life young, lead it indefatigably,
and mix their lovers freely?

This, of course, cannot be

answered here, as it is a purely biological question; but
some such solution of the difficulty seems to me the only
one, unless I have missed some very important eth¬
nological clue.

I am, as I have said, by no means con¬

fident of my researches being final in this matter.
It is amusing to find that the average white resident or
visitor to the Trobriands is deeply interested in this sub¬
ject, and in this subject only, of all the ethnological prob¬
lems opened to him for consideration.

There is a belief

prevalent among the white citizens of eastern New
Guinea that the Trobrianders are in possession of some
mysterious and powerful means of prevention or abortion.
This belief is, no doubt, explicable by the remarkable
and puzzling facts which we have just been discussing.
It is enhanced by insufficient knowledge, and the tendency
towards exaggeration and sensationalism so characteristic
of the crude European mind. Of insufficient knowledge,
I had several examples j for every white man with whom
I spoke on the subject would start with the dogmatic
assertion that unmarried girls among the Trobrianders
never have children, saving those who live with white
traders j whereas, as we have seen, illegitimate children
are on record.

Equally incorrect and fantastic is the

belief in mysterious contraceptives, for which not even the
oldest residents, who are firmly convinced of their ex¬
istence, can supply any basis in fact.

This seems to be

an example of the well-known truth, that a higher race
in contact with a lower one has a tendency to credit the
members of the latter with mysterious demoniacal powers.
Returning now to the question of “fatherless children,”
we find among the Trobrianders a trend of public opinion
with regard to illegitimacy which almost amounts to a
moral rule.

We, in our own society, share this opinion

very emphatically} but with us it is connected with our
strong moral condemnation of unchastity.

In theory at

least, if not in practice, we condemn the fruits of sexual
immorality, because of the cause and not because of the
consequence.

Our syllogism runs thus: “All intercourse

out of wedlock is bad; pregnancy is caused by intercourse}
hence all unmarried pregnant girls are bad.”

Thus, when

we find in another society the last term of the syllogism
endorsed, we jump to the conclusion that the other terms
also obtain, especially the middle one.

That is, we as¬

sume that the natives are aware of physiological paternity.
We know, however, that the first proposition is not ac¬
cepted in the Trobriands, for intercourse out of wedlock
is quite free from censure unless it offends the special
taboos of adultery, exogamy, and incest.

Therefore the

middle term cannot serve as a connecting link, and the
fact that the natives endorse the conclusion proves nothing
about their knowledge of fatherhood.

I have developed

this point in some detail, because it is a characteristic
example of how difficult is emancipation from our own

narrow modes of thinking and feeling, and our own rigid
structures of social and moral prejudice.

Although I

myself should have been on my guard against such traps,
and though at that time I was already acquainted with
the Trobrianders and their ways of thinking, yet, on
realizing their disapproval of children out of wedlock, I
went through all this false reasoning before a fuller
acquaintance with the facts forced me to correct it.
Fecundity in unmarried girls is discreditable j sterility
in married women is unfortunate.

The same term

nakarige (na, female prefix, karige, to die) is used of a
childless woman as of a barren sow.

But this condition

brings no shame on the person concerned, and does not
detract from the social status of such a woman. The
oldest wife of To’uluwa, Bokuyoba, has no children, yet
she ranks first among the wives as is the due of her age.
Nor is the word nakarige considered to be indelicate} a
sterile woman will use it when speaking of herself, and
others will apply it to her in her presence.

But fertility

in married women is considered a good thing.

Primarily

it affects her maternal kinsmen, and is a matter of great
importance to them (see ch. i, sec. i).

“The kinsmen

rejoice, for their bodies become stronger when one of their
sisters or nieces has plenty of children.”

The wording

of this statement expresses the interesting conception of
collective clan unity, of the members being not only of
the same flesh, but almost forming one body (see ch vi
and ch. xiii, sec. 5).
Returning again to the main trend of our argument,
it must be noted that the scorn and disapproval levelled

at illegitimacy is highly significant sociologically. Let
us realize once more this interesting and strange constel¬
lation of facts: physical fatherhood is unknown; yet
fatherhood in a social sense is considered necessary and
the “fatherless child” is regarded as something anom¬
alous, contrary to the normal course of events, and hence
reprehensible. What does this mean? Public opinion,
based on tradition and custom, declares that a woman
must not become a mother before she marries, though she
may enjoy as much sexual liberty as she likes within
lawful bounds. This means that a mother needs a de¬
fender and provider of economic necessities. She has one
natural master and protector in her brother, but he is not
in a position to look after her in all matters where she
needs a guardian. According to native ideas, a woman
who is pregnant must, at a certain stage, abstain from all
intercourse and “turn her mind away from men.” She
then needs a man who will take over all sexual rights
in regard to her, abstain from exercising even his own
privileges from a certain moment, guard her from any
interference, and control her own behaviour. All this the
brother cannot do, for, owing to the strict brother-sister
taboo, he must scrupulously avoid even the thought of
anything which is concerned with his sister’s sex. Again,
there is the need for a man to keep guard over her during
childbirth, and “to receive the child into his arms,” as
the natives put it. Later it is the duty of this man to
share in all the tender cares bestowed on the child (see
ch. i, secs, i and 3; and ch. xiii, sec. 6). Only when the
child grows up does he relinquish the greater part of h:s

authority and hand it over to his wife’s brother, retaining
some of it in the case of female children, when it comes
to marriage (see above, ch. iv).
Thus the part played by the husband is strictly defined
by custom and is considered socially indispensable.

A

woman with a child and no husband is an incomplete and
anomalous group.

The disapproval of an illegitimate

child and of its mother is a particular instance of the gen¬
eral disapproval of everything which does not conform to
custom, and runs counter to the accepted social pattern
and traditional tribal organization.

The family, consist¬

ing of husband, wife, and children, is the standard set
down by tribal law, which also defines the functions of
its component parts. It is therefore not right that one of
the members of this group should be missing.
Thus, though the natives are ignorant of any physio¬
logical need for a male in the constitution of the family,
they regard him as indispensable socially.

This is very

important.
Paternity, unknown in the full biological
meaning so familiar to us, is yet maintained by a social
dogma which declares: “Every family must have a
father j a woman must marry before she may have chil¬
dren j there must be a male to every household.”
The institution of the individual family is thus firmly
established on a strong feeling of its necessity, quite com¬
patible with an absolute ignorance of its biological foun¬
dations.

The sociological role of the father is established

and defined without any recognition of his physiological
nature.

ICh. VII, 6; ch. I, 2]

The chief To’ulwwa, bamboo pipe in hand, stands in
front of his house; his son Dipapa, holding his fa¬
ther’s lime gourd, is seated at his feet.

The interesting duality between matrilineal and patri¬
archal influences, represented by the mother’s brother
and the father respectively, is one of the leitmotifs of
the first act of Trobriand tribal life.

Here we have come

to the very core of the problem: for we see within this
social scheme, with its rigid brother-sister taboo and its
ignorance of physical fatherhood, two natural spheres of
influence to be exercised over a woman by a man (see
ch. i, secs.

I

and 2): the one, that of sex, from which

the brother is absolutely debarred and where the hus¬
band’s influence is paramount; the other, that in which
the natural interests of blood relationship can be safe¬
guarded properly only by one who is of the same blood.
This is the sphere of the woman’s brother.
By the brother’s inability to control or to approach,
even as a distant spectator, the principal theme in a
woman’s life—her sex—a wide breach is left in the sys¬
tem of matriliny.

Through this breach the husband

enters into the closed circle of family and household, and
once there makes himself thoroughly at home.

To his

children he becomes bound by the strongest ties of per¬
sonal attachment, over his wife he assumes exclusive
sexual rights, and shares with her the greater part of do¬
mestic and economic concerns.
On the apparently unpropitious soil of strict matriliny,
with its denial of any paternal bond through procreation

and its declaration of the father’s extraneousness to
progeny, there spring up certain beliefs, ideas and cus¬
tomary rules, which smuggle extreme patrilineal prin¬
ciples into the stronghold of mother-right.

One of these

ideas is of the kind which figures so largely in sensa¬
tional amateur records of savage life, and it strikes us
at first as savage indeed, so lop-sided, distorted and quaint
does it appear.

I refer to their idea about the similarity

between parents and offspring.

That this is a favourite

topic of nursery gossip in civilized communities needs no
special comment.

In a matrilineal society, such as the

Trobriands, where all maternal relatives are considered
to be of the “same body,” and the father to be a
“stranger,” we should have no doubt in anticipating that
facial and bodily similarity would be traced in the
mother’s family alone.

The contrary is the case, how¬

ever, and this is affirmed with extremely strong social
emphasis.

Not only is it a household dogma, so to speak,

that a child never resembles its mother, or any of its
brothers and sisters, or any of its maternal kinsmen, but
it is extremely bad form and a great offence to hint at any
such similarity.

To resemble one’s father, on the other

hand, is the natural, right, and proper thing for a man
or woman to do.
I was introduced to this rule of savotf 'vwye in the usual
way, by making a faux 'pas.

One of my bodyguard in

Omarakana, named Moradeda, was endowed with

a

peculiar cast of features which had struck me at first
sight and fascinated me, for it had a strange similarity to
the Australian aboriginal type—wavy hair, broad face,

low forehead, extremely broad nose, with a much de¬
pressed bridge, wide mouth with protruding lips, and a
prognathous chin.

One day I was struck by the appear¬

ance of an exact counterpart to Moradeda, and asked his
name and whereabouts.

When I was told that he was my

friend’s elder brother, living in a distant village, I ex¬
claimed: “Ah, truly!

I asked about you because your

face is alike—alike to that of Moradeda.”

There came

such a hush over all the assembly that I was startled by it
at once.

The man turned round and left us; while part

of the company present, after averting their faces in a
manner half-embarrassed, half-offended, soon dispersed.
I was then told by my confidential informants that I had
committed a breach of custom; that I had perpetrated
what is called taputaki migila, a technical expression re¬
ferring only to this act which might be translated: “Todefile-by-comparing-to-a-kinsman-his-face” (see ch. xiii,
sec. 4).

What astonished me in this discussion was that,

in spite of the striking resemblance between the two
brothers, my informants refused to admit it.

In fact,

they treated the question as if no one could possibly ever
resemble his brother, or, for the matter of that, any
maternal kinsman.

I made my informants quite angry

and displeased with me by arguing the point, and even
more so by quoting cases of such obvious similarity be¬
tween two brothers as that which

obtained between

Namwana Guya’u and Yobukwa’u (pi. 40).
This incident taught me never to hint at such a re¬
semblance in the presence of the people concerned.

But

I thrashed the matter out with many natives subsequently

in the course of general conversation.

I found that every¬

one in the Trobriands will, in the teeth of all the evi¬
dence, stoutly deny that similarity can exist between
matrilineal kinsmen.

A Trobriander is simply irritated

and insulted if striking instances are pointed out to him,
in exactly the same way as, in our own society, we irritate
our next-door neighbour by bringing before him a glaring
truth which contradicts some cherished opinion, political,
religious, or moral, or which, still worse, runs counter to
his personal interests.
The Trobrianders maintain that mention of such like¬
nesses can only be made to insult a man.

It is, in fact,

a technical phrase in serious bad language to say migim
lumuta, “Thy face thy sister’s,” which, by the way, is the
worst combination of kinship similarity.

This expression

is considered quite as bad as “have intercourse with thy
sister!”

But, according to a Trobriander, no sane and

decent man can possibly entertain in a sober dispassionate
mood such an outrageous thought as that anyone should
in the slightest degree resemble his sister (see ch. xiii,
sec. 4).
Still more remarkable is the counterpart to this social
dogma

namely, that every child resembles its father.

Such similarity is always assumed and affirmed to exist.
Where it is really found, even to a small degree, constant
attention is drawn to it as to a thing which is nice, good
and right.

It was often pointed out to me how strongly

one or other of the sons of To’uluwa, the chief of Omarakana, resembled his father, and the old man was especially
proud of the more or less imaginary resemblance between

The Pregnancy Cloak

Photograph taken at a first pregnancy
ceremony.
Note the mats on ’which
the ’woman is standing, the basket ’with
magic herbs at her feet {left) and the
crown of hibiscus flowers; also the
remarkably clear colour of her skin in
contrast to her black hair.

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himself and his youngest son, Dipapa (see pi. 41).

Espe¬

cially were the five favourite sons of himself and Kadamwasila each said to be exactly like his father.

When

I pointed out that this similarity to the father implied
similarity to each other, such a heresy was indignantly
repudiated.

There are also definite customs which em¬

body this dogma of patrilineal similarity.

Thus, after

a man’s death, his kinsmen and friends will come from
time to time to visit his children in order to “see his face
in theirs.” They will give them presents, and sit looking
at them and wailing.

This is said to soothe their insides

because they have seen once more the likeness of the dead.
How do the natives reconcile the inconsistency of this
dogma with the matrilineal system?

When questioned

they will say: “Yes, maternal kinsmen are the same flesh,
but similar faces they have not.”

When you inquire

again why it is that people resemble their father, who is
a stranger and has nothing to do with the formation of
their body, they have a stereotyped answer: “It coagulates
the face of the child; for always he lies with her, they
sit together.”

The expression kuli, to coagulate, to

mould, was used over and over again in the answers which
I received.

This is a statement of the social doctrine

concerning the influence of the father over the physique
of the child, and not merely the personal opinion of my
informants.

One of my informants explained it to me

more exactly, turning his open hands to me palm up¬
wards: “Put some soft mash (sesa) on it, and it will
mould like the hand.

In the same manner, the husband

remains with the woman and the child is moulded.”

An-

other man told me: “Always we give food from our hand
to the child to eat, we give fruit and dainties, we give
betel nut.

This makes the child as it is.”

I also discussed the existence of half-castes with my
informants, children of white traders married to native
women.

I pointed out that some look much more like

natives than like Europeans.

This, again, they simply

denied, maintaining stoutly that all these children have
white men’s faces, and giving this as another proof of
their doctrine.

There was no way of shaking their con¬

viction, or of diminishing their dislike of the idea that
anyone can resemble his mother or her people, an idea
condemned by the tradition and the good manners of the
tribe.
Thus we see that an artificial physical link between
father and child has been introduced, and that on one
important point it has overshadowed the matrilineal bond.
For physical resemblance is a very strong emotional tie
between two people, and its strength is hardly reduced
by its being ascribed, not to a physiological, but to a soci¬
ological cause—that of continued association between hus¬
band and wife.
I have to record one more important assertion of
father-right in this matrilineal society, one of a purely
social and economic nature.

That there is a compromise

between the two principles of matriliny and paternal
influence in social and economic matters, we have already
seen; but it is worth while to restate this briefly here, and
to mention its most peculiar feature.
The matrilineal principle is maintained by the more

rigid rules of tribal law.

These rules decree absolutely

that a child must belong to the family, sub-clan, and clan
of its mother.

Less absolutely but still very strictly, they

regulate the membership of a village community and the
office of magician.

They also assign all inheritance of

land, privileges and material goods to mother-line.

But

here a number of customs and usages allow, if not an
evasion, at least a compromise and modification of tribal
law.

By these usages, a father can, for his own lifetime,

grant the right of citizenship in his village to his son
and bestow upon him the usufruct of canoes, lands, cere¬
monial privileges, and magic.

By cross-cousin marriage,

combined with matrilocal residence, he can even secure
all these things to his son for life.
All this we know already, but here we have to note one
more important difference in the transmission of material
goods and privileges, as from maternal uncle to a nephew
on the one hand, and a father to a son on the other.

A

man is obliged to relinquish all his possessions and offices
to his younger brother or maternal nephew at death.

But

usually the younger man wants to possess some of these
things during his senior’s lifetime; and it is customary for
a maternal uncle to part with a portion of his gardens
or some of his magic while he is still living.

But in such

cases he has to be paid for it, and the payment is often
quite substantial.

It is called by the special technical

name pokalaJ'
When a man gives any of these things to his son, on
1 This word has more than one meaning: it denotes several types of
economic transaction. Compare Argonauts of the IVestern Pacific, index
s.v. pokala.

the other hand, he does it of his free will, and quite
gratuitously.

Thus, a maternal nephew, or younger

brother, has the right to claim his share, and always re¬
ceives it if he gives the first instalment of the pokala.
The son relies on his father’s goodwill, which, as a rule,
works very effectively on his behalf, and he receives all
the gifts for nothing.

The man who has the right to the

things has to pay for them, while the man who receives
them without the sanction of tribal law gets them gratis.
Of course he has to return them, at least in part, after his
father’s deathj but the use and enjoyment he has had
of material benefits remain his, while the magic he cannot
return.
The natives explain this anomalous state of things by
the father’s partiality to his children, which, in its turn,
is accounted for by his relation to their mother.

The

natives say that his free gifts to the children are a reward
for the free cohabitation which he enjoys with his wife.1
*1 have dealt with the relation between tribal law and the usages
which are formed in reaction to it in Crime and Custom, esp. pt. ii, ch. iii.
Chapter 8
We had to make a digression into the domain of sociology, led thereto by the Trobriand beliefs concerning
procreation and spiritual incarnation and the great in¬
fluence which these exert upon family and kinship.

Let

us now resume our consecutive account by considering the
course of pregnancy and childbirth.

In the first two

sections of this chapter I shall describe one observance
which is of outstanding interest to the ethnologist: the
special public ceremonial performed when a woman is
passing through her first pregnancy.

The succeeding two

sections will be devoted to the customs associated with
childbirth and maternity in general.
I

Pregnancy is first diagnosed by the swelling of the
breasts and the darkening of the nipples.

At this time

a woman may dream that the spirit of one of her kins¬
women brings her the child from the other world to be
reincarnated.

If during the next two or three moons her

menstrual flow makes no appearance, then, say the natives,
it is certain that she has become pregnant

(isuma).

Native embryology teaches that four moons after the ap211

pearance of the baloma in the dream the abdomen begins
to swell j and when this stage in a first pregnancy is
reached, the relatives of the mother-to-be take steps to
provide her with certain ceremonial garments prescribed
by custom 5 a plain white fibre petticoat, and a long cloak
(■saykeulo) of the same material (pi. 42).

These will be

given to her in about the fifth moon of her pregnancy
with a great deal of ceremony, and she will wear them on
that occasion for a month or two and also after she has
given birth to the child.

This ceremony is never per¬

formed for an igamugwa, a woman who has already been
pregnant, but only for an igava’u, a woman who conceives
for the first time.
As with every other ceremonial occasion in the Trobriands, this presentation of the fibre cloak has its place in
a definite sociological scheme.

The duties connected with

it are distributed among certain relatives who subsequently
receive an appropriate payment.

The task of making the

robes and of offering them to the igava'u falls to the
female relatives of the girl’s father—the women whom
she calls generically tabugu—and the lead is taken by
the father’s own sister.

We have already seen on an

earlier occasion of great importance in the life of a girl,
namely when her marriage is about to be concluded, that
it is the father, and not her official guardian, the mother’s
brother, whose consent is decisive and who has to super¬
vise the whole affair.

Again, in this later crisis, it is the

father and his matrilineal kinswomen who take the active
part.

The father summons his sister, his mother, and his

niece, and says to them: “Well, come to my house and cut

the saykeulo for your niece, my daughter.”

The father’s

sister then takes the lead, and rouses as many of her kins¬
women as possible to help in the work.

They come to¬

gether, talk the matter over, and arrange when they will
begin.

The saykeulo is always made in front of the

father’s house, or, if he be a chief, on the central place
of his village.

The women sit down in a wide circle round

a heap of banana leaves to which every worker has con¬
tributed several bundles, frayed ready for use.

Then the

pieces are bound together, amid continuous chatter and a
hubbub of voices and laughter.

It is an exclusively fe¬

male gathering, and no man with any sense of decency
and etiquette would come near.

Four garments have to

be made: two long mantles and two skirts.

One of the

mantles is to be worn at the initial celebration of first
pregnancy and the second when the mother first appears
in public after her confinement; the two skirts are also for
use after the birth.

The four garments can be easily

finished at one sitting, though a second is sometimes
necessary when there are too many gossips present for the
work to go quickly.

When the garments are finished,

usually in the afternoon, the workers pass to the magical
part of the performance.

For, as always in the making

of a really important object, or one which has to be en¬
dowed with definite properties and powers, magic is an
essential part of the process of production.
I had good opportunities for studying the magic of
pregnancy robes.

I observed and photographed the rites

in progress at the village of Tukwa’ukwa, and in the same
village I obtained the formula of saykeulo magic, as it

was then recited, also I discussed the ceremonial with the
actual performers, as well as with women in other lo¬
calities.
The rite is simple, but interesting, for it reveals the
native ideas of the nature of magical force and of the
way in which it operates.

A mat is spread on the ground

and the four pregnancy garments are placed upon it (pi.
43 ).

The women have brought with them the fleshy lower

parts of certain creamy white leaves, which come from a
lily plant bearing a snow-white flower.

These are cut

into pieces (pi. 44) and strewn over the robes.

Those

among the robe-makers who know the formula—and
there are always several of them—kneel round the
bundle, and, bending over it, thrust their faces right into
the fibre stuff (pi. 43), so that it may be well permeated
with the breath which carries the magic words:
“O bwaytuva (a bird similar to the reef heron but
with quite white plumage), hover over Waybeva (the
creek of Tukwa’ukwa village), swoop down to Mkikiya
(the waterhole of the village)! O bwaytuva, hover over
Mkikiya, swoop down to Waybeva!”
This is the exordium (uyula), the opening part of the
magical formula, in which, as we see, a white bird is in¬
vited to hover over the bathing place and the principal
water supply of the village.1
(tapwana) of the spell.

Then follows the main part

In this the phrase bwaytuva

ikata—“the bwaytuva bird sharpens” (i.e. makes brilliant
or resplendent)—is repeated with various words, each of
1 For the structure and general characteristics of the Trobriand sDells
see Argonauts of the IVestern Pacific, ch. xviii.
v

Cutting the White Lily Leaves

The Way into the Water

which describes a part of the pregnancy robe.

In the

Trobriands, as no doubt in every other society, each detail
of a lady’s garment is carefully defined and has its
specific name.

These are enumerated and coupled one

by one with the leading phrase.

Thus the forfnula con¬

tains a series of such incantations as “the bwaytuva bird
makes resplendent the top hem of the robe,” “the bway¬
tuva bird makes resplendent the fringe of the robe,” and
so on.

Then the same phrase is repeated with various

words describing parts of the body: “the bwaytuva bird
makes resplendent the head of my tabu (my brother’s
child),” “the bwaytuva makes resplendent the nose of my
brother’s child” \ and so on to the cheeks, the chest, the
belly, the groins, the buttocks, the thighs, the knees, the
calves, and the feet.

The formula thus enumerates every

part of the body with a consistent pedantry characteristic
of Trobriand magic.

The end-part (dogina) runs thus:

“No more is it her head, her head is like the pallor
before dawn; no more is it her face, her face is like the
white sprouts of a young leaf of the areca plant j praise
her by robbing her house! praise her by demanding a
tilewa’i (flattery gift)!”
This formula expresses, in terms of magic, a wish to
improve the personal appearance of the wearer of the
robes, and it is especially associated with the whiteness
of her skin.

A bird of beautiful form and of brilliantly

white plumage is invoked at the beginning, and its name
acts as the most powerful charm in the principal part of
the formula.

Its association with the names of the creek

and the waterhole in which the pregnant woman has to

bathe and wash, may possess the power to whiten her skin.
The conclusion anticipates the result, a form very
common in the Trobriand spells: the face of the pregnant
woman becomes pallid like the white sky before dawn, and
like the young sprouts of areca.

The last two sentences

of the formula refer to the curious custom which allows
anyone who gives flattery or praise after a remarkable
achievement or performance and removes a piece of
decoration as a pledge, to demand a special gift, tilewa’i.
In the case of a still more remarkable achievement, the
lucky man who is to gain by it may have to see all his
belongings on which the members of the community can
lay hand kwaykwaya—that is, “taken away as expression
of admiration.”

The remarkable achievement thus fore¬

shadowed in the first pregnancy rites is the resplendent
whiteness of the pregnant woman’s skin.
From another village—Omarakana—I obtained the
initial fragment of the magic used there by certain women.
In this formula also a bird is addressed:
“O white pigeon, come, lull our pregnancy cloak to
sleep. I shall go and lull your egg to sleep.”
The pigeon invoked is notable for the whiteness of its
plumage and of its egg’s shell.

The “lulling” of the

pregnancy cloak refers, it is said, to the child to be born,
whose skin should also be made white.

We shall have

to speak at some length about this fundamental idea of
whitening the skin which underlies the pregnancy cere¬
monial.
In their general character, the proceedings are similar
to most rites in the Trobriands.

The women finish the

robe and then, in very much the same business-like
manner, go on to the magic.

The white lily leaves are

cut by one of them immediately after the robe is finished
(pi. 44), and the garment is spread on the mat by another.
While the magic is being recited (pi. 43), no disturbing
noises are allowed, but neither is anyone excluded; the
onlookers adopt no special attitude, nor have they any
observances to keep.

After the women have impregnated

the robes with the magical virtues of the spell, they beat
the bundle with their palms.

This increases the garments’

power of imparting whiteness to the wearer.

The tap¬

ping is conceived as the “waking up of the garment.”
The rite is called yuvisila saykeulo, the breathing over of
the pregnancy robe.

The four robes, together with the

white cut leaves strewn over them, are now covered with
another mat, so that the magic may not evaporate, and
the whole bundle is placed in the house of the principal
tabula, the father’s sister.

On the day following the making and charming of the
robe, the actual investment of the pregnant woman takes
place.

With this is associated her public bathing and

washing and her magical adornment.

I shall describe

the ceremony as I saw it in the village of Tukwa’ukwa,
where, in May, 1918, I and my friend, the late Mr.
B. Hancock, were able to take photographs of it (pis. 43,
44, 45, 46, 49, and 50).

My friend had also photo217

graphed and recorded the ceremony about a year before
when it had taken place in the same village (pis. 42, 47,
and 48).

In the course of my narrative, I shall indicate

such local differences as obtain between the coastal vil¬
lages, of which Tukwa’ukwa is one, and the inland set¬
tlements, distant from the seashore.
Very early in the morning, the whole village, or at
least all its female inhabitants, are astir and preparing
for the spectacle.

The tabula (father’s sister and other

paternal relatives) forgather in the father’s hut, where
the pregnant woman awaits them.

When all is ready,

the prospective mother proceeds to the seashore, walking
between two of her tabula.
From the inland villages not too far distant from the
sea, the procession would also go down to the beach; but
those villages far enough away to consider themselves
“inland people” perform the pregnancy bath at the waterhole where they usually wash.

If the woman is of high

rank, she will be carried all the way to the shore or to the
waterhole.
part.

In the ceremony, only women take an active

Tukwa’ukwa lies right on a tidal inlet of the lagoon,
and the woman was carried to the beach by her female
tabula.

Since this is a purely female ceremony, good

manners indicate that no man should participate, and men
would not enter the water to look at the performance.
There is no specific taboo, however, nor were any objec¬
tions raised to my presence.
Arrived at the water’s edge, the women arrange them¬
selves in two rows, facing each other, and join hands with

The Ritual Bathing

Second Charming of the Pregnancy Cloaks
[CA. Fill, 2]

their opposite partners crosswise, in the manner called bychildren “queen’s chair.” Over this living bridge the
pregnant woman walks, holding on by the women’s heads,
and as she advances, the rear couple move to the front,
constantly extending the bridge. Thus they go some dis¬
tance into the water, the pregnant woman walking dry
foot on the arms of her companions (pi. 45). At a cer¬
tain point she is allowed to jump into the water. Then
they all begin to play with one another, the prospective
mother being always the centre of the game. Her com¬
panions splash water over her, and duck and drench her
to the utmost, all in a spirit of exuberant good-natured
playfulness (pi. 46). It is the duty of the tabula to see
that the woman is well washed during the ceremonial
bath. “We rub her skin with our hands, we rub her sur¬
face, we cleanse her.”
The drenching and washing being thoroughly done,
she is brought on to the shore and placed on a mat. Al¬
though on most occasions she is carried by her relatives
to the beach, from this moment she has to be completely
isolated from the earth, and must not touch the soil with
her feet. She is placed on a coconut mat and her tabula
(father’s maternal relatives) proceed to make her toilet
very carefully and with an elaborate magic ritual. This
magic of beauty has certain affinities with the ceremonial
performed by men during the kula expeditions (see Ar¬
gonauts of the Western Pacific, ch. xiii, sec. 1), though
the spells of men and women differ.1 It is, on the other
11 have stated in the above-mentioned work, on p. 336, that “This
branch of Kula magic has two counterparts in the other magical lore of
the Trobrianders. One of them is the love magic, through which people

hand, identical in spell and rite with the beauty magic
performed by women on men at great dancing festivals;
in fact, the spells which I obtained at the pregnancy rites
and which are given later in this book, are used on either
occasion (see ch. xi, secs. 2-4).
After her bath, the pregnant woman has first to be
rubbed and dried.

This is done ritually.

Some coconut

husk fibre, which is kept ready at hand, is charmed over
with the kaykakaya spell by the tabula (father’s sister)
and the skin of the young woman is rubbed.1

Then some

of the soft spongy leaves of the wageva plant, which
usually serve the native as a natural towel, are charmed
with another formula and the woman is rubbed again.
After her skin has been thoroughly dried, the pregnant
woman is anointed with charmed coconut oil, and the
attendants put a new brightly coloured fibre skirt on her,
while the wet bathing skirt is removed from underneath.
This festive skirt is not one of those recently made for
the pregnancy, nor is its putting on associated with any
magical rite.

But a purely magical action follows: the

are rendered attractive and irresistible.
Their belief in these spells is
such that a man would always attribute all his success in love to their
efficiency.
Another type closely analogous to the beauty magic of the
Kula is the specific beauty magic practised before big dances and fes¬
tivities.”
This statement is slipshod, in that the real counterparts of
mwasila (kula magic) of beauty are the magic performed on dancers and
described here in ch. xi, and the magic of pregnancy with which we are
dealing just now. The three forms, rmuasila, pregnancy rites and festive
beauty magic are, in fact, akin to each other, though only pregnancy
magic and the festive ritual are the same in spell and rite, while the
mwasila resembles both only in aim and doctrine.
Love magic, though
presenting some similarities, not only differs profoundly in rite and spell
but is based on a special native doctrine.
(Cf. below, ch. xi.)
For the text of this and the subsequent spells here mentioned see
below, ch. xi, sec. 3 and 4. The spells of rmuasila, quoted on pp. 337-34.2
of Argonauts, should also be consulted.

face of the young woman is stroked with a mother-ofpearl shell while one of the tabula mutters a spell of
beauty (see ch. xi, sec. 4).

The three acts of the cere¬

monial so far described are supposed to make her skin
smooth, clear, and soft, and her appearance generally
beautiful. Several successive stages of personal decoration
follow, each performed in a ritual manner.

First, mut¬

tering a magical formula, a tabula decorates the prospec¬
tive mother’s mouth and face with red paint.

After that

black paint is applied to the face with another spell.
Then the hair is combed while yet another formula is
recited.

Red hibiscus flowers are fastened in her hair,

and aromatic leaves with charms breathed into them
thrust into her armlets.

After this the young woman is

considered to be fully arrayed.
All this ritual dressing and adornment is associated
with beauty magic, which custom and tradition impose at
this stage but which stands in no direct connection with
pregnancy or the pregnancy robes.

Only when this

beauty magic has been performed may the proper preg¬
nancy rite, the investment with the long robe, be car¬
ried out. The tabula place one of the two saykeulo (preg¬
nancy robes) on the young woman’s shoulders, and once
more recite the formula used in the making of it, breath¬
ing the charm right into the robe (see pi. 47).

It is also

customary at this point, though not imperative, to recite
over her some magic against the dangers of pregnancy
and childbirth, a magic prophylactic against the special
evil of sorcery, which is always dreaded at a confinement
(see next section).

Throughout this ritual the prospective mother has been
standing on a mat, for, as we have already said, her bare
feet must not touch the soil after the bath.

Now, dressed

in full dress and covered with the long fibre mantle, she
is lifted up by two of her tabula (pis. 48 and 49) and
carried to her father’s house, where a small platform has
been erected on which she is set down (pi. 50).

It is

customary for a woman of chieftain’s rank to go, not to
her father’s, but to her maternal uncle’s house, and there
to remain seated on a high platform.
Upon this platform the woman has to stay for the
rest of the day.

During that time she must remain prac¬

tically motionless, she must not speak except to ask for
food or drink, and even this she ought if possible to do
by signs. She must not touch food with her hands; it is
put into her mouth by her tabula. Her immobility is only
broken from time to time that she may wash her face,
her arms and shoulders, and rub her skin.

For this pur¬

pose water is either brought to her in a wooden basin by
her husband, or she is carried by two women back to the
water’s edge, and there she washes standing on a mat.
After sunset she is allowed to retire to her father’s house
to rest, but the next day she has to return to the platform
3-fid there resume her seated immobility, and observe all
her taboos as on the first day.

This is repeated for from

three to five days, according to the rank and importance
of the woman and of her husband.

Nowadays, with the

relaxation of all customs, one day is often considered long
enough.
When the ceremonial vigil on the platform is over, the

woman may return for a few more months to her hus¬
band’s house j or she may go to the house of her father
or of her maternal uncle.

To one of these she must in

any case repair for her confinement.

She dresses in the

saykeulo (pregnancy mantle) until it is worn out.

As a

rule it lasts for about two months, so that it has to be
discarded some two months before confinement.
There is more than one important feature associated
with the first pregnancy ritual.

As always in the Tro-

briands, ceremonial services rendered by a certain class of
relative must be repaid by the actual, that is maternal,
kinsmen of the person served.

In this case the work, the

magic, and the ritual are performed by the female rela¬
tives of the father.

In the distribution of food (sagali),

which immediately follows the ceremony, it is the moth¬
er’s brother, the brother, and the other maternal kinsmen
of the young woman, who do the distributing.

If she is

a woman of small importance, this distribution takes place
before her father’s house.

But if she, or her father or

husband, be a person of high rank, it is carried out on the
central place of the village.

The procedure is the same

as in the mortuary and other ceremonial distributions.’
The food is divided into heaps and every heap is allotted
to a single person, his or her name being called out in a
loud voice.

After the first pregnancy rites, each one of

the tabula who has been working at the robe and taking
part in the ceremony receives a heap of food.

Besides

this, the givers of the sagali (distribution) usually select
1 See Argonauts of the IVestern Pacific, pp. 182-3, an^ references in
Index, s.v. sagali, and below, ch. xi, sec. 2.

some specially large and fine yams, or a bunch of bananas
or areca nut, and carry the gift to the house of the pa¬
ternal aunt, and perhaps to those of one or two other
relatives as well.

Such additional payment is called

'pemkwala.
A minor but very interesting ceremonial is associated
with this distribution.

The father of the pregnant woman

—who has nothing to do with the sagali—chooses some
specially good food and carries it, on his own account, to
certain women who are known to possess a form of black
magic of which pregnant women stand in great fear.
“Black” this magic is, literally as well as metaphorically,
for by addressing the mwanita (black millepede), the sor¬
ceress is able to make a pregnant woman’s skin black, as
black as the worm itself.

The father’s gift, which is

brought to the house door and belongs to the class called
katubwadela bwala (house-closing-gift), is intended to
forestall and arrest any evil intentions which the sorceress
might harbour.

As one of my informants put it: “That

their anger might come to an end, that they might not
perform the evil magic that blackens the skin of that
woman, that pregnant one.”
This brings us back to the question of the idea under¬
lying the first pregnancy ceremony, and of its aims and
purpose.

If the average Trobriander is asked the reason

or cause, uyulay of a custom, the usual ready answer is one
of the stereotyped phrases, tokunabogwo ayguri (“of old
it has been ordained”), Laba’i layma (“it came from
Laba’i,” the mythological centre of the district), tom¬
way a, tomwaya, ivagise (“the ancients have arranged it”).
In other words, the custom has in their eyes a traditional

sanction; and every respectable person among savages, as
well as among ourselves, has, of course, to do a thing
because it is done and because it always has been done.
But I obtained a certain number of special reasons for
- this particular usage besides the general one.

Some main¬

tain that the ceremony makes for a quick and easy birth;
“for,” as they say, “the playing about in the water loosens
the child in the womb.”

Some say that it assures the

health of the mother and of the baby; and yet others that
it is necessary for the proper formation of the foetus.
One woman gave as the reason for the ceremony, that the
spirit child was said to enter the woman while she was in
the ritual bath, but her statement was not confirmed by
anyone else, and I consider it spurious.
But the prevalent opinion of the natives is that the
ceremony is to whiten the skin of the woman.

This

opinion was expressed to me by my best informants among
the men, as well as by several women with whom I dis¬
cussed the matter.

It is also in harmony with the text of

the magical formula and with the ritual actions, as well
as with the nature of the central symbol, the pregnancy
mantle.

The use of the saykeuloy as my informants

pointed out, is to keep the sun off the skin.

The woman

has to wear it after the ceremonial bathing, and when
she has had to discard it she should keep indoors as much
as possible until the confinement.

This idea of whiteness

as a thing to be desired is also expressed in the main
ceremony of first bathing, and in the subsequent ritual
washings, which the pregnant woman continues until her
confinement and after it.
It is impossible to get beyond the idea that whiteness

as such is desirable.

One thing is clear, however.

Al¬

though whiteness of the skin is usually regarded as a
personal attraction, in this case the woman is not made
white in order to be erotically seductive.

When I asked

why a pregnant woman must try to make her skin white,
I received the answer: “If a woman does not wash and
anoint, and if her skin is black, people will say this woman
is very bad, she has men in her mind, she does not look
after her confinement.”

Again they would say, explain¬

ing the motive for the whole ceremony: “This is done
to prepare her skin for the confinement washings; and to
make her desire to be white.

Thus we see when her skin

is white that she does not think about adultery.”

From

another informant I received the statement: “The saykeulo covers her up completely: breasts, legs, back; only
her face you see.

It makes her skin white, it shows she

does not have connection with men.”

Thus the woman

is made white and beautiful by all this magic.

Yet she

must hide her charms, she must not attract other men,
and she has to keep more stringently faithful than at any
other time of her wedded life.

Nay, as will be seen, she

must even abstain from lawful intercourse with her hus¬
band.

In the foregoing section the ceremony of first preg¬
nancy was described.

Now we proceed to the customs of

pregnancy and confinement in general.

The ritual bath¬

ing, the ceremonial investment with the pregnancy man226

Guarded from Contact with Earth

iCh. Fill, 2]

Return to the Father’s House

tie, the magic of whiteness and of beauty, are only per¬
formed before the first child is born.

But making the

skin as white as possible by ordinary means, including the
use of the mantle, is a feature of every pregnancy.

On

subsequent occasions the mantle is made by the woman
herself or it may be given by a tabula, and repaid by her,
but as a private transaction only.
Some five months after conception, that is at the time
of the ritual bathing in a first pregnancy, the prospective
mother begins to observe certain food restrictions.

She

must abstain from what the natives call kavaylu'a (deli¬
cacies which consist mainly of fruit).

The banana, the

mango, the malay apple, the South Sea almond, the paw¬
paw, the bread-fruit, and the natu fruit are forbidden to
her.

This taboo has reference to the future health of the

child.

“If she eat kavaylu'a, the child will have a big

belly 5 it will be full of excrement and will soon die.”
The diet of a pregnant woman is henceforth reduced to
the staple vegetable food (kaulo), that is yams, taro, na¬
tive peas, sweet potatoes, and other produce of the gar¬
den.

She is also allowed to eat meat and fish, but she

must abstain from certain kinds of the latter.

The fish

which she is forbidden to eat are such species as live in
the submarine holes of the coral.

The natives say that

just as it is difficult to haul these fish out of their hiding
places, so the baby would not easily be brought forth.
Fish with sharp, pointed and poisonous fins, which are on
that account dangerous to the fishermen, are taboo to the
pregnant woman.

If she were to eat any of them the

child would be ill-tempered and constantly wailing.

As

pregnancy progresses and the woman becomes big, sexual
intercourse must be abandoned, for, as the natives say,
“the penis would kill the child.”

This taboo is rigorously

observed.
Otherwise the pregnant woman leads a normal life
almost up to the time of her confinement.

She works in

the garden, fetches water and firewood, and cooks the
food for the household.

She has but to shield herself

from the sun by wearing the saykeulo (pregnancy man¬
tle), wash frequently, and anoint herself with coconut
oil.

Only towards the close of pregnancy when the first

saykeulo is worn out and discarded, must she keep out of
the sun and therefore abandon some of the heavier work.
As in a first pregnancy, so in all the subsequent ones,
the woman, about the fifth month, has to take up her
abode in her father’s house and she may remain there or
she may return again to her husband’s house until some
time before the confinement, when she invariably goes to
the house of her parents or maternal uncle.

This re¬

moval to the father’s or mother’s brother’s house is a rule
observed in every childbirth, the woman leaving her hus¬
band’s house in about the seventh or eighth month of her
pregnancy.
This custom is associated with the strong fear of the
dangers which surround a woman in childbed, and which
are conceived to be due to a form of evil magic, which is
called vatula bam (the chilling or paralysing of the
uterus).

And again, in the face of this great danger, we

see once more the interesting recrystallization of kinship
ties, the shifting of responsibility and solidarity.

Here,

again, only the actual maternal kinsmen and kinswomen
are, in the eyes of custom and tribal law, regarded as re¬
liable.

The woman has to go to her father’s house, for

that is also her mother’s home, and her mother is the
proper person to look after her and the baby.

The

mother also is concerned in warding off danger with the
help of her male relatives, who forgather at the house
of the birth and see to it that a proper watch (yausa) is
kept over the lying-in.

Such a watch, kept by men armed

with spears who sit all the night long over fires and guard
the house and its every approach, is considered the main
defence and precaution against sorcerers who, surrounded
by nocturnal birds, are supposed to prowl about, attempt¬
ing to cast the vatula bam magic.

Primarily, it is the duty

of the husband to carry out the yausa, but in this he is
never trusted alone, and the male relatives of the preg¬
nant woman not only assist but also control him. The in¬
teresting thing about this form of sorcery is that it does not
only exist in the fear and superstition of the natives, but
that it is actually attempted and carried out by male sor¬
cerers.

The formula is recited, the house approached, and

the evil charm cast according to the prescribed rites.1

I

have even obtained the spells of this magic and the cura¬
tive counter spells, but as this question essentially belongs
to the subject of sorcery, I shall reserve it for a future
publication.
When her time approaches, the parental house is made
1 Cf. the difference between the purely imaginary witchcraft of the
flying women (yoyova) and the sorcery really carried out by the male
wizards (bcwaga’u), Argonauts of the IVestern Pacific, ch. ii, sec. vii, and
ch. x, sec. i; and ch. ii of this book.

ready.

The father and all the male inmates have to

leave, while some female kinswomen come in to assist the
mother.

When the first pains are felt, the woman is

made to squat on the raised bedstead with a small fire
burning under it.

This is done “to make her blood

liquid,” “to make the blood flow.”

At the critical mo¬

ment the woman in labour and her attendants may repair
to the bush, where confinement is sometimes allowed to
take place, but more usually they remain in the house.
About the actual travail, I have been able to obtain
only the following information. The woman in labour is
seated on a mat placed on the ground, with her legs apart
and her knees raised.

Leaning back, with her hands on

the ground behind her, she rests her weight on her arms.
At her back stands her sister or some other close maternal
relative, who bears heavily on the labouring woman’s
shoulders, pressing down and even thumping her vigor¬
ously.

As the natives say: “This woman presses on the

parturient one so that the baby may fall out quickly.”
The mother of the woman in travail waits to receive the
baby.

Sometimes she catches hold of her daughter’s

knees.

A mat is placed in position, and on this the newly

born is received.

I was told that the baby is allowed to

come to birth by means of natural efforts only, and that
it is never pulled out or manipulated.

“The child will

fall on to the mat, there it lies, then we take it.
not take hold of it before.”

We do

The parturient woman tries

to help on the process by stopping her breath and so
bearing down on the abdomen.
If the labour is very hard they ascribe the fact, of

Vigil on the Platform

plate SI

\_Ch. VIII, 4]

The IVoman ’with the baby is seen wearing her second
saykeulo.

A Mother and Her First-born

course, to the evil magic of the vatula bam and they sum¬
mon someone who knows the vivisa (curative formula) to
counteract this evil.

This is recited over the aromatic

leaves of the kwebila plant, and the body of the woman
is rubbed with them.

Or else the charmed leaves are

placed on her head and then thumped with the fist.

Only

in the most difficult cases and when the vivisa has proved
ineffective would the child be manipulated, and even then,
from what I gathered, very timidly and incompetently.
If the afterbirth does not come out in due course, a stone
is tied to the mother’s end of the navel string.

The

vivisa (curative formula) is then recited over it, and the
woman made to stand up.

If that does not help, they

are at their wit’s end, and the woman is doomed, as they
do not know how to extract the afterbirth by manipula¬
tion.

The natives were very much astonished when they

saw how Dr. Bellamy, who for several years had been
medical officer in the Trobriands, used to remove the
afterbirth.1
Some three days after the birth, one of the tabula
(paternal kinswomen) of the mother of the new-born
child heats her fingers at a fire and kneads off the re¬
maining piece of the navel string near to the baby’s ab¬
domen.

This and the afterbirth are buried in the ground

within the garden enclosure.

Underlying the custom is

a vague idea that it will make the new-born a good gar¬
dener, that it will “keep his mind in the garden.”

After

the removal of the umbilical cord, the child may, though
1 This information I received independently from Dr. Bellamy, at that
time Assistant Resident Magistrate and Medical Officer of the district,
and from the natives.

it need not, be carried out of the house.

The mother has

to remain for a month or so confined within the parental
hut.

Soon after the delivery, a string is twisted by the

tabula and tied round the mother’s chest.

Some magic

is associated with this, but unfortunately I never learnt
what it was nor ascertained the meaning of the ceremony.

Mother and baby spend the greater part of their time
during the first month on one of the raised bedsteads with
a small fire underneath.

This is a matter of hygiene, as

the natives consider such baking and smoking to be very
beneficial for the health, and a sort of prophylactic
against black magic.

No men are allowed into the house,

for, since the woman baked over the fire is usually naked,
no male should enter; but there are no supernatural sanc¬
tions for the custom, nor is any serious harm done if the
taboo should be broken.

After a month or so a magic

is performed called vageda kaypwakova; flowers of the
white lily are burned with some dry wood, while the
charm is spoken, and the woman is covered with the
smoke of the smouldering faggot.

This is done on two

days in succession, and is supposed to make her skin still
whiter.

I did not obtain the formula of this magic.

On

the third day, the tabula ritually wash the young mother,
and rub her skin with leaves charmed by the beauty spell
used in the corresponding rite during the first pregnancy
ceremony.

The woman then goes out with the baby and makes the
round of the village, receiving from friends and her
father’s relatives small gifts of food called va'otu.

After

she has finished the round, there is a mimic driving home
(ibutusi) of her by the tabula (her maternal aunt and
other relatives of the same class), and here she has to re¬
main for another month in seclusion.
During this time husband and wife may only speak
together through the door and glance at each other now
and then.

On no account must they eat together or even

partake of the same food.

Sexual intercourse between

them is strictly taboo for a much longer time, at the least
until the child can walk.

But the stricter rule is to abstain

from intercourse until it is weaned—that is, some two
years after its birth—and this stricter rule is said always
to be observed by men in polygamous households.

The

husband, even one who has several wives, must abstain
from all conjugal or extraconjugal intercourse until the
baby and its mother go out for the first time.

A breach

of any of these rules is said to bring about the death of
the child.

In the case of illegitimate children also, if

the mother copulates too soon, the child is sure to die.
After the second seclusion, mother and child return to
their own household, and the mother resumes her normal
life, although much of her time is taken up with the
baby.

She wears a plain fibre skirt, two of which have

been made for her by her tabula if this has been her first
pregnancy. She also now wears the long mantle, saykeulo,
the second of the two made for her by the tabula before
the first pregnancy (pi. 51).

If it is a second pregnancy,

or if the baby is illegitimate, the skirt and the mantles
are made by herself or privately by a relative, and are
as a rule much shorter (see pi. 90).

Also a young mother

frequently wears a sort of maternity cap, called togebi,
which is often made by twisting a small grass fibre petti¬
coat into a sort of turban.1

Into her armlets she must

insert a bundle of aromatic herbs (vana).
The most important of the cares bestowed on the child
is, of course, concerned with its feeding.

Besides the

mother’s breast which, as I was told, but very seldom
fails, the child is given other food almost from the first
days.

Taro, well boiled, is chewed by the mother or by

some of her relatives, and the mash, called memema, is
given to the infant.

The natives think that the child

would be too weak if it were restricted to its mother’s
milk.

Chewed yams and fish are not given till much

later, when the child is almost a year old.

The child’s

head is smeared with coconut oil mixed with charcoal “to
make the head strong” as the natives say.

One measure

of cleanliness is observed day after day from the first
hours of the baby’s life: it is bathed regularly in warm
water, with which the mother also washes her own skin.
A specially deep wooden platter, called kaykivaywosi, is
used for this purpose.

The water is warmed by throwing

stones heated in the ashes into the platter.

Thus a hot

and somewhat alkaline water is prepared, and this daily
washing, followed by an anointing with coconut oil, is
said to keep the skin of the mother and child white.

The

thC general name for P]ai‘ed discs or folded petticoats worn
on the head as a support for baskets and other loads carried by women
(cf. ch. 1, sec. 3, and pi. 6).
J

weaning of the child takes place long after birth, usually
some two years or, as the natives put it, “when it is able
to say clearly bakam bamom (I want to eat, I want to
drink).”
During the weaning the child is separated from the
mother, and sleeps with its father or with its paternal
grandmother.

When it cries at night a dry breast is given

to it, or some coconut milk.

If it is fretful and loses

condition, it is taken to some distant village where it has
relatives, or from inland villages to the seaside, so that it
may regain its normal health and good spirits.
We have now brought the child up to the time when
he will shortly join his playmates in the small children’s
world of the village.
own amorous life.

In a few years he will begin his

Thus we have closed the cycle which

runs through infantile love-making, youthful intrigues,
settled liaison, marriage, and its results in the production
and rearing of children.

This cycle I have described in

its main outline, giving special consideration to the socio¬
logical aspects as seen in prenuptial intercourse, marriage,
kinship ideas, and the interplay of mother-right and pa¬
ternal influence.

In the following chapters it will be

necessary to describe certain side-issues and psychological
aspects, concerned more particularly with the erotic life
before marriage.
Chapter 9
We must now return to certain aspects of love-making,
which had to be left out or barely touched upon in relat¬
ing the life history of the native.

The facts described in

chapter iii have shown us that, subject to certain restric¬
tions, everyone has a great deal of freedom and many
opportunities for sexual experience.

Not only need no

one live with impulses unsatisfied, but there is also a wide
range of choice and opportunity.
But wide as are the opportunities of ordinary lovemaking for a Trobriander, they do not exhaust all the
possibilities of erotic life.

In addition, seasonal changes

in village life and festive gatherings stimulate sexual in¬
terest and provide for its satisfaction.

Such occasions, as

a rule, lead to intrigues beyond the limits of the village
community; they loosen old ties and establish new ac¬
quaintanceships; they bring about short passionate affairs,
which sometimes develop into more stable attachments.
Traditional usage allows, and even encourages, such
extensions of ordinary erotic life.

And yet we shall see

that, though countenanced by custom and public opinion,
they are felt to be an excess, to be something anomalous.
Usually they produce a reaction, not in the community
as a whole, but in the individuals offended by them.1
1 For a discussion of such licensed yet resented usages, see Crime and
Custom, part n.

Some excesses—those, that is, which really deserve the
name of orgiastic licence—are limited to one district
alone, and are viewed by the other natives as quaint local
anomalies j while those who practise them are proud, and
at the same time ashamed of them.

Even the common

and outwardly decorous relaxations are considered as
escapades and adventures, always to be planned in the
penumbra of secrecy, and often resented, if not avenged,
by the regular partners.
It has seemed best to divide the description of native
sexual life into two parts, and to treat these separately.
The normal maturing of the sexual impulse and its issue
in matrimony had to be dealt with first.

The facts which

illustrate how the impulse is given a wider range, how
it strays beyond the local group of everyday acquaint¬
ances and leads athwart home-made intrigues, will be
given in this and the following chapters.
This division corresponds to the native point of view,
and makes it possible to present the facts in a far truer
perspective than if they were lumped together.

But the

two parts are closely connected, and the way in which
they fit into each other will be evident in the account
which follows.
I shall begin with a description of those occasions which
regularly, in the course of each year, stimulate erotic in¬
terest, and at the same time provide wider opportunities
for its satisfaction.

There are certain seasonal and pe¬

riodical games j there are arrangements for picnics, excur¬
sions, and bathing parties; there are customary festivities
associated with the economic cycle, and finally there is the
annual season of festivities.

I

Throughout the year, there is a periodic increase in
play and pleasure-seeking at full moon. When the two
elements so desirable in the tropics, soft light and bracing
freshness are combined, the natives fully respond: they
stay up longer to talk, or to walk to other villages, or to
undertake such enterprises as can be carried out by moon¬
light.

Celebrations connected with travel, fishing, or

harvesting, as well as all games and festivals, are held at
the full moon.

In the ordinary course of tribal life, as

the moon waxes, the children, who always play in the
evening, sit up later and band together to amuse them¬
selves on the central place of the village.

Soon the young

boys and girls join them, and, as the moon grows fuller,
the maturer youth, male and female, is drawn into the
circle of players.

Gradually the smaller children are

squeezed out; and the round games and competitive
sports are carried on by youths and grown-ups.

On spe¬

cially fine and cool nights of full moon, I have seen the
whole population of a large village gathered on the cen¬
tral place, the active members taking part in the games,
with the old people as spectators.
The younger men and women, however, are the main
players, and the games are associated with sex in more
than one way.

The close bodily contact, the influence

of moonlight and shadow, the intoxication of rhythmic
movement, the mirth and frivolity of play and ditty_

Children in a Round Game

A Figure Game

all tend to relax constraint, and give opportunity for an
exchange of declarations and for the arrangement of
trysts. In this book we are chiefly concerned with the
erotic element in games, but in order not to lose the right
perspective, it must be realized that this is but one aspect
of them. Children’s play and adult games often contain
no such element, and in none of them is it the only in¬
terest, or even the chief inducement to participation.
Love of athletics, the need for exercise, competition, dis¬
play of skill and daring, aesthetic satisfaction and a sense
of fun, are each quite as important as the sexual element.
The games which are played on moonlit evenings on
the central place of the village are perhaps the most im¬
portant of all. They usually begin with a round game
of “ring-a-ring-a-roses” type, called Kasaysuya (pi. 52).1
Boys and girls join hands and sing, while they move first
slowly and then, with the quickening rhythm of the chant,
spin round faster and faster, until, tired out and giddy,
they stop, rest, and begin again in the reverse direction.
As the game progresses, and one ditty follows another,
the excitement grows. The first ditty is one which begins
with the words, “kasaysuya, saysuya ” referring to a bush
after which the game is named. Each time they start on
a new round, a new ditty is chanted. The rhythm in song
and step is at first slow, grows rapidly quicker, and ends
in a swift staccato repetition of the last syllables as the
1 This and the following illustrations (pis. 52-6) were taken whilst the
children and youths were demonstrating the details of the games. The
actual peiformances take place always after nightfall, and could not be
photographed. The difference consists mainly in the presence of spec¬
tators, who are not to be seen in these illustrations.

players whirl round and round.

Towards the end of the

game usually the rhymes become rather ribald.
These are examples of such kasaysuya ditties with
sexual allusions:
i

T aytulaviya, viya, taytulabeula, beula (repeated)
furious taytu,
stout taytu
Kavakayviyaka, kwisi tau’a’u
Enormous

penis (of) men

Isisuse

wa bwayma.

They sit

in food-house.

T oyatalaga

popu

Fornicator

excrement.
Free Translation

O, the rapidly growing taytu yams, O, the stout taytu
yams.
Men with enormous penises sit on the food-house plat¬
forms
(i.e. keep away from women)—they are pederasts!

ii

I may as e

la

kaykivi

They bring

his

soliciting message

tokakayu (repeated).
widower.
Ipayki

nakakalu.

He [she] declines widow.

(of)

Ikaraboywa

kwila

tokakalu.

It remains idle

penis (of)

widower.

Free Translation

They brought her the invitation to lie with him from
the widower—
But the widow refused.
So the widower’s penis had to remain idle!
This ditty, I was told, would be sung if a widower
were present, especially if he were too enterprising in his
amorous offers, or if he misdirected them.

It would also

be sung if a woman wanted to stimulate his interest and
encourage him.
hi

Yokwamiga

tau’a’u miyawimi

You indeed

men

Saydukupi,

kupi.

sayduwaku.

your pubic leaves duwaku piece.

Short piece, short.
Galaga

takakaya

kukupi.

No indeed we fornicate short (things).
Free Translation

O men you use dunsoaku strips for your pubic leaves:
They are short strips, far too short!
Nothing so short will induce us to fornicate with you!
IV

Yokwamiga vivilaga

midabemi

siginanabu,

You indeed women indeed your skirts (a flimsy leaf),

Siginapatu,

patu.

(Flimsy leaf) narrow,

narrow.

Galagay

takakaya

patu.

No indeed

we fornicate

narrow (holes).

Free Translation
O women, you use the siginanabu leaves for your skirts:

They are narrow leaves.
Nothing so narrow will induce us to penetrate you.
The two chants are counterparts of one another, and
show the typical kind of joke made about the dress of
the other sex. My informant stated emphatically that
they mean simply: (<Gala takayta kaykukupi kwila—gala
takayta kwaypatu voila ” “We do not copulate (with one

having) a short penis, we do not copulate (with one hav¬
ing) a narrow cunnus.”
v
Yokwamiga giyovila

kaynupisi nunimiga.

\ ou indeed women of rank small

your breasts indeed.

Kaykavcala

mitasiga

gzveguyaga.

Impressionable

their eyes

men of rank indeed.

Kamil ogi

babaway

Your copulating support

earthen mound,

kamiyaguma

your lime-pots
kwey kwe, kwe.

(make) kwe, kwe, kwe.

Free Translation

O women of rank, your breasts are small indeed,
But the eyes of men of rank are lecherous.
You copulate on the ground, and while you do that, your
lime-pots produce a rattling sound kwey kwe, kwe.
Social games always begin with this rhythmic running
in a circle.

Other figure games follow, in several of

which only two people participate.

Thus, a boy will put

his feet on one of the thighs of another boy or man, who,
standing up and holding him by the hands, swings in a
circle (pi. 53)- or two boys sit facing each other with the
soles of their feet together, get a good grip on a stick,
held between them, and try to lift each other off the
ground.

This is a form of “cock-fighting.”

Most of the

games, however, are played by many people; sometimes
they are very conventionalized and remote imitations of
serious pursuits, and sometimes they represent the be¬
haviour of animals.

Thus in “Dog’s Tail,” two rows of

boys face each other, and move to left and right; in
“Rats” a row of boys squat and hop one after another
(pi. 54); in “Cooking Pot,” boys in the same position
move slowly from one foot to the other; in “Fishing of
Kuboya,” boys advance in single file, the last one being
caught by two who stand on either side with raised arms
and let the others pass (pi. 55).

In this last we find the

elements of our “Oranges and Lemons.”

More elabo¬

rate figures are enacted in “Stealing of the Bananas,”
“The Parrot,” and “The Fire.”

All these games with-

out exception are accompanied by rhymes which are sung
sometimes at the beginning, sometimes right through the
game, and sometimes, as in “Bananas,” at appropriate
moments in the action.

In none of these games is there

any direct erotic element, but they all provide opportu¬
nities for contact and for the handling of one another, for
teasing and an exchange of jokes.

In contest games, such

as “Rats,” “Dog’s Tail,” and “Fishing,” only boys take
part as a rule.

In the more elaborate games, such as

“Fire,” “Bananas,” and “Parrot,” both sexes participate.

This, also, is the invariable rule in the following games,
which admit of even more intimate physical contact.

The

sina game forms part of the bathing ritual in the preg¬

nancy ceremony, and has been described in the previous
chapter.

In the village, boys and girls play it together.

There is also a game in which the players stand in a long
chain holding hands, and then walk, reciting a chant,
round the person who stands at one end.

This end re¬

mains immovable and the person at the other end leads
the chain round in gradually narrowing circles until the
whole group is pressed together into a tight knot.

The

fun of the game consists in squeezing the knot very
tightly.

It is then unrolled gradually by reversing the

motion faster and faster, till at the end the others run
round and round the fixed end until the chain breaks.
Another game begins by two of the players sitting back

to back; two more sit between the legs of each, serving as
a support, and then two more between the legs of the
second pair, and so on; and so seated they sing and begin
to push backwards; the row which pushes the other one
out of position wins.

In both these games, close prox¬

imity lends itself to the preliminaries of love-making.
The favourite and most important game is a tug-ofwar, bi’u (literally pulling).

A long stout creeper is cut

and an equal number of players, each standing behind
another, take hold of either half of the creeper; usually
the game starts somewhere in the middle of the village
place (baku).

When all are in position, one side recites

half the ditty, the other responds with the second half,
and as the recital ends they begin to tug.

Sometimes it

is men against women; sometimes by accident or prefer¬
ence, the sides are mixed.

Never is there any division

according to clan, though kinship taboos between men
and women are always observed, so that brother and
sister, for instance, never stand near each other.

Each

side strives to “get the other going,” and the real fun
begins when one side proves itself the stronger and drags
the other.

A great deal of roughness is displayed in this

game, also a considerable amount of disregard for any
damage done to houses, young trees, or domestic objects
lying about.

When it is played in the form of a kayasa,

a competitive arrangement of which we shall speak pres¬
ently, houses, yam stores, and young trees are said to be
destroyed and people are sometimes injured.
The main interest

in these competitive games of

strength and skill lies in the game itself; but many of

the players make use of them for erotic purposes.

Not

only does physical proximity allow of certain intimacies
not otherwise possible, but, as we shall see later, it is in¬
dispensable for the exercise of some forms of love-magic.
Late at night, usually as a climax to the other games,
the natives play “Hide and Seek” {supefonV).

When

this game is played on a large scale, the sides start from
the central place, but hide outside in the weyka, the vil¬
lage grove (pi. 56).

As a rule the sexes divide, women

and men hiding alternately.

When one player finds

another he has to chant a ditty in a loud voice.

Those

who are not found for a long time, return by themselves,
each singing a special phrase, as he or she arrives at the
meeting-place.

As with the tug-of-war, this game is

extremely popular, and the sexual motive is without
doubt partly responsible for this.

Couples will arrange

to look for each other or to meet at some particular place,
and it is easy to see how well this game is designed for
trysts, though probably such are mainly of a preliminary
nature.

It is accordingly not considered proper for mar¬

ried women to join in “Hide and Seek.”
On fine days the boys and girls will often arrange an
excursion to some favourite spot.

Usually they take

food and cook it on a beach, or among the coastal rocks,
or at some specially attractive waterhole.

Sometimes they

combine the excursion with fruit-gathering, fishing, or
bird-trapping.

At such times lovers will walk apart for

greater intimacy.

In the season of sweet flowering plants

and trees they gather blossoms, adorn each other with

ICh. IX,

The Fishing of “Kuboia;

garlands, and even with paint, and thus aesthetically cele¬
brate the occasion.
On hot days in the season of calm weather, boys and
girls repair to the beach, to waterholes, and to creeks,
where they engage in bathing games.

Each game has its

stereotyped action and its special name; and most of them
are accompanied by a chant.

The players swim and dive

in groups; or stand in a row, chanting a ditty, and, as it
ends, fall backwards into the water and swim away on
their backs.

Again, they stand in a ring, facing inwards,

sing a few words, and then splash one another.

There

is a game which commemorates an old legend about the
change of a man into a dugong.

They also know the use

of the surfboard and amuse themselves with it on the
open sea-beach.
It is difficult to say exactly how far an erotic interest
enters into these games.

As in all the other games, so

far described, the observer can see nothing in the slightest
degree indecorous, but from conversations with natives
and from their personal confidences, it is clear that amo¬
rous intrigues frequently start on such occasions.

The

splashing often passes into wrestling, and water games
present the human body in a fresh and stimulating light.

The games on the central village place are played, for
the most part, between May and September, the cool
season of the trade winds.

There are no bathing games

in these months, as a strong wind blows during the mid¬
day hours.

Water games are most popular in the hot

seasons between the dry and the rainy weather, from
February to May, and during October and November.
These latter months—the spring of the Southern Hemi¬
sphere, and, in the Trobriands, the calm season following
the dry months of the trade winds—are also the time
of harvest celebrations.
Harvest time is one of joy and social activity, of con¬
stant visits between the communities, of competition, dis¬
play, and mutual admiration.

Each village must send

out its parties of boys and girls, with gifts of food.

They

wear a special dress, put aromatic leaves into their armlets and flowers into their hair, and a few lines of paint
upon their faces.

The girls put on a new fibre petticoat

(pi. 61), the boys a fresh pubic leaf.

At times the cen¬

tral place is crowded with such harvest carriers (pi. 57).
Such festive visits are an occasion for making new ac¬
quaintances and for a display of personal beauty, and thus
lead to intrigues between members of different commu¬
nities.1

All the harvest customs favour erotic pursuits—

visits to other villages and the added freedom, the gay
mood and the care taken in personal adornment.

After

sunset, on the pretext of visiting the gardens, parties of
boys and girls amuse themselves in other villages, return¬
ing home late at night.

The fervour of these activities

increases towards the full moon.
xFor the sociological and economic systems which underlie the distri¬
bution of the crops at harvest and the gifts between villages, see my
article in The Economic Journal, March, 1921, and ch. vi of Argonauts
of the JVestern Pacific.

The harvest period is directly followed by the milamalay the annual feast associated with the return of an¬

cestral spirits to the village.1

The inaugural ceremony is

held at a certain full moon, and is followed by a month
of dancing which reaches its climax at the next full moon.
On the last few days before full moon, certain solemn
celebrations are held, dances in full dress are performed,
and offerings made to the spirits of the departed.

The

whole interest of the community is concentrated on these
final celebrations.

Men and women are intent on pro¬

ducing an effect of lavishness, on doing honour to their
ancestral spirits and thus to themselves, and in general on
achieving that renown (butura) so dear to the heart of
the Trobriander.

The dances during this time are never

directly associated with sex, but they serve to establish the
fame of good dancers and thus to add to their personal
charm.

On the night after the full moon, the spirits are

ceremonially driven away from the villages, and all danc¬
ing stops.
A period of quieter festivity follows the milamala} that
of the karibom.

After the evening meal, the village

drummers, standing in the centre of the village place
(baku), beat out a slow rhythm.

Soon children, old men

and women, youths and maidens, assemble in the central
place and begin to walk round it.

There is no special step,

no complicated rhythm 3 only a slow, regular, monoto¬
nous walk.

Such karibom walking takes place also in the

1 For a detailed description of beliefs and practices associated with the
milamala see my articles, “Baloma the Spirits of the Dead in the; Trobriand Islands,” in Journal R. Anthrop. Inst., 1916, and Lunar and Sea
sonal Calendar,” ibid., 1927. Cf. also ch. xi, sec. a, of this book.

earlier stages of the miiamala month, to be replaced to¬
wards its end by regular dancing.
The slow rhythmic walk of the karibom is to a great
extent a social promenade.

In place of the single file of

the ordinary dance, two or three people walk abreast;
conversation is allowed and free choice in the matter of
partners.

An old man or woman will be seen leading a

grandchild by the hand or carrying it.

Women, some¬

times with babies at the breast, gossip together, and lovers
walk arm-in-arm.

Since the karibom usually falls on

dark, moonless evenings, it lends itself to erotic ap¬
proaches even more than the ordinary games, and con¬
siderably more than the regular dancing.

There are a

number of modes of erotic attack which can be practised
during the karibom by a boy walking immediately behind
the object of his fancy.

From this position he can clasp

her breasts, a proceeding which, as the natives say, is use¬
ful in stimulating her erotic interest, and is also a condi¬
tion of certain forms of love-magic.

Or else he may hold

certain aromatic herbs under her nose, the smell of which,
by its own virtue alone or by this enhanced with magic,
exercises a powerful erotogenous effect.

Or, if he be

enterprising and his desire strong, he may, parting the
fringe of her grass skirt, insert a finger in her vulva.
During the whole period of this festival, but more espe¬
cially during the first part, the miiamala, visits between
communities take place.

Sometimes these visits are offi¬

cial and ceremonial, as when one community is invited by
another to admire a newly acquired dance, or to sell one
of their own to it.

A special term laga is applied to the

sale of dances and one or two other privileges and titles.1
For such an occasion, the whole community, with its head¬
man and best dancers, moves in a body to the other vil¬
lage and there ceremonially performs the dance, instruct¬
ing the purchasers in its intricacies (pi. 58).
is always returned.

The visit

Large gifts (va’otu) are associated

with such visits, and have, as always, to be returned in an
equivalent form.

But sometimes groups of youths and

maidens, boys and girls, will go from one village to an¬
other for their private pleasure, and join in the local
kanbom (slow rhythmic walking).

In this way new ac¬

quaintances are made and more or less temporary intrigues
begun, distance and strangeness adding spice to the ad¬
venture.
Thus, in normal years, the festive mood of the milamala spreads itself through the dull round of the karibom.

But if the food be plentiful and the festive mood exu¬
berant 5 if there are special reasons for celebration or some
need to comfort the spirits of the people, as after a de¬
feat in war or an unsuccessful kula expedition, then the
period of dancing is deliberately prolonged.

Such an ex¬

tension is called wigola, “together for a dance” (usi from
wosi — dance, gola — to accumulate or forgather).

may last one, two, or even three months.

It

Like the mila-

malay this extension has its inaugural ceremony, its inter¬

mediate feasts, and its climax in an orgy of feasting and
dancing which may last for several days.

People from

friendly villages are invited j they arrive with presents
and return home laden with counter-gifts.
1 Cf. Argonauts, p. 186.

All that has

been previously said with reference to the sexual oppor¬
tunities offered by the main festival period obviously ap¬
plies also to the usigola.

The usigola (extension of dancing period) is only one
type of the festivities into which the milamala may be
extended.

The generic name for such periods of com¬

petitive obligatory dancing, amusement or other activity
is kayasa.

A kayasa is always organized upon a definite

pattern, with a ceremonial according to its kind} and it
has, in some aspects, the binding force of law.

A kayasa

need not be specially a period of amusement.

There are

kayasa of economic activities, such as gardening, fishing

or the production of shell ornaments.

But although the

usigola belongs to this type of communal activity, it is

never called kayasa; nor is this term applied to competi¬
tive ceremonial and obligatory expeditions of the kula
type.

Such special kula expeditions are always called

uvalaku,1

In certain cases the activity round which a kayasa cen¬
tres is an exclusive privilege of the community or clan;
but whatever its kind, initiative must always be taken by
the headman, who acts as tolikayasa
kayasa).

(master of the

It is he who, with the assistance of his clans-

i For a description of the uvalaku, cf. Argonauts of the Western Pa¬
cific, passim. The place of the kayasa in economic life has been indicated
in my article on the “Primitive Economics of the Trobriand Islanders”
Economic Journal, March, 1921. Its legal aspect has been referred to in
Crime and Custom in Savage Society, p. 61.

men and kinsmen, has to provide the wherewithal for the
big feast or, rather, the ceremonial distribution of food
(sagalt) which inaugurates the proceedings.

Those who

partake of this—and practically all the community have
to do so—are under a formal obligation to exert them¬
selves for the whole period, so that the kayasa may be a
success j and, at times, when their zeal in work or amuse¬
ment shows signs of flagging, a new feast is given to re¬
vive enthusiasm.

There is a reason behind this fiction of

a legal obligation towards the leader on account of food
and gifts received: for the glory of a successful kayasa
devolves principally upon the tolikayasa (the leader or
owner of the kayasa).

But, as we know already, there is

also scope for the ambition of any participant, and the
element of emulation is very strong in all kayasa.

Each

of them includes some form of competitive display or
contest, and there is always a pronouncement of public
opinion on the result.

So that the most successful or

energetic participants also receive an individual share of
glory.
Among the kayasa of pure amusement, we may men¬
tion first the tug-of-war game, already described in this
section.

When played as a kayasa it is inaugurated cere¬

monially by a big distribution of food (sagaliy see ch. xi,
sec. 2). After that it has to be continued night after night
in full force, with utter disregard of personal inclination,
comfort, or even property, which, as mentioned already,
is often damaged.

The community divides regularly into

two parts y especially good tuggers acquire renown, and the
stories of extraordinary feats, of special havoc wrought,

or of long and arduous deadlocks, fill the whole district
with the fame (butura) of leader and participants. There
is a sporting kayasa, specially popular in the southern
part of the district, in which miniature canoes are sailed
competitively.

Another type of kayasa, called kamroru,

is performed exclusively by women, and consists of com¬
munal singing.

This is regarded as a counterpart of the

ceremonial dancing, in which, with very rare exceptions,
only men take part.

In the kamroru kayasa, women, in

full dress, seat themselves on new mats spread on the
central place and, swaying rhythmically, sing certain songs
in unison.

The men look on from the platforms of the

storehouses and admire the most beautiful figures and the
finest voices.
There is a more direct erotic appeal in the festivities
connected with the sweet-smelling butia.

The flowering

season of the butia tree coincides with the milamala period
(annual feast of the returning spirits), and the flower
kayasa is therefore only held in those years when owing

to mourning there can be no dances in the village.
wise the season is always devoted to dancing.

Other¬

The flowers

are collected in the jungle, made into wreaths and gar¬
lands, and exchanged with a blowing of conch-shells.

As

the natives put it: “We make kula (ceremonial exchange)
with butia wreaths.”

In fact, whoever initiates an ex¬

change has to say, as he offers the wreath: urn?maygu?a
(thy valuable present).

A small return gift of food or

betel-nut is then made, with the words: kam kwaypolu
(thy preliminary return).

Finally a counterpart of the

first present is returned to the donor with the words: um

Typical Scenery of Hide and Seek

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yotile (thy return gift).

Thus the exact terminology of

the kula is followed in these transactions.1

A festive

character is given to the whole proceedings by the
groups of people walking about and singing; by the gaily
dressed boys and girls taking part in the ceremonial far
into the night j and by the sound of the conch-shells,
blown as each gift is presented.
The competitive element in the butia festival lies in the
quality and quantity of the presents received and given,
and, as in all forms of such exchange, to give or to re¬
ceive a magnificent gift contributes to the glory of either
side.

This kayasa provides opportunities for courtship

and for the expression of mutual admiration; a would-be
lover can display his appreciation of a girl in the magni¬
tude of his gifts, and at the same time flatter her vanity
and satisfy her ambition.

Thus beauty, erotic interest,

ambition, and vanity are the chief interests in this kayasa.
A more pronounced part is played by vanity in the fes¬
tivals of hair-dressing (waypulu) and of ornamental shell
discs (kaloma).

The waypulu is confined to the islands

of Kitava and Vakuta.

After a long period during which

no deaths have occurred so that the people have been able
to grow long hair, a display of this highly valued natural
beauty is held (see ch. x, sec. 3).
this kayasa.

Only men take part in

They adorn themselves, spread mats on the

central place, and, teasing out their hair with the long¬
pronged Melanesian comb, they sing and display its
charm.

The women admire and pronounce judgment on

the quality and beauty of the hair.

The kayasa of shell

1 Cf. Argonauts of the fVestern Pacific, pp. 352-7255

ornaments is held in the villages of Sinaketa and Vakuta.
When a large number of these discs have been produced,
the men adorn themselves, and day after day, evening
after evening, parade the central place.
To a European observer the proceedings of a kayasa
appear unspeakably monotonous and pointless.

The repe¬

tition for weeks on end of exactly the same procedure
prevents even an ethnographer from regular attendance
at any kayasa.

But, for the native, apart from any feel¬

ing of duty, the whole affair has an intense interest and
considerable attraction.
part.

In this, sex plays a considerable

For the desire to show off, to produce a personal

effect, to achieve butura (renown) in its most valued
form, that of irresistible charm, contains a pronounced
erotic element.

There is, or, at least, used to be till the missionaries
came, one kayasa which centred round erotic dalliance
satisfied in public and that very thoroughly.

This kayasa

was never practised in the northern and central parts of
the district, but only by a few villages in the extreme
south end of the island of Vakuta.

It was called kamali,

a dialectic variation of the word kimali, the erotic scratch¬
ing, which symbolizes the erotic approach, as does kissing
with us.

It is a general rule in all districts of the Tro-

briands that, when a boy and girl are strongly attracted to
each other, and especially before their passion is satisfied,
the girl is allowed to inflict considerable bodily pain on

her lover by scratching, beating, thrashing, or even
wounding with a sharp instrument.

However severely

he is handled, such treatment is accepted in good part by
the boy, as a sign of love and a symptom of temperament
in his sweetheart.

On one occasion, during the harvest

festivities, I had to dress the wound of a boy who came
to me with a deep cut in the muscles right across the back
under his shoulder-blades.

The girl who had made it

hovered near in deep concern.

I was told that she struck

too hard without realizing it.

The boy did not appear to

mind, though he was evidently in pain, and (so I heard)
he reaped his reward that same night.
typical.

This case was

The kitnali or katnali is a form of feminine

wooing, a compliment and an invitation, which in the
kamali kayasa was systematized and carried out on a large

scale.

Boys in gala dress would walk round the central

place singing: girls would come up to them and teasing
jokes and repartee would be exchanged, very much as in
other kayasa. But things were allowed to go very much
further. Women, who were expected on such occasions
to be much more forward than usual, would pass from
teasing to scratching, and attack the boys with mussel
shells and bamboo-knives, or with a piece of obsidian or
a small sharp axe.

A boy was allowed to run away, and

would do so if his assailant were not attractive to him.
But it was a sign of manliness and a proof of success to
be properly slashed about.

Also, when a boy was attracted

by a girl, he would, naturally, not run away, but take her
attack as an invitation.

The ambition of a woman was

successively to slash as many men as she could j the am257

bition of a man to carry away as many cuts as he could
stand, and to reap the reward in each case.
I have never assisted at such a kayasa. As far as I
could find out, through the interference of the white mis¬
sionaries and officials, not one had occurred within
twenty years of my arrival. So that data collected
about this kayasa are what might be called “hearsay
documents.” The account of scratching and cutting, how¬
ever, tallies so well with facts observed by myself that I
have not the slightest reason to doubt its accuracy. What
follows is given with due reservation, though it agrees
with the reports about some other Melanesian and Poly¬
nesian natives. I was told by several independent in¬
formants, both from the districts concerned and from the
north, that the relaxation of all control was complete dur¬
ing that kayasa. Sexual acts would be carried out in public
on the central place; married people would participate in
the orgy, man or wife behaving without restraint, even
though within hail of each other. This licence would be
carried so far that copulation would take place within sight
of the luleta (sister, man speaking j brother, woman
speaking): the person with regard to whom the strictest
sexual taboos are always observed (see chs. xiii and xiv).
The trustworthiness of these statements is confirmed by
the fact that I was told several times, when discussing
other forms of kayasa in the north, that all of them were
carried out in a much more orgiastic manner in the south.
Thus at a tug-of-war kayasa in the south, men and women
would always be on opposite sides. The winning side
would ceremonially deride the vanquished with the typical

ululating scream

(katugogova)y and then assail their

prostrate opponents, and the sexual act would be carried
out in public.

On one occasion when I discussed this

matter with a mixed crowd from the north and the south,
both sides categorically confirmed the correctness of this
statement.
In this context two occasional forms of customary inter¬
course may be mentioned.

During the mortuary wake

(yawait), which takes place immediately after a man’s
death, people from all the surrounding communities con¬
gregate and take part in the songs and ceremonies which
last for the best part of the night.

When, far into the

night, the visitors return home, it is the custom for some
of the girls to remain behind to sleep with certain boys
of the bereaved village.

Their regular lovers must not,

and do not, interfere.
Another type of sexual latitude is associated with hos¬
pitality given to strangers} but this obligation was more
strictly observed in former times when, owing to the
greater fear and mistrust of strangers, the visitors were
fewer and better chosen.

I am told that it was then con¬

sidered the duty of a girl from the village to act as the
stranger’s partner for the night.

Hospitality, curiosity,

and the charm of novelty would make this duty perhaps
not very arduous.
The only overseas strangers, who, in olden days, used
to voyage regularly, were those who came to the Trobriands on the kula trading expeditions.

When the cere¬

monial stages of the visit were over and some exchange
of gifts had taken place, the visitors would enter the vil259

lage and hold friendly converse with the inhabitants.

It

was also the duty of the hosts to provide the guests with
food; but this could never be given in the village, since
it was against all etiquette to eat within a strange com¬
munity.

Therefore it was taken to the beach where the

canoes were moored.

Thither the village beauties would

carry it on platters, and wait till these were emptied.
Friendly talk would ripen into intimacy, presents would
be offered by the strangers to the girls, and their accept¬
ance was a sign that the girl was willing.

It was consid¬

ered right, and sanctioned by custom, that the local girls
should sleep with the visitors; and for this, also, accepted
lovers had not the right to punish or reprimand them.
This holds good especially about the northern half of
the island, visited by men from Kitava and the other
Marshall Bennett Islands.

In the southern villages, vis¬

ited by the foreign-speaking Dobuans and Amphlettans,
the strangers also sometimes slept with the local girls.
But this was not so usual, as the Dobuans never recipro¬
cated or allowed their women folk to grant any favours
to visiting Trobrianders.
The customs and arrangements so far considered are
partly seasonal, partly dependent on special circumstances.
The games described at the beginning of this chapter,
which take place by moonlight on the central place, are
mostly played during the trade-wind season, from May
to September.

The harvest activities and festivals begin

in June and last into August.

The milamala begins in

September and ends in October.

Its date is fixed by the

appearance of the falolo worm, which comes up regularly

at a certain full moon.

The name for this worm is also

milamala, and it is sometimes mystically connected with

the arrival of the spirits.

The kayasa is sometimes held

during the milamala season, but usually it occurs imme¬
diately afterwards as an extension of the festival.

Dur¬

ing the full rainy season which follows, January, Febru¬
ary, and March, the telling of fairy tales and gardening
are the main social occupations.
upon these presently.

We shall have to touch

Bathing games take place in April

and May, October and November, between the dry and
wet seasons.
What is the relation of these customs to the normal
course of courtship described in chapter iii?

They give

opportunities for strangers to meet and for erotic interest
to pass beyond the confines of the village.

This may lead

merely to romantic escapades which enrich experience and
guide maturer choice within the community.

But some¬

times such intrigues end in marriage, and then the woman
always follows her husband since, as we know, marriage
is patrilocal.

The periodical rise and fall of erotic life in the Trobriands might be represented by a curve determined by
tribal festivities, ceremonial customs, and economic ac¬
tivities.

These, in turn, follow the moon and seasons in

their courses.

The curve rises regularly at full moon and

its highest point occurs at and immediately after harvest.

The drops in the curve are associated with absorbing
economic pursuits and sports, with gardening and overseas
expeditions.

Certain of the festivals favour an overflow

of erotic interest beyond the boundaries of a village com¬
munity.
A liaison between two people who live at a distance
from one another, is not too easy.

Many special customs

of assignation, visit, and tryst, which the natives compre¬
hensively call ulatile, tend to assist separated lovers.
Such visiting when done by men is called ulatile, which
means literally “male youth,” and describes the group
of adolescent boys and young men who often act in a body
in work or play (pi. 59).

By an extension of meaning,

the noun ulatile is used to describe “youthful exuberance,”
or even, more specifically, “sexual activity.”

We have

met with this term already (ch. iii, sec. 2) in the com¬
pound to'ulatile (young man).

Pronounced with a cer¬

tain intonation, this term conveys the meaning of “gay
dog,” or even “fornicator.”

Applied to a woman, it

assumes the form naka'ulatile, and is used only with the
derogatory meaning, “wanton woman,” or more precisely,
“a woman who desires more than she is desired.”

In its

original etymological implication, it probably means “for¬
ward like a man” (see ch. xiii, sec. 4).

Used as a verb,

the root ulatile is applied primarily to males, and it sig¬
nifies “to go on a love-making expedition,” “to have
success with women,” “to indulge in excessive sexual inter¬
course.”

It can be used by extension about women, except

when it is applied to an expedition outside the village, in
which case it refers only to men.

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The “Ulatile” of Kwaybwaca

~C

There are two forms of ulatile expedition to which the
word applies in a somewhat technical sense.

The first is

a matter of necessity: a lover must visit his sweetheart
in her own village.

If, on one of the several occasions

described in the previous section, two people from dif¬
ferent communities have become strongly attracted by
each other, they will arrange a meeting.

As a rule the

boy has some intimate friend in the girl’s village, and this
makes things easier, since this friend will help him.

It

is a matter of etiquette for the lover to adorn himself
for the tryst, and this compels him to observe a certain
measure of secrecy.

He will not walk on the main road,

but surreptitiously steal through the bush.

“Like a sor¬

cerer he will go 5 stop and listen j go sideways and push
through the jungle5 no one must see him.”

Thus one of

my informants likened such ulatile to the clandestine
expeditions of sorcerers who, on their nocturnal expedi¬
tions, must not be seen by anybody.
As he approaches the village he has to be specially
careful.

In his own village such a passing intrigue, if

discovered, would only arouse the jealousy of the accred¬
ited lover and start a minor quarrel.

But an erotic

poacher caught in another community might be seriously
mishandled, not only by the jealous lover, but by all the
other boys.

He might also bring upon his sweetheart the

reproaches of her regular lover.

However, the main

reason for secrecy is that it is enjoined by custom as a rule
of the game.

The two usually arrange to meet in the

jungle near the girl’s village.

Sometimes the girl guides

her lover to the chosen place by lighting a firej some263

times they agree to imitate the call of a bird; sometimes
she marks the way into the chosen spot of the jungle by
tearing the leaves in a pattern or by placing leaves on
the road.
If the passion stands the test of time and difficulty and
ripens into affection, steps are taken to make the liaison
permanent and official.

The boy may join his friend in

the village, and remain there under some pretext as a
temporary citizen.

Or else the girl will be accepted in

his village and come to live there.

When taking a village

census, I often came across a girl who was staying in the
community because she was living with some boy belonging to it.

The two would sleep together in a bukumatula

(unmarried boys’ and girls’ house) in the same way as
an ordinary affianced couple (see ch. iii, sec. 4), and if
the liaison went well, it ended naturally in marriage.
Another technical use of the word ulatile applies to
an entirely different type of love-making expedition.
Sometimes a group of boys, who have brought away spe¬
cially pleasant memories of another community from
some festive gathering, will decide to go there in a body,
on a regular ulatile expedition.
sary, too.

Here secrecy is neces¬

For though such expeditions are customary and,

in a way, lawful, they constitute an encroachment on the
rights of two other groups, the ordinary sweethearts of
the ulatile boys, and the youths of the other village.

If

caught by either party the adventurers would have to
face a volley of abuse, or even of blows} for girls in the
Trobriands can defend their rights by force, and the boys
in each community regard their women folk as their own
preserve.

The adventurers would, therefore, usually

steal out at night and put on their ornaments outside their
village.

But once on the main road, they become bois¬

terous and defiant, for this is the proper behaviour on such
an occasion.

There are even some special bawdy songs,

called lo’uwa, to which they keep time as they go along.

(i)

Aramway e!

Bagigido’u!

Bagiwawela!

Hoho!

Fine necklace!

Necklace of Wawela!

Sayam, Rapa'odi.
Sayam, Rapa’odi.
Bakwatega

Kadiratume,

I anchor indeed (on)

Kadiratume (beach),

Isideli

undunatine;

itolala.

He sits by her

young man;

she stands up.

Way de si!

kapukapugula

Kalamwaya!

Hallo!

young woman

Hoho!

Agudeydesi!

Kalamwaya!

Hollay!

Hoho!
Free Translation

“Hoho—(I come adorned with) a fine necklace,
The necklace of Wawela, like Sayam with the armshell
Rapa’odi,
I anchor on a beach in Gawa, a boy sits by his girl,
She stands near him.

Hallo!

Young woman.

Hurray, hoho, hurray.”
Sayam is said to be a man celebrated for beauty; and
famous ornaments, such as the Rapa’odi armshell, are
associated with attraction, success and love magic.

He

appears here adorned with a famous armshell named
Rapa’odi, which, as indicated in the free translation,
means that the “I” of the song also wears a fine neck¬
lace.

In the reduplicated form undunatine, the n is a

dialectic equivalent of the / of ulatile.
lo’uwa

song

(n)

Aramwaye!

Bamasisi,

bamamata;

Hoho!

I’ll sleep,

I’ll wake;

balage

ku'pira

saygwa’u.

I’ll hear

drum his (of)

festival skirts.

Raytagine

layma'i

It throbs (with dance music)

it fetches (attracts)

karisay gwa? u,

okuvalila.

their festival skirts,

on their flanks.

Kola

voosi

ovoadola,

lakatunenia

oyamala.

His

song

on mouth,

his small drum

in hand.

Gigiremutu

kudula

Blackened

his teeth

Tokivina

yamtu

Wavivi

Tokivina

treads (village of)

Wavivi

Yamtumutu

Wavivi.

He treads and treads (through the village of)

Wavivi.

Free Translation
Hoho! I awake from my sleep, I hear the festive
beat of the drums, as they throb with dance music—
attracting women with full-dress skirts, with festive
skirts on their flanks.

With his song on his mouth,

Ulatile” on the Lagoon

\_Ch. IX, 3 and 7, also ch. Ill, 3]

Girls Decorated for a “Katuyausi” or Harvest Visit

with his small drum in his hand, his teeth blackened,
Tokivina rhythmically treads in the village of Wavivi,
he walks in dancing rhythm through the village of
Wavivi.
In this short song we have a condensed picture of a
ulatile situation—the awakening at night, the sound of
a distant drum announcing great festivities in a neighbour¬
ing village.

And here, again, there is a legendary person

moving in the background, partly as a good augury, partly
as an ideal.

The psychology of this traditional worship

of personal beauty and charm will be discussed later on.
Such songs, I am told, were also sung in olden days
to indicate that the party was neither on the warpath nor
on a sorcery expedition, nor bent on any other real mis¬
chief.

As they approach their goal they become quiet

again, for they must not be seen by the village youths.
The girls, of course, know when the expedition is draw¬
ing near, for everything has been previously arranged in
detail.

The visitor most familiar with the village creeps

near and gives the agreed signal.

One by one the girls

sneak out of the houses and meet their lovers in the bush.
Sometimes the girls are already awaiting them at some
pre-arranged meeting place outside.

Should this gather¬

ing of lovers be detected, a fight might ensue, leading,
in former times, even to war between the two com¬
munities.
Such ulatile expeditions are definite deviations from
the regular course of tribal life.1

They lead invariably

to lovers’ quarrels in both villages, and to serious dif1 For a discussion of the customary abrogations of law and conflicts be¬
tween various classes of custom, see Crime and Custom, part n.

ferences between the two communities.

They were an

important feature of love life in former days when
armed expeditions for purposes of love-making were more
usual than an individual ulatile.

Nowadays, however,

when it is so much easier and safer for a man or woman
to walk alone even at night, the trysting of one boy with
one girl is much more common.
To preserve perspective and to place the ulatile expe¬
ditions correctly in their context of tribal life, it must be
realized that there are various occasions, apart from court¬
ship, on which the youth of the village would visit other
communities in a body.

At harvest and during the danc¬

ing season (see pis. 57 and 58), for common games and
mortuary feasts, groups of young men, more or less
dressed up, can be met on the road or seen paddling along
in the large fishing canoes.

As a matter of fact, the love-

making expeditions from the lagoon villages of the west
coast would also be made by water (see pi. 60).

Thus

a party of boys on the road, decorated and singing, may
be bent either on a real ulatile expedition, or else on some
ordinary inter-village business or amusement j and it is
difficult on surface evidence to draw any sharp distinction
between erotic and other expeditions.
It is easy to see how inter-village intrigues fit into the
general scheme of courtship described in chapter iii.

The

childish erotic experiences with which the sexual life his¬
tory of an individual begins always takes place within the
communityj the ulatile is one among the customs which
carry erotic interest and those transitory affairs, which
are the next stage in development, beyond the village,

Such intrigues may become permanent and thus the ulatile
is one of the ways in which matrimonial choice is extended
beyond a single village.

In matters of love the Trobriand woman does not con¬
sider herself man’s inferior, nor does she lag behind him
in initiative and self-assertion.

The ulatile have their

counterpart in the katuyausiy amorous expeditions of vil¬
lage girls to other communities.
Sometimes these expeditions are simply to avenge too
much ulatile on the part of the boys.

Or, as happens in

coastal villages, the men are long absent fishing, trading,
or sailing, and the girls seek consolation in another village.
At times the incentive is more directly feminine.

The

girls have equipped themselves with a specially brilliant
supply of grass petticoats, and want to display them on a
wider stage than their own village.

Some of my cynical

informants affirmed that a katuyausi expedition is the
girls’ best means of replenishing their store of betel-nut
and tobacco and of collecting an armlet or a comb, a
pleasing handbag or a new supply of beads.
I am also under the impression that on each occasion
the katuyausi party offer some pretext for their visit, such
as the desire to see the crops, or to admire a new construc¬
tion, a chief’s house or yam-house, or else they pretend
to be hawking some object for sale.
Whatever the chief incentive, and the pretext, as soon

as their decision is taken the girls will choose an interme¬
diary to arrange the date and conditions of their prospec¬
tive visit to the boys of the other village.

The procedure

of a katuyausi expedition differs greatly from that of
a ulatile.

The boys leave after sunset under cover of

night, whereas the girls start as a rule early in the after¬
noon.

The boys creep out of the village, but once fairly

on the road, sing and behave boisterously.
steal

quietly away,

but

throughout the journey.

The girls also

their behaviour

is

decorous

Near the other village the boys

have to hide, but the girls enter the village grove openly,
sit down there and put the finishing touches to their toilet.
They paint their lips red with betel-nut, draw decorative
lines on their faces, and fill their armlets with aromatic
herbs (pi. 61).

It is etiquette for the local boys to allow

them to remain alone on the outskirts of the village until
they give the sign for the boys to approach.

During this

time the girls may sing, play the native (now the im¬
ported) jew’s harp, and chew betel-nut; when they are
ready to receive, they sing the song which is the previ¬
ously arranged signal for the boys to come nearer.

The

latter have, of course, been expecting them, and now ap¬
proach in groups.

Soon the whole village community is

seated facing the girls, with the exception of their local
rivals, who resent the intrusion and sulk, though custom
does not allow them actively to interfere with the pro¬
ceedings.
It is evening by now, and the interesting stage of the
visit is approaching. The katuyausi party have remained
seated, nonchalant and detached (pi. 62).

The youths

“Katuyausi” Party

The Beach of the Lagoon

and older men stand facing them, pursuing their own
conversations with apparent unconcern.

Then banter and

jokes begin to pass from one side to the other; the boys
come nearer the girls and the ceremony of choice begins.
According to custom, the initiative in pairing off should
come from the hosts, and each guest has to accept any
offer made to her as a matter of etiquette.

But, of course,

definite preferences between the outstanding individuals
of each group exist and are known.

An unimportant boy

would not dare interfere with the pleasure of his stronger,
elder, and more influential comrade, so that in reality the
choice is largely based on anterior intrigues and attach¬
ments.

Each boy then ceremonially offers a small gift

to the girl of his choice—a comb, a necklet, a nose stick,
a bunch of betel-nut.

If she accepts the gift she accepts

the boy for that night as her lover.

When the boy knows

the girl well he presents the gift himself.

If he does not,

or if he feels too shy, he will ask help of an older man,
who hands over the offering with the words, “kam
va’otu”

(va’otu—visiting present, present of induce¬

ment), “So-and-so gives it to you; you are his sweet¬
heart.”

Very rarely does a girl refuse or ignore such a

present; if she did, she would greatly offend and mortify
the man.
After the boys and girls have thus been allotted in
pairs, they all, as a rule, go to some spot in the jungle,
where they spend the best part of the night chewing,
smoking, and singing, each couple keeping to themselves.
At times a boy and a girl will leave the main group with¬
out any attention being paid to them.

Some of the boys

may invite their sweethearts to spend the rest of the night
in a bukumatula of the village, but usually this presents
difficulties.

All the arrangements associated with the

katuyausi, as well as with the ulatile, are distinguished
by complete decorum, and by the absence of all orgiastic
elements.

They are carried out, no doubt, in a less deli¬

cate manner in the southern villages than in the north,
but even in the south they essentially differ from such
orgiastic customs as the kamali, the biyu} and the custom
of the yausa, which will be described in the next section.
As far as I could gather, in former times no year would
pass without some two, three or four katuyausi parties
visiting a community.

The first missionary had to ask

for a special regulation in order to put down this “abom¬
inable abuse.”

At present, as a result of the white man’s

interference with local custom, combined with his intro¬
duction of much worse immorality, the regulated and
decorous custom of the katuyausi has fallen into decay.
But even while I was in the Trobriands, parties of girls
from Okaykoda visited Omarakana, and from Kaybola
went to Kwaybwaga; also the Kwaybwaga girls avenged
themselves on their lovers by going on katuyausi to
Vilaylima.

Early in my stay at Omarakana in 1918, a

number of such guests came, at harvest time and osten¬
sibly to admire the yams, and I was even able to pho¬
tograph them and to watch the earlier part of the
proceedings.
The return of a katuyausi party to their own village
is often a sad epilogue to a gay night.

The girls try to

enter the village and regain their houses unobserved.

But they are not always successful.

If the whole party

is waylaid and caught, the reckoning takes place then and
there.

The culprits are abused, beaten, and, as I was told

by several of my informants, sometimes actually violated
by their own lovers in public.

Several boys would hold

a girl, while the rightful owner exercised his prerogative
as a punishment.

If this be true it is the only exception

to that rule of strict decorum in public which is observed
by all Trobrianders, with the exception of the people of
Vakuta, Okayaulo, and some others of the southern vil¬
lages.

We now turn to the extreme south of the main island,
and the adjoining island of Vakuta.

We have already

mentioned these districts, not very honourably, several
times.

They are in general distinguished ethnologically

by a certain coarseness of character and habit which is
displayed in many aspects of their life.

In sexual matters

they are undoubtedly much more crude than the north¬
erners, and have practices which would offend the finer
feeling for etiquette and decorum, if not for morals, of
the latter.

Also, in the past, these villages were on hostile

terms with most of their neighbours.
The data which we have given above as to the orgiastic
character of one or two forms of kuyusu receive addi¬
tional confirmation from another custom which used to be
in vogue among these natives.

The exact nature of the

custom, its full details and its correct perspective, must

unfortunately remain obscure.

All I know about it is

from hearsay, and the custom is so unlike anything which
I have seen myself, that I am unable to add those neces¬
sary touches of life which depend on actual observation.
All districts in the Trobriands have the economic custom
of female communal labour in the weeding of gardens.
Since it is a tedious, monotonous activity, which requires
little skill and not much attention, and can be best enli¬
vened by gossip and company, the women work together at
each garden in turn, until all the village plots are weeded
over.

As in all other exclusively feminine occupations,

it is bad form for any man to come near them while they
are working, or to pay any attention to them save on a
matter of business.
Now this communal weeding when practised by women
of the villages

of

Okayaulo,

Bwaga,

Kumilabwaga,

Louya, Bwadela, or by the villages of Vakuta, gives the
weeders a curious privilege.1

If they perceive a stranger,

a man from any village but their own, passing within
sight, they have the customary right to attack him, a right
which by all accounts they exercise with zeal and energy.
The man is the fair game of the women for all that
sexual violence, obscene cruelty, filthy pollution, and
rough handling can do to him.

Thus first they pull off

and tear up his pubic leaf, the protection of his modesty
and, to a native, the symbol of his manly dignity.

Then,

by masturbatory practices and exhibitionism, they try to
produce an erection in their victim and, when their
manoeuvres have brought about the desired result, one
1 Compare

map.

of them squats over him and inserts his penis into her
vagina.

After the first ejaculation he may be treated

in the same manner by another woman.
are to follow.

Worse things

Some of the women will defecate and

micturate all over his body, paying special attention to his
face, which they pollute as thoroughly as they can.

“A

man will vomit, and vomit, and vomit,” said a sympathetic
informant.

Sometimes these furies rub their genitals

against his nose and mouth, and use his fingers and toes,
in fact, any projecting part of his body, for lascivious
purposes.

The natives from the north are very much

amused by this custom, which they despise or affect to
despise.

They love to enter into details, and to demon¬

strate by convincing mimicry.

Local informants from the

south confirmed this account in all essentials.

They were

by no means ashamed of their custom, regarding it rather
as a sign of the general virility of the district, and passing
on any possible opprobrium to the stranger-victims.

Some

of my local informants added that at the yausa, as this
custom is called, women would throw off their fibre skirts,
and naked “like a band of tauva’u” (evil spirits) pounce
upon the man.

He also added that hair would be torn

from the man’s head, and that he would be lacerated and
beaten till he was too weak to get up and move away.

Such is the natives’ account of the yausa.
facts?

What are the

I never observed them at first hand; partly be275

cause I was never able to go south at the time of weed¬
ing, partly because I was told that, even now, no stranger
to the district would dream of going there at that season.
Had I gone there in person, the negative result would
have been ethnologically disappointing, the positive dis¬
tinctly unpleasant} so I abstained.

When I tried, as

always in such cases, to test the general statement by his¬
torical fact, to find out how many people had been thus
ill-treated—who, when and on what occasion—I invari¬
ably drew a blank.

I always received the same answer:

“Oh, people are so afraid that no one would dare to come
near.”

The only concrete argument in support of its

truth was that Misipelosi and Misimoytena (the Rev.
S. B. Fellowes, the first Missionary, and the Hon. M. H.
Moreton, the first Resident Magistrate) had been afraid
to face the yausa, and that no gumanuma (white man)
had ever dared to do so.

I also was begged not to make

any attempt to go south in the yausa season, and I obeyed
the advice. And I thus became another proof of the
reality of this custom to the natives.
So I was left with the principal question unanswered:
is this custom, so exactly and minutely described, so
prominent in the native interest, a fact in the sense that
it has been really practised? or only in so far that it
would be practised should occasion arise?

Or is it merely

one of those customs which only exist in belief and in
legend, and have never had any basis in actual occurrence?
The most that can be said with certainty is that the
yausa, if it happened at all, happened extremely rarely}
for even less in the olden days than now would a stranger

have occasion to visit those inhospitable regions, which
were on a hostile footing with all their neighbours and
always ready to harm a stranger in one way or another.
Taking the tradition at its lowest value, it is a standing
myth, backed up by lively interest and a strong belief.
It gives the women of the region a bellicose attitude, it
surrounds them at weeding time with an absolute taboo,
and gives their communal work in the garden the char¬
acter of a sex privilege. The only parallel for the cus¬
tom in folk-lore is the legend about Kaytalugi, the land
of the sexually insatiable women (see ch. xii, 4); and in
actual fact, the orgiastic nature, in the south, of the
kayasa of the tug-of-war and of the erotic scratching, and
the greater sexual coarseness to be found there.1
It is characteristic that all the natives are interested
in this custom and amused by it. Whenever any cognate
or associated subject is discussed—gardens, communal
work, the position of women, fighting or sex—the yausa
1 In this matter parallels might be found perhaps among tribes further
south on the d’Entrecasteaux Archipelago, and on the mainland of New
Guinea. I was told by a white trader that on the southern shore of Normanby Island there are several orgiastic performances and festivities.
On certain occasions a small hut with a very high front gable is con¬
structed and passes under the name of “the entrance of the body.” lit
this hut a girl will remain during the festivity, boys will visit her semipublicly* and have intercourse with her one after another.
Again,
among the natives of the south coast, east of Orangerie Bay (the Da’ui
and Su’au), several boys sometimes cohabit with one girl, each in the
presence of another: a procedure which would be repugnant to the Trobriander’s finer sensibilities. On the other hand, such tribes, for instance,
as the Dobuans of the d’Entrecasteaux Archipelago and the Mailu, are
considerably more restrained in sexual matters than either the Trobrianders or the other Southern Massim. Compare C. G. Seligman, op. cit.,
on the Southern Massim, chap, xxxviii, “Courtship, Betrothal, and Mar¬
riage,” and chap, xliii, “Morals.” Compare also my account of the Mailu
in the “Natives of Mailu,” Transactions of the Royal Society of South
Australia, 1915.

is dragged in, and the natives embark on detailed and
graphic descriptions, until it becomes the anthropologist’s
bugbear.

Only once did I find it really useful.

In one

of the surly, reticent and coarse communities on the
lagoon, there was special difficulty in finding suitable
informants.

One afternoon I was working with a group

of unwilling informants, seated under a large banyan
tree on the shore of the lagoon.

It was one of those slack

and sterile periods so well-known to the field-worker,
when he discovers only gaps and inconsistencies in his
information, becomes cross and bored with his native
instructors, and they with him; when the imprisonment
in a profoundly alien and emotionally meaningless cul¬
tural atmosphere weighs heavily and everything tempts
to desertion at any cost.

In such moods the lagoon land¬

scape, so charming and so monotonous, symbolized this
temptation, luring my eyes towards the dimly visible
Koya, the southern mountains of the Amphlett and
d’Entrecasteaux archipelagoes—where lay my road back
to civilization.

I looked at the scene on the beach (pi. 63)

and envied some visitors from the south, who were due
to sail home in a day or two.

Conversation was flagging,

and I could get nothing out of my informants, until we
happened on the subject of the yausa.

Immediately the

natives became voluble and dramatic; their laughter and
animation attracted other people, and soon I was sur¬
rounded by a group of men, among whom I was able
to find some tolerably good informants for my future
work.

At the same time, I had a practical demonstration

of the contrast between the way in which such a custom

is represented by those who have it, and by those who
do not.

By the local men it was obviously caricatured

as a shameful and savage habit; the men’s derisive
laughter and amused exaggerations were a clear indica¬
tion of how superior they felt to the benighted heathen
who practised it.

But the southern visitors, some of

whom had come from Okayaulo and Bwadela, the home
of the yausa, took, in a later conversation, a different
view, showing no embarrassment whatever.

They told

me boastfully that no stranger ever dared to enter their
district at that time, that they themselves were the only
people free to walk about, that their women were the best
garden-weeders and the most powerful people in the
island.

The two districts have been in contact for cen¬

turies, they speak the same language and have an identi¬
cal culture.

Yet neither the custom of yausa nor the

mental attitude which characterizes it have begun to
diffuse.

The mental attitudes are correlated and fit into

each other, but each district adheres to its own prerogative
of superiority, which consists in contradicting the other s
point of view.
Chapter 10
In the course of this inquiry we have been gradually
approaching our main interest, and taking an increasingly
detailed view of native love-making.

At first we merely

made a general survey of the social organization and
economic activities of the natives, in so far as they affect
the relative positions of man and woman in the com¬
munity.

We studied their associations and their diver¬

sions, in private and in public, at work and at play, in
magical and religious pursuits, as well as in everyday life.
Then coming nearer to our special subject we followed
the typical progress of courtship, and found it leading
to marriage and parenthood.

In the last chapter we de¬

scribed certain customs which enrich and diversify the
normal course of courtship.
In this chapter it will be necessary to observe the dal¬
liance of lovers at still closer quarters.

We have to learn

the nature of their love interest and of the bonds which
unite them.
Throughout my exposition, I have always attempted
not only to state the norm, but to indicate the exceptions,
to trace what might be called the amplitude of deviation,
the margin within which people usually try, and some¬
times succeed, in circumventing the strict rule.

As we

proceed now to the study of more intimate behaviour, the
elasticity of the rule becomes greater, and it grows more
imperative to give a dynamic description of how a rule
or an institution works, rather than how, in native theory,
law and morality is supposed or desired to work.
In general, as the ethnographer moves away from the
big fundamental, well-defined institutions—such as fam¬
ily, marriage, kinship organization, the clan, exogamy,
the rules of courtship—towards the manifold details of
personal life, his methods of observation must become
more complex and his results less reliable.

This cannot

be remedied and, for our comfort, it may be remembered
that, even in the most exact fields of human thought and
experience, a theoretical result can only be verified within
certain limits.

The most exact of human observations is

only approximate, and all that even the chemist or physi¬
cist can do is to state the limits within which his error is
encompassed.

When investigating integral institutions,

such as marriage or the family, the ethnographer should,
if he be doing competent and intensive field-work, rely
on observation rather than on what the native informants
tell him.

But when dealing with the subtler phases of

behaviour, this rule cannot, unfortunately, always be fol¬
lowed.

In the study of sexual attraction and the growth

of a passion, direct observation is always difficult, and at
times impossible, and a great deal of information has to
be collected from confidences and gossip.
The ethnographer must be alert to all that happens
round him.

He must patiently win his way into village

life and make such personal friendships as encourage

Il3

~o

Q
O

PQ

plate 6$

The circular dance with the carved shield on the baku
of Omarakana. Note the plain, though picturesque,
headdress of cockatoo feathers.
[Ch. X, i; ch. II, 2]

spontaneous confidences and the repetition of intimate
gossip.

He must check ad hoc statements by remarks

dropped in more unguarded moments, explicating the im¬
plied and estimating the importance of reservations and
reticences.

For these are everywhere apt to be more

illuminating than direct affirmations, and are especially so
among these natives, whose keen sense of delicacy makes
the roundabout and allusive way the natural approach to
such subjects.

It is possible to force them into speaking

directly, but this always produces an artificial and false
mental attitude, and exclusive reliance on such a method
would lead to results which lack entirely the colour of
real life.
Thus in the most delicate subjects the ethnographer is
bound to a large extent to depend on hearsay.

Yet if

he resides for a long time among the natives, speaks their
language and makes close personal acquaintances, he will
be provided with sufficiently useful information.

His

material will be certainly better than if it had been ob¬
tained through the mechanical pumping of informants by
the question-and-answer method at so many sticks of
tobacco an hour.
Love is a passion to the Melanesian as to the Euro¬
pean, and torments mind and body to a greater or lesser
extent} it leads to many an impasse, scandal, or tragedy}
more rarely, it illuminates life and makes the heart ex¬
pand and overflow with joy.

“Out of a full heart the

mouth speaketh,” and the cold ethnographer must indus¬
triously jot down confidences poured out under the stress
of strong personal emotion.

Also the gossip of those not

directly affected by the event, yet sufficiently interested
in it to talk, especially if it be untoward—puisqu’il y a
quelque chose dans les malheurs de nos amis qui ne nous
deplait pas—is scarcely less valuable material for the

investigator.
Spontaneous outpourings and village gossip dictated
by genuine interest, records of past tragedies, and stories
of erotic adventure, have yielded most of the raw material
for the descriptions given in this chapter.

And the direct

knowledge of personal histories and interests made it
possible for me to get a true perspective, to look at mat¬
ters from the native point of view.

I was even often

able to go behind the explicit statements of the natives,
observing, as sometimes happened, that their actions and
feelings belied their words, and following up the clue
thus given me.
The

reader will

remember

the

misadventures

of

Bagido’u, one of my best friends and informants (see
pi. 64, and ch. vi, sec. i), the animosities and quarrels
between Namwana Guya’u and Mitakata (see pi. 3 and
ch. i, sec. 2), the boasting Gomaya and his relations to
Ilamweria (see pi. 39 and ch. vii, sec. 4).

It would

have been impossible for me to ascertain the rules of
custom and the moral ideas of the natives without the
subjective outpourings of these friends of mine.
Side by side with such live material, I naturally always
endeavoured to collect objective “documents”: records
of historical events, samples of tradition, folk-lore and
magic.

Thus my general impressions, and strong but

somewhat vague intuitions, were constantly checked and

confirmed by data drawn from every sphere of tribal life.
In fact, chronologically, the “documents” are usually ob¬
tained first, but their real comprehension can be gained
only from the knowledge of real life.
The reader interested in methodology will realize that
this exposition by cumulative versions—passing from in¬
stitutions through the general record of a life history to
the detailed and intimate analysis which follows—does
justice not only to the nature of the material, but also to
the manner of its collection.
After this digression on the method of collecting data
and of their presentation, let us return once more to a
Trobriand village and approach a group of young people
playing in the moonlight, in festive mood and dress; let
us try to see them as they see each otherj follow up their
attractions and repulsions.

So far we have kept at a

discreet distance from the intimate behaviour, the motives
and feelings of lovers.

More especially we have never

attempted to spy upon their passionate caresses.

Now we

must try to reconstruct the history of a personal intrigue,
to understand the first impressions made by beauty and
charm, and to follow the development of a passion to
its end.
I

What is it that makes the boys look with entranced
attention at one among a group of girls, moving rhyth¬
mically in a game or carrying baskets at harvest} or that
fascinates the girls in one of the dancers who lead the

ring of swift runners in a kaydebu dance?

(See pi. 65.)

Is it possible for us to find out why a member of either
sex is almost universally rejected and why another is
sought afterj why one category is labelled as plain or
unattractive and another as fascinating and beautiful?
The European observer soon finds that his standard of
personal charm does not essentially differ from that of the
natives, when he has once become accustomed to the
physical type and to the mannerisms of the Melanesians.
Thus, for instance, the girl on plate 66 is universally
regarded as a beauty, the one on plate 67 as a plain
woman} and with this opinion the reader will not disagree.
And yet the latter is a well-built woman and of a pro¬
nounced Melanesian type.

But it would be perhaps diffi¬

cult and certainly useless to convey native standards of
beauty by means of European phrases and comparisons.
Fortunately there are a number of native expressions,
descriptions and categories which furnish some sort of
objective material, and together with the ethnographer’s
commentary, may convey a fairly adequate idea of the
Trobriander’s ideal of beauty.
It must be understood that the problem of erotic
charm with which we are now engaged, is different from
that discussed in chapter iv, which was concerned with the
motives which lead a Trobriand man or woman to enter
upon matrimony.

In this connection, we found that

personal preference, though a powerful inducement to
marriage, was only one among others, some social, some
economic and some domestic.

And even in the matter

of personal preference, the erotic motive is not exclusive.

A Melanesian Beauty

A Type not Admired by the Natives

['Ch. X, 1]

A man or woman of mature age will choose a domestic
partner quite different from the paramour who occupied
the best part of his or her youth.

Marriage is often

determined by the attraction of character and personality
rather than by sexual adaptation or erotic seduction.

This

fact, which has been already mentioned, I found con¬
firmed in many concrete cases and in a hundred details.
Only in the passing intrigues is simple bodily charm the
principal attraction.

Let us return then to our imaginary

pair ami try to find out what it is that they see in each
other, a§ lowers.
When treating of/love in fiction or anthropology, it
is easier and more pleasant to imagine objects really
worthy\of admiratipn.

In the Trobriands it would not

be difficult to find them, even for one equipped with
European t^lte and Nordic race prejudices; for, within
£ considerable variety of types, there are to be found

men and women with regular delicate features, well-built
lithe bodies, clear skins, and that personal charm which
predisposes us towards a man, a nationality, or a race.
Verbal descriptions of a facial type are always weak
and unconvincing.

They may be couched in anthropo¬

metric terms and backed by numerical data, but these give
little help to the imagination and could only stimulate a
physical anthropologist.

It is better for the reader to look

at pictures, in this book and in other works where the
Trobrianders have been described,1 and to hear what the
1 As, for instance, in C. G. Seligman, op. cit., and in Argonauts of the
Western Pacific. For comparative anthropometric data concerning Mela¬
nesians and Papuans, cf. “A Classification of the Natives of British New
Guinea,” Journ. R. Anthrop. Inst., vol. xxxix, 1909, by C. G. Seligman.

natives themselves have to say on the subject of beauty
and its opposite.
The natives are never at a loss when asked what ele¬
ments go to the making of personal beauty in man or
woman. The subject is not only interesting to them as to
all other human beings, but it is surrounded by a rich folk¬
lore and therefore commands an extensive vocabulary.
Many of their legends and songs have been specially com¬
posed to exalt some famous dancer or singer, and in such
texts there are descriptions of ornament and dress, and
expressive phrases referring to personal appearance.

The

charms used in beauty magic give instructive indications of
the Trobriander’s desires and ideals, as do also the laments
for the dead, and descriptions of the blissful life in Tuma,
the land of the departed.
But although the renown and tradition of famous
beauties is handed down for generations with rich de¬
scriptive details, it is difficult for the ethnographer to find
a living model for his inquiry.

Whenever I asked any

of the old, and therefore expert, connoisseurs of beauty
whether any living woman could match the radiant
divinities

drawn

from

their

own

and

their

father’s

memories, the answer was always in the negative.

The

Golden Age of real beauty seems to be quite over!

Let us approach the ideal of beauty by way of its nega¬
tion, and see what, for the native, makes a person ugly

and repulsive, and therefore impossible from the erotic
standpoint.

Deformity and disease in mind or body, old

age and albinism, all, according to native statements, put
a person beyond the pale of erotic interest.

The ex¬

pressions tnigila gaga (his face bad), or tomigaga (ugly
man, literally man—face—ugly) are frequently in use,
and often with the added comment: “No one would sleep
with such an one.”
Malformations are rare, and I myself cannot recall
a single hunchback or congenitally deformed person.
Through accident men may lose a limb: kaykela ipwase
(his leg has rotted away)} yamala ipwase (his arm has
rotted away)} but the most frequent congenital defect is
that of speech, which the natives describe by the same
word, tonagowa, as is applied to idiocy and feeble¬
mindedness.
The bad or repulsive characters of folk-lore are also
endowed

with

bodily

deformities

or

abnormalities.

Dokonikan, the most prominent ogre of Kiriwinian folk¬
lore, has several rows of teeth and cannot speak properly.
Women covered with hair and men with disgusting bodies
figure in some fairy tales.
As regards disease: sores, ulcers, and skin eruptions are
naturally held to be specially repulsive from the view¬
point of erotic contact.

Also to be so afflicted is the usual

punishment for breaking certain taboos.

Indeed, a num¬

ber of such taboos are only observed by young men, and
have no other raison d'etre than to prevent their skins
from being covered with sores.
specific beauty taboos.

They might be called

Thus, it is dangerous to eat fish

which is not quite fresh, or fish which has a very strong
flavour.

Some kinds of fish are covered with unseemly

scales or spots, and these also are forbidden to young
men and women.

Young people must abstain from yams

or fish which have been cut with a sharp instrument.
Similar taboos have to be kept by men about to sail on
an overseas expedition; they will say that they must only
eat “good fish” so that their faces may be beautiful.1
The unpleasant disease, tropical ring-worm, covering
the skin with perpetually peeling scales, and very prev¬
alent among Melanesians, is said to be a definite draw¬
back, and persons with this disease would not be reckoned
among the beauties even if their faces were fine.

But it

does not seem to form a positive bar to love-making, any
more than to other pursuits.

On the other hand, this

repulsive and contagious affliction is a real inconvenience
to the field-worker, who has constantly to deal with
afflicted natives and takes a long time to become accus¬
tomed to it.
Old age is felt to be a serious handicap in affairs of
gallantry. The contrast between repulsive old age and
attractive youth is brought out clearly in myth.

A hero,

who is unsuccessful because of his elderly appearance,
becomes rejuvenated and gets everything that he wants.
First the marks scored upon him by the hand of time are
ruthlessly enumerated: a wrinkled skin, white hair, and
toothless jaws.

Then the magical change is described:

his rounded face, the smooth full lines of his body, his
sleek, glossy skin, the thick black hair covering his head,
1 Cf. Argonauts of the Western Pacific, p. 336.

the beautiful black teeth shining between vermilion lips.
Now he can win the favours of desirable women, and im¬
pose his wishes on men and Fate.

Such pictures are drawn

in two of the chief myths of the kuia (the ceremonial
exchange), which plays such a great part in tribal life, and
shows so many psychological affinities to their erotic in¬
terests.

Similar pictures are also to be found in the myth

of rejuvenation, in the ideas of the natives concerning a
future life, and in one or two fairy tales.1
Obesity is extremely rare, and in its more pronounced
forms is classed as a disease.

Baldness is not infrequent.

It is considered a blemish, and a certain amount of criti¬
cism is contained in the word tokulubakana (bald man,
literally man-occiput empty-space).

To a Kiriwinian,

however, it is not so fatal as it is to his European contem¬
porary, for wigs are still used in that happy island (pi.
68).

Either a narrow band of hair is tied just above the

forehead—a sort of fuzzy wreath—or a wig covering the
whole head is worn.

The wig is made by sewing tufts of

hair on to a skull cap made of plaited fibre or string.

The

hair is easily obtained, for mourning customs demand that
every member of the afflicted community, with the excep¬
tion of the deceased’s clansmen, shall shave off his beau¬
tiful mop of hair.
Cutting off the hair is not the only mourning custom
which aims at the reduction of personal charm.

The

transformation in appearance imposed by mourning em¬
bodies, to a certain extent, the native idea of what is ugly.
1 For the hula myth cf. Argonauts, pp. 307-10 and 322-4, and Myth in
Primitive Psychology, 1926.

The shaven head, the body blackened with a thick layer
of mixed grease and charcoal, colourless and purposely
soiled dress, no ornaments and no scents—these are the
outward signs of bereavement.

The transformation un¬

dergone by a woman in mourning is shown in the frontis¬
piece, where two girls, equally pretty under normal con¬
ditions, can be contrasted.

In fact, the idea that the chief

mourner, especially the widow, should be made ugly so
that she may not attract other men, is explicitly stated by
natives, and is also implied in the whole scheme of mor¬
tuary proceedings, apart from the alteration in appearance
(see ch. vi).
The essential conditions of personal charm are now
obvious} normal bodily build, health, absence of mental
and functional disorders, strong growth of hair, sound
teeth, and a smooth skin—all signs of vigour and of a
good constitution.
But an important caution must here be entered.

Na¬

tives speak with such horror about the various forms of
ugliness, and repulsion is so clearly discernible in their
behaviour that there is no temptation to doubt their word.
In fact, in games and amusements, an albino, an idiot, or
a man afflicted with skin disease is so completely left out
of the fun that his loneliness and isolation wake pity
even in the frigid heart of an ethnographer.

Thus ob¬

servation fully confirmed the verbal proposition in which
all the natives are agreed, that all such people are abso¬
lutely debarred from sexual intercourse and that they
have to resort to solitary means of satisfaction.

Never¬

theless, I began to doubt its validity, when, in the course

of my field-work, this very proposition was adduced as
proof, with many illustrative examples, that a woman can
have children without sexual intercourse (see ch. vii, 3
and 4).

Tilapo’i (to quote cases already mentioned) had

one child, Kurayana as many as six; while a few albino
girls have been blessed with numerous offspring; yet: “No
man would approach them, they are so repulsive” was
made the major premise of the syllogism—though many
of my informants must have known better!
The more thorough research which followed my reali¬
zation of this discrepancy revealed the astonishing fact
that strong and, no doubt, genuine physical repulsion does
not prevent a Melanesian from the sexual act.

This prob¬

ably has some connection with their manner of carrying
out this physiological activity.

I was able to ascertain that

the ugliest and most repulsive people have, not only spo¬
radic, but regular intercourse.

Orato’u, a tonagowa—

meaning in this case, not an idiot but one afflicted with
defective speech and a repulsively deformed face—can
always obtain favours from the village beauties of Omarakana, the residence of the paramount chief, whose hench¬
man he is and whose wives he is said to know intimately
enough.

The albino seen on pi. 38 has had several noto¬

rious love affairs.

In most of the villages where I worked

I could mention a few old and thoroughly repulsive
women who were able, especially if they or their hus¬
bands were of high rank, to obtain young and attractive
boys as lovers.
When I discussed this with my friend, the late Billy
Hancock of Gusaweta—a trader of exceptional intelli-

gence and one of the finest men I have known—he told
me that he had long ago arrived at the same conclusion
independently, and quoted from memory a number of
striking instances, in some of which the women were re¬
pugnant, as he said, “far beyond the toleration of a
drunken sailor.”

He also mentioned the experience of a

medical officer, especially appointed in the Trobriands for
the treatment of venereal disease.

This official was once

baffled by finding all the boys in a community afflicted
with very virulent and obviously recent gonorrhea, while
all the women to be considered in this connection were as
yet quite healthy.

Finally he obtained a confession from

one of his patients that he and his companions had copu¬
lated among others with a woman so old, decrepit, and
ugly, that the medical officer had thankfully and unhesi¬
tatingly omitted her in his several inspections.

It was

found that she was the source of infection, and that she
had for a long time been active in persuading boys to
copulation.

The boys, on discovery, tried to belittle the

fact and to present the whole matter as a joke, but they
were in reality rather mortified.

The attitude of my in¬

formants when I confronted them with such and similar
facts was also “ambivalent.”

They had to admit that

some people will copulate with repulsive women, but they
treated it simply as the sign that such people are of un¬
sound mind.
This was one more of the several cases in which I found
how strongly convention (ideals of behaviour) obsesses
the mind of the natives, but only on the surface and con¬
trolling their statements rather than their behaviour.

Things about which he would not like even to speak,
much less admit to having done, a native simply denies
with consistency and vigour, although he is perfectly
aware that they do happen, perhaps even under his own
roof.

Tout comme chest nous!

Vigour, vitality, and strength, a well-proportioned
body, a smooth and properly pigmented, but not too
dark skin are the basis of physical beauty for the native.
In all the phases of village life I have seen admiration
drawn and held by a graceful, agile and well-balanced
person.

The same generalization can be inductively

drawn from what we shall say here of the native canons
of perfection in form and colour, bodily smell, quality of
voice, and grace of movement.
Since the natives have an extended view of each other’s
bodies, there is no artificial barrier to their aesthetic interest
in them; nor are the various elements in erotic fascination
placed in the false perspective which makes our full Eu¬
ropean clothing the instrument of artificial modesty as
well as of disguised allurement, so that an estimation of
erotic values is difficult and complex, and is based on
fashions in dress as well as on the appreciation of physical
beauty.

With this advantage over us, it is a notable fact

that their main erotic interest is focussed on the human
head and face.

In the formulae of beauty magic, in the

vocabulary of human attractions, as well as in the ar295

senal of ornament and decoration, the human face—eyes,
mouth, nose, teeth, and hair—takes precedence.

It must

be observed that the head plays an important part in magic
as an object for admiration, and not as the seat of the
erotic emotions, for these are placed in the lower part of
the belly.

For the rest of the body, the breasts in the

woman and build and size in the man are most important,
with the colour and the quality of their skins.

In certain

magical formulas, all the limbs and portions of the human
torso are enumerated, besides the features of the face and
head.

In others, however, only the latter are mentioned.

The outline of the face is very important} it should be
full and well rounded.

The phrases imiliya-pila (like the

full moon)} imilibwata (like the round moon)} kalububovatu (its roundness), appear frequently in magical for¬
mulas.

The forehead must be small and smooth.

The

word tails alts a (to smooth) recurs in beauty charms.

Full

cheeks, a chin neither protruding nor too small, a com¬
plete absence of hair on the face, but the scalp hair de¬
scending well on to the forehead, are all desiderata of
beauty.
Cosmetics are used on the face more than on any other
part of the body.

Facial painting (soba) is done in black,

red, and white (pi. 76)*

For the red, either a compound

of betel-nut and lime is used or red ochre.

Certain forms

of clay, sometimes mixed with crushed coral, were for¬
merly used to produce white} but nowadays European
white lead has taken the place of this, though red is still
usually made with native pigments.

Black can be put on,

either with simple charred coco-nut fibre or some other

form of charcoal, or else with a mixture of this and an
aromatic oil, prepared by cutting aromatic wood into small
pieces and boiling it in coco-nut oil.

The wood preferred

in this preparation is called sayaku, and it is, I think,
sandal wood imported from the eastern islands (Wood¬
lark and Marshall Bennett).

A similar though less ap¬

preciated wood, kadikokoy is found in the Trobriands and
can be used for the same purpose.

The strongly scented

mixture is kept in coco-nut oil bottles and used for the
tracing of fine lines on the face.

The natives make a

clear distinction between decorative painting (soba), which
enhances their beauty, and smothering themselves in soot
(koulo) in order to extinguish all their attractions in sign
of mourning.
Having indicated the general character of facial beauty,
let us proceed to the details.

The eyes, as we know, are

to the natives the gateways of erotic desire (ch. vii, i)j
they are also, in themselves, a centre of erotic interest.
Biting off the eyelashes, the custom of mitakuku as it is
called, plays an important part in love-making.

The

expression agu mitakuku (“my bitten-off eyelashes”) is a
term of endearment.

The eyes are frequently referred

to in the magic of beauty: mitayari (shining eyes)} mitubwoyili (lovely eyes)} mita-pwa’i (bright eyes).
should be shining, but they should be small.
point the natives are quite decided.
puyna, are ugly.

Eyes

On this

Large eyes, puyna-

There is no special beauty treatment

for the eyes, except, of course, shaving the eyebrows
which, together with the biting off of eyelashes, leaves
them singularly naked to European taste.

Neither is any

magic specifically devoted to their lustre and other charms.
Next to the eyes, the mouth is, perhaps, the most im¬
portant feature. It plays a conspicuous part in love-mak¬
ing, and its beauty is highly esteemed in native aesthetics.
It should be very full, but well cut. Protruding lips
(ka’uvala’u wadola) are considered as unattractive as
pinched or thin ones (kaywoya wadola). Very ugly, I
was told, is a hanging lower lip. There is a special magic
of beauty associated with the mouth. It is the magic of
taloy the red paint made of betel-nut, which is used to
redden the lips.
The nose should be full and fleshy, but not too large.
A nose, which the natives call kapatatay that is long, nar¬
row and sharp, in short aquiline, is ugly. A beautiful
nose is called kabulitoto (standing-up nose), for too flat
a one is also a serious blemish, and men or women so
handicapped are called tonapa’i or nanapa’i according to
sex. A nose-stick used to be considered aesthetically in¬
dispensable, but it is now gradually going out of fashion,
and there is no magic associated with this ornament or its
organ.
The ears must be neither too small nor too large—a
safe rule to follow for all parts of the body, whether in
the Trobriands or elsewhere. Ears that stand out from
the head (tiginaya) are distinctly ugly. Every ear must
be pierced at the lobe and ornamented with ear-rings.
The hole is made early in childhood by placing on the
ear a turtle shell ring which has been cut and the ends
sharpened, so that the points gradually work their way
through the gristle. The resultant small hole is then

gradually enlarged until a considerable opening sur¬
rounded by a pendulous ring is formed in the lobe.

This

is filled with ear-rings of turtle shell and other orna¬
ments, especially red discs made of spondylus shell.

Such

treatment of the ear is de rigueur; otherwise a man or
woman would be said to have tegibwalodila (ears like a
bush pig).
Teeth, in order to be really attractive, have to be black¬
ened (kudubwa’u: literally black teeth, or gigiremutu: an
expression for the process).

This blackening is done by

placing a piece of a special mangrove root against the
teeth overnight and repeating the process over a long pe¬
riod.

The majority of the Trobrianders do not, however,

blacken their teeth.
Hair in its proper place is considered a great beauty,
but, as we know, it must not be allowed to grow anywhere
except on the scalp.

Eyebrows are shaved off, the beard

is never allowed to grow except by old men “who do not
wish to have anything to do with women.”

Hair is never

pulled out 5 it is always shaved, in the old days with ob¬
sidian, at present with bottle glass.

The hair on the head

is admired when it is very full, and then it is allowed to
grow into a thick mop of which almost every hair radi¬
ates from the scalp, in the manner so characteristic of
Melanesia.
The natives distinguish black, light and grey hair
{yabwabwcdiiy yadidaydaya and yasoso’u).

The albino

is called topwakcdu, “man with white hair,” or tososo'u,
“man with grey hair.”

They further classify it as

straight-to-wavy (yasinare’i or yasisiye’i); curly (yasusay-

bulii) j thick and moppy (yamtumwatu) 5 tangled and
almost matted (yakulupaki or yatutuya).

The two mid¬

dle qualities are considered beautiful; but the straight-towavy and the matted kinds are not.

As to the trimming

and dressing of it, the really typical Melanesian mop,
gugwapo’U) is the favourite mode.

When it is cut round

the sides and back and left long on top, giving the head
an elongated cylindrical form, it is called bobobu.

Some¬

times when a man comes out of mourning, the hair is
allowed to grow in the middle of the head, while the
edges are kept shaved j this is called takwadoya.

Hair

which is growing after mourning is called sayva’u while
it is still short.

Persons of rank in mourning have the

privilege of leaving some hair at the back of the head
near the nape of the neck (pi. 25).

This grows into long

strands which are plaited sometimes and are called saysuya
(literally, “ringlets”).
Body hair (unu’unu—a word also given to the growth
on yam tubers, on the backs of leaves and so forth) is
regarded as ugly and is kept shaven.

Only in myth and

in fairy tale do certain people appear who are covered
with unu’unu; to the natives a grotesque and at the same
time a perverse characteristic.
Hair dressing plays a great part in the personal toilet.
Trimming is done by means of a sharpened mussel shell
0kaniku) and the hair is cut off in tufts against a piece
of wood.

It is combed or teased with a long-pronged

wooden comb (sinata)j and one of the most important
types of beauty magic is done over the comb.

We have

seen that teasing out the hair (pulupulu, waypulu or

waynoku)

is the centre of certain festivals (kayasa),

which are really organized solely for the display of this
beauty.

Nails are cut and trimmed with sharpened mus¬

sel shell.
A slim, straight, tall body is much admired in a man.
Kaysaki, like a “swift long canoe,” kuytubo, like a rounded

tree, are both terms of praise, of which the latter shows
that emaciation is not an asset.

Kaylobu—well adorned,

well trimmed—expresses the same idea.

All three words

occur in the lament of a widow for her young husband.
In women, also, a slim body without excessive ab¬
dominal development is considered desirable.

Kaygumita

(slim), nasasaka (small-bellied), are words of praise.
TVapopoma (pot-bellied), nasoka (with the body like a
globe-fish), on the contrary, express disapproval.
A woman’s breasts are of special importance.

The

same word nunu is used to describe the female breast,
the nipple in man or woman, the central portion of the
male chest, and milk.

There are a number of partly

metaphorical, partly specific expressions to describe the
aesthetic appearance of the female breasts.

Nutaviya

(like the taviya, a small round fruit) describes a full,
round, firm formation 5 and nupiyakwa, a word the ety¬
mology of which I was unable to trace, has the same
connotation.

Nupipisiga or nupisiga is applied to small,

undeveloped, girlish breasts, which are considered less
attractive than the first category.

For flabby breasts the

word nusawewo is used, a compound of the specific prefix
nu and the word sawewo, to hang limply down, as, for

instance, a ripe fruit hangs.

Another apt simile is con-

tained in the word nukaybwibwi, in which long, thin,
pendent breasts are compared to the aerial roots of the
pandanus tree.

Breasts wrinkled and flabby with age are

called fwanunUy the prefix 'pwa meaning deterioration
and nunu being the specific noun.

The meaning of this

word has become extended to describe wrinkled skin in
general.
Firm,

well-developed

breasts

are

admirable

in

a

woman. Adolescent girls massage (i’uwoli) their breasts,
which then may also be called nu’ulawolu (literally, mas¬
saged breasts).

When a lover prefers his girl with small

breasts, he will say, yoku tage kuwoli nunutvi', kwunu'pisiga
(“Do not thou massage thy breasts, remain with girlish
breasts”).
To return to physical beauty in general, it has already
been mentioned that smoothness of skin and a full brown
colour are much sought after.

In magical formulas,

smooth objects with a pleasant surface are often men¬
tioned in this connection: fish without scales, trees with
smooth bark, smooth, rounded shells.

As to the colour,

dark brown is decidedly a disadvantage.

In the magic of

washing and in other beauty formulas, a desirable skin is
compared with white flowers, moonlight, and the morning
star.

Pregnancy magic has already given us an example

of this ideal of bodily perfection.

But deficient pigmen¬

tation is not admired j and the insipid, pale yellowish
brown which is sometimes found, is as unpleasant to the
Trobriander as to the European. Albinos, with their
flaxen hair and long golden body fluff, their enormous

freckles, as if something dirty and brown had been
splashed over them, produce an unpleasant impression on
European and native alike (pi. 38).

The main care of the body is directed to cleanliness.
The natives have an extreme sensitiveness to smell and to
bodily dirt.

Kakaya (bathing, or washing all over with

plenty of water) is the first act in all ceremonial orna¬
mentation, and is a frequent one at other times.

The

natives often rinse their hands and wash their faces, such
minor ablutions being called wini.

Washing before a

grand toilet is always followed by anointing (putuma)
with coco-nut oil, which gives a fine lustre to the skin and
is also a strong and lasting deodorizer.

If possible, some

perfume is added to the oil: pandanus flower, gayawo, the
aromatic butia blossom, and other scented flowers and
herbs according to the season, are used for this purpose;
as is the aromatic paint, sayaku, which has already been
mentioned.
Dried and bleached leaves are the material for native
dress, the men using the pandanus—or, to produce a
garment of a finer quality, the areca palm—and the
women, banana leaves (see pi. 69).

Their dress is of the

slightest, especially for men, who only wear a pubic leaf.
This is a narrow band which covers the pubic regions, the
lower part of the abdomen, and the back up to the first

lumbar vertebra.
to a belt.

The band is attached, front and back,

Usually above this support the man wears

another ornamental belt, made sometimes of valuable
material.

The pubic leaf is very carefully adjusted, so

that the limited area which modesty demands should be
hidden remains always precisely and carefully covered.
Men very seldom take off their pubic leaf, except in
the intimacy of their sleeping place.

Only when fish¬

ing or bathing with other men is it removed.

The word

yavi- (pubic leaf) takes the same suffixed possessive pro¬

nouns as are only otherwise used with parts of the human
body (yavigu, my leaf; yaviniy thy leaf; yavila, his leaf;
and so on).

This gives a grammatical expression to the

intimate union of this garment with the male body.
Women wear skirts made of narrow strips of vegetable
fibre, variously prepared and coloured.

A full descrip¬

tion of the technology of Trobriand “models” and of
feminine psychology in the always important matter of
dress would lead to a voluminous dissertation.

To be

brief: women wear an underskirt and a top skirt.

At

home and among intimate friends and when at work, the
top skirt is taken off, and only the petticoat remains (see
pis. 9, 18, 21).

This is usually shabby and always scanty;

but it adequately fulfils all the demands of modesty.
The overskirts are full and sometimes very thick.

At

ordinary seasons and for ordinary purposes they are not
artificially stained and show only their natural rich goldand-silver colour of dried coco-nut or banana leaf.

In

times of mourning and during menstruation, slightly
longer skirts are worn.

For bathing or during rain, coco-

nut fibre is preferred to other materials.

The greatest

variety of colour and form is seen in the gala skirts worn
during harvest and at festivities (pis. 13, 61, 69).

These

display radiant combinations of colour, all the range of
materials available and great ingenuity in “cut.”

The

word for the female garment is dobay also used with
affixes of nearest possession.

In its compound form it

changes some of its vowels, as dabegu, my skirt, dabem,
dabela, and so forth.

The more important ornaments have already been
mentioned incidentally.

The natives adorn themselves

with wreaths of aromatic blossom} put flowers, especially
the red hibiscus, in their hair, and aromatic herbs or long
leaves and streamers into their armlets.

Necklaces of

shell and wild banana seed are worn, and armlets on the
upper arm.

All men and women wear ear-rings and

belts.
The body, as distinguished from the face, is very sel¬
dom painted, and no tattoo markings are ever visible.

I

am told that girls at the time of their first menstruation
are tattooed round the vagina.

This tattooing is called

ktuki'Uy and is done, according to my informants, for

aesthetic purposes.

Also men and women burn marks on

their forearms, as an adornment.
One more personal charm must be mentioned—the
voice.

The good singer is only second in renown to the

good dancer.

The power of a beautiful voice is known

and praised far and wide, and many instances of seduc¬
tion by song are quoted.

Perhaps the most notorious is

that of Mokadayu, whose success with the fair sex cul¬
minated in an incestuous liaison with his own sister, one
of the most beautiful girls in the village.1
As a background to Trobriand ideals of beauty, it may
be interesting to hear the natives’ comments on other
racial types.

Though other natives are generally consid¬

ered less attractive than one’s own tribe, distinctions are
made and degrees of ugliness gradated. The pure Papuan
type from the Papuan Gulf and from the northern coast,
who are now frequently seen in the Trobriands with white
men, are undoubtedly classed as the least attractive.
Their ugliness is chiefly ascribed to their dark skin; it is,
in fact, much darker than the Trobriander’s, and has a
characteristic chocolate tinge.

Their pronouncedly frizzy

hair and their strange manner of dressing it in plaits and
fringes is also regarded as very unbecoming.

Unattrac¬

tive, too, are their prominent thin lips and their large,
aquiline, almost Jewish noses, set in a long narrow face.
These criticisms were made to me on the occasion of a
series of dances performed by Papuan Gulf natives who
had been employed on one of the plantations.

Their

dancing was genuinely admired, but not their physical
appearance.

The Dobuans with their dark skin, their

thick-set build, and their short necks, are often made fun
of by the Trobrianders.

The more distant natives from

the Eastern Archipelagos, the Southern Massim, receive
much higher marks for beauty.

In spite of the fact that

they are more distant strangers to the Trobrianders than
1 c°mpare
and Repression, 1927, part ii, ch. iv, and ch xiv 7 of
this work, where the story of Mokadayu is given.
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Mart and IVoman, each holding the palm leaf from
which their respective garments are made.

are the Dobuans, the natives realize that they are racially
akin and say: “They are like us, fine-looking.”
Europeans, the natives frankly say, are not good-look¬
ing.

The straight hair “coming round the heads of

women like threads of im” (coarse pandanus fibre used
for making strings)} the nose, “sharp like an axe blade”}
the thin lipsj the big eyes, “like water puddles”} the
white skin with spots on it like those of an albino—all
these the natives say (and no doubt feel) are ugly.

It

is only fair to observe, in justice to their good manners
and personal urbanity, that they were quick to add that
the ethnographer was a meritorious exception to the rule.
They always told me that I looked much more like a
Melanesian than like an ordinary white man.

They even

fortified this compliment by specific documentation: thick
lips, small eyes, absence of any sharp outline in the nose,
were credited to me as assets.

The only points on which

they were discreet and honest enough not to compliment
me were my forehead and my hair.

I am afraid, how¬

ever, that the Trobrianders are more polite than truthful,
and it must be remembered that personal praise is by right
of custom always repaid with a suitable gift of tobacco or
betel-nut, which, rather than aesthetic conviction, may
have been the motive of the compliment (see, however,
pi. 68).
It is clear, then, that the Trobrianders prefer their
own racial type, and that this is not mere parochial con¬
ceit, since they make reasoned distinctions between other
types and give praise where it is due.

Thus the Southern

Massim they regard as their equals} and are even ready

to admit that the Eastern portion of the Northern Mas¬
sing the natives of Woodlark Island and the Marshall
Bennett group, are their superiors in personal appearance.
I may add that, in common with all strangers, I was less
susceptible at first to individual differences and more im¬
pressed by the general type.

But with greater familiarity,

I also came to feel that too dark or too yellow a skin, too
straight or too frizzy hair, a mouth as thin as that of a
European, and an aquiline nose were features unpleasant
in a Melanesian.

At the same time I became able to ap¬

preciate beauty within the racial type and de facto always
knew more or less who would be attractive to a native,
and who not.

Even the artificial transformations—shiny

black teeth in thick vermilion lips, graceful scrolls painted
in three colours over the face, flaming hibiscus blossoms
in the thick black mop of hair, golden brown skins, glossy
with coco-nut oil—ceased to impress me as mere grotesque
masquerade, and I saw them as becoming adjuvants to
personal beauty.

After all, it takes us some time to be¬

come accustomed to the changing fashions of our own
race and to detect beauty where at first we were only able
to see caricature.
I still remember the feeling of slight surprise at the
formula of beauty with which the old chief To’uluwa
started my first discussion of the subject:
“Migila

bubowatu; matala

kuvikekita-,

“Face his (hers)

rounded5

small}

kabulula

baybsb'ita y kuduta

nose his (hers)

small}

eye his (hers)

tooth his (hers)

very

kobwabwcfu;

kulula

sene

kobubowatu.”

blackened;

hair his (hers)

very

rounded off.”

This terse sentence roughly summarizes the results of our
study, and gives an approximate standard of personal
beauty.

It presents a blend of cultural values, biological

impulses and racial preferences.

The point of view can

be understood by a European; that is, if he can maintain
the feeling of human or biological solidarity across racial
and cultural differences, and a sufficient mental plasticity
to become thoroughly familiar with the cultural and
aesthetic standards of another people.

To understand the effect of personal charm on the na¬
tive, it may be helpful to present a typical Trobriand
love affair against the background of Western romance.
Love is precipitated with them, as with us, by the first
shock received from beauty and personality; but a world
of customary and cultural differences divides the after¬
effects of this. The initial barriers preventing a rapid
sexual intimacy between two people in love, which are so
characteristic of all higher civilizations, for us endow the
beloved with inestimable virtues and enclose him or her
in an aura of holy and mysterious desirability.

In men

whose creative imagination is developed beyond their
practical sense of the realities, such passionate attachments
may lead simply to day-dreaming and excessive shyness

in the romantic relation, or to such outpourings as we find
in Vita Nuova or Petrarch’s Sonnets.

This shy, self-

centred adoration, this extreme creative exaltation of the
eternal-feminine—of the Beatrice or Gretchen leading
man into the presence of God—is a real type of Western
romance, standardized in some of the highest works of
art, but existing also in many not gifted with the power
of self-expression.

The reaction against this same arti¬

ficially fostered mystery and the consequent idealization
of woman, is seen with opposite results in the invective
and indictment of Schopenhauer and Nietzsche.
The man in the street, who sustains the same shock,
does not write sonnets, but none the less he surrounds
the object of his serious affection with a more temperate
exaltation and worship.

At the same time his emotion

finds practical expression, and he seeks every opportunity
for closer acquaintance.

If liking ripens into mutual love,

the affair will follow the customary course of courtship,
engagement, and marriage.

A man and woman may be

driven by natural passion to the final consummation,
athwart all social or moral rules, but it is none the less
true that real love leads men and women of our culture,
not to the direct satisfaction of the sexual urge, but to a
gradual blending of sensuous elements with the general
spiritual attraction.

Personal intimacy in a full common

life, legally sanctioned, is the direct goal of our romantic
ideology, and the rest, including sexual relations, follows
as a tacit implication.
Let us turn to an average Melanesian youth attracted
by a girl who is not put beyond his reach by the taboos

of kinship, social standing, or too great a difference in
personal charm.

In him, also, the first impression pro¬

duces an aesthetic and sensuous reaction which transforms
its cause into something desirable, valuable, and worthy
of strenuous effort. But the feeling of mystery, the desire
to worship at a distance or merely to be admitted into her
presence, is not there.

The Trobriand boy has had many

sexual experiences with girls of the same type as his new
ideal j and, from childhood, the attraction of beauty and
direct erotic approach have been intimately associated in
his experience.

He has not to stumble upon the final ful¬

filment of erotic desire, he immediately anticipates it.

All

the customs, arrangements, and codes of behaviour dic¬
tate simple, direct approach, as we shall see in the fol¬
lowing description.
An interesting sidelight is thrown upon Trobriand
courtship by the customs in other Melanesian communi¬
ties, where sexual freedom is much more restricted, and
where the gradual approach and something of romantic
love exist.

In the nearest ethnographic region to the

south, the Amphletts, and in the next one to this, which
is inhabited by the Dobuan tribe, prenuptial intercourse
is regarded as reprehensible, and custom does not en¬
courage the free mixing of children in erotic games nor
open untrammelled intercourse between boys and girls,
nor institutions such as the bukumatula (bachelors’ and
girls’ house).

From a limited experience in the Am¬

phletts, I received the impression that prenuptial inter¬
course hardly exists at all, and in Dobu it is certainly much
more restricted than in the Trobriands.

Correlated with

this, we find a number of arrangements which allow of a
prolonged courtship and which are symptomatic of a love
not specifically directed towards sexual intercourse.

I was

told that both districts have love songs and that the boys
court by playing on pan-pipes or on a jew’s-harp; also
that boys and girls meet at games and in amusements for
the sake of personal acquaintance and social intercourse
only.

During the later stages of courtship and before

marriage, a boy is allowed to visit his betrothed at her
parents’ house, but there is no cohabitation, and only con¬
versation and caresses pass between them.

A similar state

of affairs exists with the Western Papuo-Melanesian
tribes, among several of whom I conducted more or less
prolonged investigations.

These data, however, I submit

with caution, and they are in no way comparable to my
observations among the Trobrianders.

They are based

entirely on statements obtained from informants ad hoc,
and not on the spontaneous material which comes to hand
with long residence in a country.1
The love-sick Trobriander, however, taught by custom
to be direct in amorous pursuits, proceeds at once to the
approved methods of approach.
The simplest of these is direct personal solicitation.
From previous descriptions of sexual licence, we know
that there are numerous opportunities for a boy to express
his desire, or for a girl to induce him to do so (see ch. ix).
This is perfectly easy within the same village community.

1 With regard to the Western Papuo-Melanesians, see my monograph
on “The Natives of Mailu,” in Transactions of the Royal Society of South
Australia, 1915, pp. 559-64, and the references there given to Professor
Seligman, op. cit.

When the two belong to different villages, certain fes¬
tivals bring them together; they can speak to each other,
and indulge in the preliminaries of love during games
and dances, and in crowds; also they can arrange a future
meeting.

After that, by the ulatile and katuyausi cus¬

toms, the meetings can be repeated, or one of the lovers
may move to the other’s village.
Another method is that of solicitation by an interme¬
diary (kaykivi).

This is used when the two communities

are distant and, owing to the season, no personal approach
is possible.

A mutual friend, male or female, is begged

to express the boy’s admiration and to arrange for a ren¬
dezvous.

The kaykivi is not, as a rule, lightly set in mo¬

tion, for its failure, if this becomes public, draws down
considerable ridicule on the solicitor.

But if direct ap¬

proach and the kaykivi are both for some reason impos¬
sible, the lover uses the most powerful way of wooing,
that of magic, as the first step in his attack.

It is suffi¬

cient to say in this place that almost all final success in
love is attributed to magic, that both men and women be¬
lieve in it deeply and trust it completely, and that, be¬
cause of this psychological attitude, it is very efficacious.
But a full account of love magic will be given in the fol¬
lowing chapter.
Thus there is nothing roundabout in a Trobriand woo¬
ing ; nor do they seek full personal relations, with sexual
possession only as a consequence.

Simply and directly a

meeting is asked for with the avowed intention of sexual
gratification.

If the invitation is accepted, the satisfaction

of the boy’s desire eliminates the romantic frame of mind,

the craving for the unattainable and mysterious.

If he is

rejected, there is not much room for personal tragedy,
for he is accustomed from childhood to having his sexual
impulses thwarted by some girls, and he knows that an¬
other intrigue cures this type of ill surely and swiftly.

Though the social code does not favour romance, ro¬
mantic elements and imaginative personal attachments
are not altogether absent in Trobriand courtship and
marriage. This will become clear if we review the three
phases of the love life of an individual discussed in chap¬
ter iii.

In the easy erotic play of children, sympathies

and antipathies arise, and personal preferences declare
themselves.

Such early sympathetic attractions some¬

times strike quite deep.

From several of my friends I

learned that their marriage had its roots in a childish af¬
fection.

Tokulubakiki and his wife knew and liked one

another as children.

Toyodala, whom I saw in despair

after his wife’s death, had been a friend of hers in child¬
hood (see ch. vi, sec. 4).

Similar conclusions can be

drawn from observation of children and stories of their
behaviour.

In a small way they try to win, to impress,

and to catch the imagination of their playmates.

Thus

even at this stage some elements of romance are mixed
with the direct sexuality of their playing.
At the second stage, when boys and girls amuse them¬
selves freely with love-making, personal preferences are
3H

even more pronounced.

They change frequently, but

their imagination and feelings are unquestionably engaged
for the time being.

It is not difficult to overhear boys

discussing the beautiful girls by whom they are attracted.
One boy will praise his fancy while another disputes her
supremacy; and, in this argument, the amorous yearnings
of each will find expression.
As to concrete instances, it was rather difficult for me
to collect any circumstantial data about either children or
adolescent boys or girls.

But at the later stage, where

attraction ripens into desire for marriage and matters are
treated much more seriously, I had several opportunities
for observation.

The case of Mekala’i, a boy temporarily

in my service, has already been mentioned (see ch. iv,
sec. 2).

He was seriously in love with Bodulela, of

whom it was notorious that she slept with her stepfather.
The boy was very deeply attached to her, and though
there was no chance for him to possess her in the imme¬
diate future, and he was not even allowed to visit her,
for months he nourished hopes and plans for ultimately
winning her.

He was also obviously concerned to appear

before her as a man of importance and influence.

Another

boy, Monakewo, had a liaison with Dabugera, who be¬
longed to the highest rank.

He often bewailed his low

rank, which he knew would prevent his marriage with her
(see ch. iv, sec. 1).

This disability he tried to write off

by personal achievement.

He boasted of his fine voice,

his skill in dancing, his many abilities—some of which
really existed—and how Dabugera valued these.

When

for a few days she was unfaithful to him, he would be

evidently mortified3 and on each of these occasions he
wanted to persuade me to sail away from the island and
take him with me, at the same time dwelling in imagina¬
tion on how greatly she would be impressed by this deci¬
sive step, and on the fine presents he would bring back
to her.
There are also cases on record where a man wants to
marry a girl, does not at first succeed, but after a long
period of yearning, wins his first choice.

Sayabiya, a

rather good-looking girl, had a lover from her own vil¬
lage, Yalaka, whom she was going to marry.

Tomeda, a

handsome man from Kasana’i, famous for his strength,
his efficiency in gardening and his skill in dancing, made
an impression on her and finally persuaded her to marry
him.

On my first visit to the Trobriands, I used to see a

great deal of both of them, and found her one of the
really attractive women, and him a very good informant.
When I returned, two years later, he was living alone,
for she had gone back to her former lover and married
him (see ch. v, sec. 1).

Magic, of course, was blamed,

but unquestionably it was a return to the first love. My
friend Tomeda was extremely depressed for a long time,
and used often to speak to me about his lost lady with
obvious longing.

I left the district and did not see him

for some six months, but a few days before sailing from
the Trobriands I met him, painted and adorned on his
way to another village—obviously in the role of a hopeful
suitor, a to ulutile.

When I chaffed him, he confessed

smiling that he had a new girl whom he was hoping to
marry soon.

Another tangled amour was that of Yobukwa’u, a son
of the chief To’uluwa (see ch. iv, sec. i, and ch. v, sec.
5).

His sweetheart, Ilaka’isi, was married, for reasons of

state, to his father, as the youngest of some twenty-four
wives.

After this the young man took another girl, Ise-

puna, whom he meant to marry.

But he was unable to

withstand the proximity of his former sweetheart, and it
became notorious throughout Omarakana, the chief’s resi¬
dence, that he slept regularly with his father’s youngest
wife.

This deeply offended his betrothed.

At the same

time Yobukwa’u’s younger brother, Kalogusa, returned
from a year’s service on an overseas plantation.

He was

struck by his elder brother’s betrothed, Isepuna, and an
attachment sprang up between them.

The situation was

very difficult, for it is an extremely bad thing to take
away a brother’s betrothed from him.
stronger than moral considerations.

But love was

Isepuna broke with

Yobukwa’u and became engaged to Kalogusa.

They were

married a few months after my arrival in Omarakana.

It

may be added that in the meantime, Yobukwa’u married
a very unattractive girl, Losa, but gossip has it that he
and Ilaka’isi are still lovers.
Almost identical was the story of Gilayviyaka, an elder
brother of Yobukwa’u (see ch. v, sec. 5).

He also had

slept with Nabwoyuma before her marriage to his father.
Subsequently he married Bulubwaloga, a really attrac¬
tive lightly pigmented brown-haired woman from Yalumugwa, to whom he was deeply attached.

This, how¬

ever, did not prevent his nightly visits to Nabwoyuma.
His wife did not relish these, and spied on him 3 and he

was caught one night in flagrante delicto} with the result
that a very big public scandal quite overwhelmed him.
He had to leave the village for some time, and his wife
returned to her people.

During my stay in the village,

a couple of years after the event, he made several attempts
to get his wife back, and was obviously feeling his loss
keenly.

On my last return to the Trobriands, I learned

that he had signed on as a plantation hand, come home
after a year, and died a few months before my arrival.
The hopeless attachment of Ulo Kadala has already been
mentioned (ch. iv, sec. i).

One case at least of suicide

because of an unhappy love affair has been given to me
by the natives.1
In these examples we find elements of what we our¬
selves mean by love: imagination and an attempt to woo
the heart through the imagination rather than by a direct
appeal to the senses j steadfast preference, and repeated
attempts at possession.

In many of them, there is a pro¬

nounced appreciation of the personality loved and of its
power to enrich life or leave it empty.

These elements

certainly appear in unfamiliar combinations and in a per¬
spective strange to us.

The attitude to sex is different,

and therefore certain characteristic elements of the West¬
ern sentiment are absent.
be impossible.

A platonic attachment would

Above all most of the personal initia¬

tive in wooing is replaced to a considerable extent by the
practice of magic.

Such generalizations can only be ap¬

proximate, but the facts given in this chapter and inci¬
dentally throughout the book, will enable the careful
1 Cf. Crime and Custom, p. 95.

reader to gauge the differences between love and lovemaking in the Trobriands and in our culture.

There is an interesting side to Trobriand love that
might either escape the attention of the superficial ob¬
server, or give rise to many misunderstandings.

In the

course of every love affair the man has constantly to give
small presents to the woman.

To the natives the need of

one-sided payment is self-evident.

This custom implies

that sexual intercourse, even where there is mutual attach¬
ment, is a service rendered by the female to the male.
As such it has to be repaid in accordance with the rule of
reciprocity or give-and-take, which pervades tribal life,
so that every gift, every service and every favour must
be paid by something of equivalent value.

The reward

for sexual favours is called buwa> and the word is used
with the suffix of nearest possession (buwagu, buwam,
buwala, etc.).

archaism.

This is perhaps merely a grammatical

If not, it expresses an extremely close relation

between the gift and both the giver and the receiver: in
other words, that the gift is an essential part of the trans¬
action, as indeed it is.
This rule is by no means logical or self-evident.

Con¬

sidering the great freedom of women and their equality
with men in all matters, especially that of sex, considering
also that the natives fully realize that women are as in¬
clined to intercourse as men, one would expect the sexual

relation to be regarded as an exchange of services in itself
reciprocal.

But custom, arbitrary and inconsequent here

as elsewhere, decrees that it is a service from women to
men, and men have to pay.
As to the size and nature of the gift, this varies with
the type of sexual relationship.

As we have seen, even

small boys, imitating their elders in every detail, will
give their sweethearts some small gift: a pinch of tobacco,
a shell, or simply a blossom.

Boys of riper years have

to give a more substantial present: half a stick of tobacco,
a betel-nut or two, and, from time to time, a turtle-shell
ring, a shell disc, or even an armlet.

Otherwise a girl

would object: Gala buwam, afaykiy “You have no pay¬
ment to give me—-I refuse.”

And his reputation for

meanness would spread, and interfere with his future
conquests.

In the later and more permanent intrigues,

especially when they grow towards marriage, it is usual
to give substantial presents from time to time rather than
a small gift every morning.
When marriage is concluded, payment for sexual inter¬
course becomes the complicated family affair described in
chapter v, in which husband and wife, their household
and the wife’s family, father and children, children and
maternal uncle are all involved.

The personal account

between husband and wife consists in her offering him
permanent sexual accommodation, which he repays by all
he gives to the children in love, care, and goods.

The

children, as we know, are regarded as legally hers, and
not his.

The early cares he bestows on the children, their

education, and even his love for them are accounted for

by this obligation. “The payment for sleeping with the
mother,” “the payment for sexual services of the mother”
and similar phrases are repeated when the subject is dis¬
cussed. Thus the commercial aspect of love also, and
very definitely, obtains in marriage.1
It must, however, be clearly understood that the word
“commercial” is merely used to describe the give-and-take
principle in erotic relations, and that this principle is here,
as in all other social relations, but one, and that not the
most significant, aspect of them. Above all, it would be
entirely erroneous to draw any parallel with forms of
prostitution in higher cultures. The essence of prostitu¬
tion is that payment is the woman’s motive for surrender.
In the Trobriands, love-making is as spontaneous on the
part of the girl as on the part of the boy. The gift is a
custom, not a motive. The institution is much more akin
to our custom of giving presents to a fiancee or to some¬
one whom we merely admire than to the institution of
purely commercialized sexual services, which are the es¬
sence of prostitution.

One more question intimately concerned with the prob¬
lem of personal attraction remains to be discussed. Love
strives not only for possession but for monopoly} hence
the strong emotional reaction of jealousy. It has been
1 Cf. Argonauts, pp. 177, 178, where I have incorrectly classed the
father’s gifts to his children as “free gifts.” The rectification of this
error will be found in Crime and Custom, pp. 40, 41.

affirmed by several ethnographers of tribes with great
sexual freedom, that jealousy does not exist among them.
In support of this, nothing more is adduced than the
simple fact of licence.

But the connection between licence

and the absence of jealousy is by no means self-evident.
In the Trobriands, in spite of considerable licence, jeal¬
ousy certainly exists.

A man who desires a girl will not

easily give way to a rival, as the frequent quarrels and
fights occasioned by sexual rivalry bear witness.

Nor will

a man who has established some rights over a woman,
whether of marriage or of engagement, or merely of a
liaison, tolerate any infringement of these.

There exists

among them, in fact, both the jealousy of passion and
that colder type based on ambition, power, and possession.
As we know, relations within the bukumatula (bachelors’
and unmarried girls’ house) are subject to a definite code,
and the infringement of individual rights is deeply re¬
sented and considered reprehensible.

As we also know,

adultery is a grave offence, punishable even by death.
Among young boys and girls serious enmities and fights
have been known to arise from one encroaching on the
preserves of another, and even among children, fights are
occasioned by jealousy.
This passion, however, is, as are all others, susceptible
to social influence.

When custom demands that a man

should surrender his sweetheart, and this can be honour¬
ably done, he will submit.

This happens, as we know, in

the case of visiting kula strangers, and of youths who are
guests in a village where a death has recently occurred.
Also, there are occasions, less readily condoned, where

Lousing

girls go on a katuyausi or steal out of the village to meet
an ulatile party.
I was impressed by what might be called the reverse
side of jealousy.

The way in which boys would complain

to me about such custom-sanctioned defection} the way
in which they dwelt on the subject and described it with
apparent depression, but not without some morbid curi¬
osity} and the insistence with which they would return
to it, gave me the impression that there was for them
some element of pleasurable excitement in the situation.
Whether jealousy among the Trobrianders is an emotion
with two almost directly contradictory feeling-tones which
alternate, the one strongly unpleasant, and the other
somewhat pleasurable and sexually stimulating, it is diffi¬
cult to say.

But one or two facts as to the relation be¬

tween native women and white men throw additional
light on the subject.
Thus it is a notorious fact that Sinakadi, an important
but impecunious chief of Sinaketa, prostitutes his wives to
white men.

He is old now, and is said to have married

a young girl specially for this purpose} but he began the
practice long ago, according to common report, even be¬
fore a government station was established on the Trobriands.

One of his sons, now a young man, is doing

exactly the same thing.

A white trader told me that he

knew a native who seemed very much attached to and
extremely jealous of his comely young wife.
used to procure girls for the trader.

This native

On one occasion

when he was unable to find anyone else, he brought his
wife, and waited for her on the doorstep.

Such facts

throw an interesting side-light on the working of jealousy
in these natives.
The social, cultural, and directly emotional motives in
jealousy will be more easily isolated by distinguishing its
several types with their corresponding sanctions.

In the

first place there is jealousy which springs from infringe¬
ment of rights rather than from thwarted instincts or
wounded feeling.

The taboo on the chief’s wives is an

example, and in former times was extremely strict.

Even

in the case of a very old man, who was neither attached
to his young wives nor even living with them, adultery
would constitute a capital offence.

The misconduct of

To’uluwa’s wives with his sons, a case in point already
quoted, and the adultery of the wife of M’tabalu, would
never have been condoned in the old days.

But even the

wife of a commoner, if caught in flagrante, might have
been killed with her lover.

This kind of jealousy, arising

from purely social considerations, is also expressed in the
close watch kept over the widow by the dead man’s rela¬
tives.
In the second place there is the jealous resentment of
infidelities which interfere with a permanent relation.
This emotional reaction is present, together with the
social one, in the concrete instances quoted in the fore¬
going paragraph.
Finally there is the pure sexual jealousy from thwarted
impulse or desire which will impel a man or a boy to
violent and vindictive actions.

We know by now how a Trobriand girl and boy are
first attracted to each other, how they come together, how
their intrigue develops, leading to separation or marriage}
but we know little as yet of the way in which two lovers
spend their time together and enjoy each other’s presence.
In this as in all other aspects of Melanesian tribal life,
custom and convention dictate to a large extent even the
details of behaviour.

Individual deviations always exist,

but they fall within a relatively narrow range j much nar¬
rower unquestionably than at our own culture level.

A

lover does not expect from his or her partner the improvi¬
sation of a love rhapsody, but rather a properly executed
repetition of traditional routine.

The places in which it

is desirable to make love, the manner of making it, the
very types of caress, are defined by tradition.

Independ¬

ent informants would describe exactly the same procedure
almost in the same words.
The word kwakwadu is a technical term which signifies
something like “amorous transactions” or “being together
for purposes of love.”

It would be easier perhaps to

express it in German, as erotisches Beisammenseiny or by
the American colloquialism “petting party” or “petting
session.”

English speech habits are, unfortunately, re¬

fractory to stereotyped terminology, except in matters of
morality.

The kwakwadu has a wide meaning.

It sig-

nifies a collective excursion, or party of several couples
setting out on a love picnic j the being together of two peo¬
ple who are in love with each other—a sort of erotic tetea-tete; the caresses and approaches before the final union.
It is never used euphemistically to designate the sexual
act.

At a collective picnic some of the games described

in the previous chapter are first played in common, and
afterwards the lovers seek solitude two by two.

We shall

attempt to reconstruct the behaviour of a pair who have
left such a party, or else started off alone in order to enjoy
each other’s company in some favourite spot.
The scrub surrounding the village, which is periodically
cut for gardens, grows in a dense underbrush and does not
everywhere offer a desirable resting place.

Here and

there, however, a large tree, such as the butia} is left be¬
hind for the sake of its perfumed flowers, or there may
be a group of pandanus trees.

Pleasant shady places, too,

can be found under an old tree in one of the groves which
often mark the site of a deserted village, whose fruit
trees, coco-nut palms, and big banyans make an oasis
within the stunted tropical undergrowth of recent culti¬
vation.

On the coral ridge (raybwag) many spots invite

a picnic party.

Cavities and hollows in the coral, rocks of

queer or attractive shape, giant trees, thickets of fern,
flowering hibiscus make the raybwag a mysterious and
attractive region.

Especially delightful is the part which

overlooks the open sea towards the east, towards the
islands of Kitava, Iwa, and Gawa.

The roar of the

breakers on the fringing reef, the dazzling sand and foam
and the blue sea, provide the favourite surroundings for

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native love-making, and also constitute the scene in which
the mythical drama of incestuous love has been laid by
native imagination (see ch. xiv).
In such places the lovers enjoy the scent and colour of
the flowers, they watch the birds and insects, and go down
to the beach to bathe.

In the heat of the day, or during

the hot seasons, they search for shady spots on the coral
ridge, for water-holes and for bathing places.

As the

cool of the evening approaches they warm themselves on
the hot sand, or kindle a fire, or find shelter in some nook
among the coral rocks.

They amuse themselves by col¬

lecting shells and picking flowers or scented herbs, to
adorn themselves.

Also they smoke tobacco, chew betel-

nut, and, when they are thirsty, look for a coco-nut palm,
the green nut of which yields a cooling drink.

They in¬

spect each other’s hair for lice and eat them—a practice
disgusting to us and ill associated with love-making, but
to the natives a natural and pleasant occupation between
two who are fond of each other, and a favourite pastime
with children (pi. 70).

On the other hand, they would

never eat heavy food on such occasions and especially
would never carry it with them from the village.

To

them the idea of European boys and girls going out for a
picnic with a knapsack full of eatables is as disgusting and
indecent as their kwakwadu would be to a Puritan in our
society (see also ch. iii, sec. 4).
All such pleasures—the enjoyment of landscape, of
colour and scent in the open air, of wide views and of
intimate corners of nature—are essential features in their
love-making.

For hours, sometimes for days, lovers will

go out together gathering fruits and berries for food and
enjoying each other’s company in beautiful surroundings.
I made a point of confirming these particulars from a
number of concrete instances; for, in connection with the
question of romantic love already discussed, I was inter¬
ested to know whether love-making had direct satisfaction
only for its object, or whether it embraced a wider sen¬
sory and aesthetic enjoyment.

Many of the pleasures

which enter into general games, amusements, and festivi¬
ties, also form part of personal kwakwadu.
Of course, love is not made only in the open air; there
are also special occasions for bringing lovers together in
the village.

In chapter iii, the special institution of the

bukumatula and the more provisional arrangements of
younger people have been mentioned.

In the village,

however, privacy is almost impossible except at night, and
the activities of lovers are much more curtailed.

They

lie next to each other on a bunk and talk, and when they
are tired of this, proceed to make love.

IO

It is not easy to reconstruct personal conversations
which in their nature take place under very intimate con¬
ditions and without witnesses.

A question couched in

such general terms as “What do a boy and a girl talk to
each other about at a kwukwudu?yy is likely to be answered
by a grin, or, if the man is familiar with the ethnographer,
by the standard reply to all difficult questions: Tonagowa

yokuy “you fool” 5 in other words, “Don’t ask silly ques¬
tions.”
From the spontaneous confidences of some of my
friends, however, I obtained some glimpses into what
passes during these tete-a-tetes.

A boy would often re¬

peat, for the sake of impressing me or just to give me
some definite news, what a girl told him and what he re¬
plied, or vice versa.

There is no doubt that the Trobriand

lover boasts freely to his sweetheart and expects a sym¬
pathetic listener and an enthusiastic response.

I have al¬

ready mentioned how Monakewo used to tell me of the
great impression he had made on Dabugera and how
greatly she admired his exploits and virtues.

Mekala’i

was equally certain that Bodulela was deeply impressed
by any achievements which he related to her.

Gomaya,

a young chief of Sinaketa and an incurable braggart,
would tell me how his betrothed, to whom he was
plighted in infancy, would wonder at his stories of per¬
sonal excellence, of magical knowledge and of overseas
adventure.

In fact, whenever a Trobriander went into

details about his love affairs, the impression made on his
mistress would never be absent from his account, and
would be related to me, in native fashion, as fragments
of an actual conversation.
Gossip about other people’s business, and especially
about their love affairs, is also a common subject of con¬
versation between two lovers3 and on many occasions
much of it ultimately came my way, in that a boy would
repeat what he had heard from his sweetheart.

For the

rest, they talk of what they are doing at that moment, the

beauties of nature, and of the things they like or do not
like. Sometimes, too, a boy will vaunt his exploits in those
pursuits in which women do not usually participate, such
as kula expeditions, fishing, bird-snaring, or hunting.
Thus a love affair may be set in a rich context of
general interest, as regards both mutual activity and con¬
versation} but this varies with the intelligence and the
personality of the partners. Ambitious, imaginative people
would not be content with mere sensuous pleasure} but
the obtuse and limited would proceed no doubt, directly
to the cruder stages—the usual caresses and the sexual act.

The place occupied by the kiss in South Sea communi¬
ties is of general and perennial interest.

It is a widely

prevalent opinion that kissing is not practised outside the
Indo-European horizon.

Students of anthropology, as

well as frequenters of comic opera, know that even in
such high civilizations as those of China and Japan the
kiss as a gesture in the art of love is unknown. A Euro¬
pean shudders at the idea of such cultural deficiency.
For his comfort, it may be said at once that things are not
so black as they look.
To get at the facts and to see these in their right per¬
spective, the question must first be put more precisely.
If we ask whether lip-activities play any part in lovemaking, the answer is that they certainly do.

As we shall

see, both in the preliminary caresses and in the later

stages, the mouth is busy.

On the other hand, if we

define kissing more precisely as a prolonged pressing of
mouth against mouth with slight intermittent movements
—and I think that all competent authorities would agree
with such a definition and with the proposition that this
is the main erotic preliminary in Europe and the United
States—then the kiss is not used in Trobriand love-mak¬
ing.

Certainly it never forms a self-contained independ¬

ent source of pleasure, nor is it a definite preliminary stage
of love-making, as is the case with us.

This caress was

never spontaneously mentioned by the natives, and, to
direct inquiries, I always received a negative answer. The
natives know, however, that white people “will sit, will
press mouth against mouth—they are pleased with it.”
But they regard it as a rather insipid and silly form of
amusement.
Kissing in the narrow sense is also absent as a cultural
symbol, whether as a greeting, an expression of affection,
or a magical or ritual act.

The rubbing of noses (vayauli)

as an act of greeting is rare, and never done except be¬
tween very near relatives j it is said that parents and chil¬
dren or husband and wife would thus celebrate their re¬
union after long separation.

A mother who is constantly

petting her small child, will frequently touch it with her
cheek or her lips 3 she will breathe upon it, or, putting her
open mouth against its skin, caress it gently.

But the

exact technique of kissing is not used between mother and
child, and in no form is it so conspicuous with them as
with us.
The absence of kissing in the narrower sense brings us

33i

to a deeper difference in love-making.

The natives, I

am convinced, never indulge in erotic caresses as a selfsufficient activity j that is, as a stage in love-making which
covers a long period of time before full bodily union is
accomplished.

This is a local and not a racial character,

for I am equally convinced (see above) that among other
Melanesians, in Dobu and probably among the Motu, in
the Sinaugolo and Mailu tribes, engaged couples do meet,
lie together, and caress each other without cohabitation.
The comparison, however, cannot be satisfactory, for
my knowledge of the latter tribes is much less complete
than in the case of the Trobriands, and so I can only sug¬
gest a subject for further research.

It is extremely im¬

portant to know whether the nature of preliminary love
is correlated with the level of culture, or with the social
regulation of it—above all, with the moral restrictions
condemning prenuptial intercourse.
We have spoken rather fully about kissing, to satisfy
a general curiosity on this point.

Let us now observe the

behaviour of two lovers alone on their bunk in the bukumatulay or in a secluded spot in the raybwag or jungle.
A mat is usually spread on the boards or on the earth,
and, when they are sure of not being observed, skirt and
pubic leaf are removed.

They may at first sit or lie side

by side, caressing each other, their hands roaming over the
surface of the skin.

Sometimes they will lie close to¬

gether, their arms and legs enlaced.

In such a position

they may talk for a long time, confessing their love with
endearing phrases, or teasing each other (katudabuma).
So near to each other, they will rub noses.

But though

there is a good deal of nose-rubbing, cheek is also rubbed
against cheek, and mouth against mouth.

Gradually the

caress becomes more passionate, and then the mouth is
^ predominantly active; the tongue is sucked, and tongue is
rubbed against tongue

they suck each other’s lower lips,

and the lips will be bitten till blood comes; the saliva is
allowed to flow from mouth to mouth.

The teeth are

used freely, to bite the cheek, to snap at the nose and
chin.

Or the lovers plunge their hands into the thick

mop of each other’s hair and tease it or even tear it.

In

the formulae of love magic, which here as elsewhere
abound in over-graphic exaggeration, the expressions,
“drink my blood” and “pull out my hair” are frequently
used (see next chapter).

This sentence, volunteered by

a girl’s sweetheart, describes his erotic passion:
Binunu

vivila

dubilibaloda,

bigadi;

She sucks woman lower lip (ours), she bites;
tagiyu

bimwam.

we spit, she drinks.
Erotic scratches are an even more direct way of hurt¬
ing and of drawing blood.

We have already spoken of

these as the conventional invitation of a girl to a boy. We
also described their place in tribal festivities (ch. ix, sec.
5).

But they are also a part of intimate love-making,

and a mutual expression of passion:
Tayobobu,

tavayauli,

takenu deli;

We embrace, we rub noses, we lie together j

bikimali

vivila

otubwaloda,

ovilavada

she scratches woman on back (ours), on shoulders (ours);
sene

bwoyna>

tanukwali,

bitagwalayda

very much

good,

we know,

she loves us

senela.
very much indeed.
On the whole, I think that in the rough usage of pas¬
sion the woman is the more active.

I have seen far larger

scratches and marks on men than on women; and only
women may actually lacerate their lovers as in the case
mentioned in chapter ix, section 5.

The scratching is car¬

ried even into the passionate phases of intercourse.

It is

a great jest in the Trobriands to look at the back of a
man or a girl for the hall-marks of success in amorous
life.

Nor have I ever seen a comely girl or boy without

some traces of kimali in the proper places.

Subject to

general rules of good taste and specific taboo (see ch. xiii),
the kimali marks are a favourite subject for jokes; but
there is also much secret pride in their possession.
Another element in love-making, for which the average
European would show even less understanding than for
the kimali, is the mitakuku, the biting off of eyelashes.
As far as I could judge from descriptions and demonstra¬
tions, a lover will tenderly or passionately bend over his
mistress’s eyes and bite off the tip of her eyelashes.

This,

I was told, is done in orgasm as well as in the less pas¬
sionate preliminary stages.

I was never quite able to

grasp either the mechanism or the sensuous value of this
caress.

I have no doubt, however, as to its reality, for I

have not seen one boy or girl in the Trobriands with the
long eyelashes to which they are entitled by nature.

In

any case, it shows that the eye to them is an object of
active bodily interest.

Still less enthusiasm will probably

be felt by the romantic European towards the already
mentioned custom of catching each other’s lice and eating
them.

To the natives, however, it is a pastime, which,

while pleasant in itself, also establishes an exquisite sense
of intimacy.

The following is a condensed description of the whole
process of love-making, with several characteristic inci¬
dents, given me by my friend Monakewo:
Takwakwadu:

dakovay

kadiyaguma,

We make love: our fire, our lime gourd,
kaditapwaki:

kudu

gulay

mwasila.

Bitalu,

our tobacco;

food (ours)

no,

shame.

We go,

kaytala

ka’i

kayviava;

tasisu,

one (wood)

tree

tree big;

we sit,

tala

we go

(for)

takakakutu;

taluki

vivila:

we louse and eat;

we tell to

woman:
Biwokwoy

“takayta.”
“we copulate” (let us copulate).

It is finished,

bitalu

ovalu;

ovalu

tala

obukumatula,

we go

to village;

in village

we go

to bachelors’
house,

takenu tabigatona.

Kidama

kadumwaleta

we lie, we chatter.

Supposing

we are alone.

taliku

yaviday

biliku

dabela

we undo

pubic leaf ours

she undoes

skirt (hers)

iamasisi.

we sleep.
This may be freely rendered: “When we go on a lovemaking expedition we light our fire 3 we take our lime
gourd (and chew betel-nut), we take our tobacco (and
smoke it).

Food we do not take, we would be ashamed

to do so.

We walk, we arrive at a large tree, we sit down,

we search each other’s heads and consume the lice, we tell
the woman that we want to copulate.
return to the village.

After it is over we

In the village we go to the bach¬

elors’ house, lie down, and chatter.

When we are alone

he takes off the pubic leaf, she takes off her fibre skirt:
we go to sleep.”
With regard to the act itself, perhaps the most note¬
worthy feature is the position.
The woman lies on her back, the legs spread and
raised, and the knees flexed.

The man kneels against her

buttocks, her legs resting on his hips.

The more usual

position, however, is for the man to squat in front of the
woman and, with his hands resting on the ground, to move
towards her or, taking hold of her legs, to pull her to¬
wards him.

When the sexual organs are close to each

other the insertion takes place.

Again the woman may

stretch her legs and place them directly on the man’s hips,
with his arms outside them, but the far more usual posi336

tion is with her legs embracing the man’s arms, and rest¬
ing on the elbows;
An interesting text gives the description

of both

methods:
Kidama

vivila

sitana

ikanupwagega;

Supposing woman a little bit she lies open (-legged);
kaykela

bima

ogipomada.

legs hers

it comes

on our hips.

Kidama

ikanupwagega

senela,

Supposing she lies open (-legged) very much indeed,
ikanubeyayay

kaykela

bima

o

she lies right open,

leg hers

it comes

on

mitutugu kaylavasi.
end mine elbow.
Which may be rendered:
“When the woman opens her legs only a little, her legs
come (i.e. rest) on my hips; when she lies with legs
spread out very much, lies right open, her legs rest on
my elbows.”
Congress is sometimes effected in a reclining position.
Lying side by side, with the lower limbs pressed against
each other, the woman places her upper leg on top of the
man, and the insertion is made.

This mode, which is less

popular, is used at night in the bukumatula (bachelors’
house).

It is less noisy, as the natives say, and requires

less space; and is done in order not to wake up the other
inmates of the house (see ch. iii, sec. 4).
No other positions are used. Above all, the natives

despise the European position and consider it unpractical
and improper.

The natives, of course, know it, because

white men frequently cohabit with native women, some
even being married to them.

But, as they say: “The man

overlies heavily the woman; he presses her heavily down¬
wards, she cannot respond (ibilamapu).”
Altogether the natives are certain that white men do
not know how to carry out intercourse effectively.

As a

matter of fact, it is one of the special accomplishments of
native cook-boys and servants who have been for some
time in the employ of white traders, planters, or officials,
to imitate the copulatory methods of their masters.

In

the Trobriands, Gomaya was perhaps the best actor in
this respect.

He still remembered a famous Greek buc¬

caneer (Nicholas Minister was the name he went by
among other beachcombers), who had lived in the islands
even before the establishment of the government station.
Gomaya’s performance consisted in the imitation of a very
clumsy reclining position, and in the execution of a few
sketchy and flabby movements.

In this the brevity and

lack of vigour of the European performance were carica¬
tured.

Indeed, to the native idea, the white man achieves

orgasm far too quickly; and there seems to be no doubt
that the Melanesian takes a much longer time and em¬
ploys a much greater amount of mechanical energy to
reach the same result.

This, together with the handicap

of the unfamiliar position, probably accounts for the com¬
plaints of white men that native girls are not responsive.
Many a white informant has spoken to me about perhaps
the only word in the native language which he ever

learned, kubilabala (“move on horizontally”), repeated
to him with some intensity during the sexual act.

This

verb defines the horizontal motion during sexual inter¬
course, which should be mutual.

The noun bilabdldy

originally means a horizontally lying log; and bala as a
root or prefix, conveys a general sense of the horizontal.
But the verb, bilabala, does not convey the immobility of
a log; on the contrary, it gives the idea of horizontal
motion.

The natives regard the squatting position as

more advantageous, both because the man is freer to move
than when kneeling, and because the woman is less ham¬
pered in her responsive movements—bilamafu—a com¬
pound of bildy from bdldy horizontal, and md-pUy repay or
respond.

Also in the squatting position the man can per¬

form the treading motion (mtumuta^y which is a useful
dynamic element in successful copulation.

Another word,

korikikildy implies at the same time rubbing and pushing,
a copulatory motion.
As the act proceeds and the movements become more
energetic, the man, I was told, waits until the woman is
ready for orgasm.

Then he presses his face to the

woman’s, embraces her body and raises it towards him,
she putting her arms round him at the same time and, as
a rule, digging her nails into his skin.

The expression

for orgasm is ipipisi momond = the seminal fluid dis¬
charges.

The word momond signifies both the male and

the female discharge; as we know, the natives do not
make a;^y sharp distinction between male semen and the
glandular secretions of a woman, at least, not as regards
their respective functions.

The same expression ifisi

momona is also applied to (male or female) nocturnal
pollution.

The word for onanistic ejaculation is isulu-

momoniy “it boils over sexual fluid.”

Male masturbation

is called ikivayli kwila—“he manipulates penis”; female
masturbation is described in concrete phrases and has no
specific name.
An interesting personal account was given to me by
Monakewo and illustrates some of the points just men¬
tioned.

It was hardly discreet of him to speak of his mis¬

tress by name; but the ethnographer’s love for the con¬
crete instance may excuse my not emending it.
Bamasisi deli

Dabugera;

bayobobu,

I sleep together

Dabugera;

I embrace,

bavakayla

bavayauli.

I hug all length, I rub noses.
pela

Tanunu dubilibaloda}
We suck lower lips ours,

bi’ulugwalayda;

may el a

because we feel excited;

t anunu;

tongue his we suck;

tagadi

kabulula;

tagadi

kala gabula;

tagadi

we bite

nose his;

we bite

his

we bite

chin;

kimwala;

takabi

jaw (cheek) his;

we take hold (caress)

po si gala,
armpit his,

rjisiyala.

Bilivala

mmana:

groin his.

She says

this woman:

“O it itches,

O didakwaniy

lubaygUy

senela;

kworikikila

lover mine,

very much indeed;

rub and push

tuvaylay

bilukwali

WOWftgU—

again,

it feels pleasant

body mine—

kwopinaviyaka,

nanakwa

do it vigorously,

quick

momona:—

bipipisi
(so that)

it squirts

kwalimtumutu tuvayla bilukwali

■ sexual fluid:— tread

again

it feels pleasant

wowogu.”
body mine.”
Free Translation
“When I sleep with Dabugera I embrace her, I hug
her with my whole body, I rub noses with her.

We suck

each other’s lower lip, so that we are stirred to passion.
We suck each other’s tongues, we bite each other’s noses,
we bite each other’s chins, we bite cheeks and caress the
armpit and the groin.

Then she will say: ‘O my lover,

it itches very much . . . push on again, my whole body
melts with pleasure ... do it vigorously, be quick, so
that the fluids may discharge . . . tread on again, my
body feels so pleasant.’ ”
The same informant gave me the following samples
of a conversation which would occur after the act, when
the two rested in each other’s arms:
t(Kayne

tombwaylim

yaygu?”

“Whether

sweetheart thine

I?”

<(Mtage!

nabvoayligu

yoku— sene

“Yes!

sweetheart mine

thou—

very much

magigu;

tuta, tutay bitakayta;

sene

desire mine;

time, time, we copulate;

very much

migimbwayligu

migim

tabuda/”

face yours beloved by me

face thine

cross-cousins!”

“Gala
“No

magigu
desire mine

bukuyousi
you get hold

nata
one

vivila
woman

nava’u;
yoku wala,
yaygu.”
new womanj thou indeed, I.”
“Am I thy sweetheart?” “Yes, thou art my sweet¬
heart} I love thee very much} always, always we shall
cohabit. I love thy face very much} it is that of a cross¬
cousin (the right woman for me).” “I do not desire
that thou shouldst take a new woman} just thou and I.”
I was informed that sexual relations between married
people would be on the same lines, but, from the follow¬
ing text, it is clear that passion ebbs with time.
V igilava’u
Married newly
kabasi;
bed theirs}

imasisisi
they sleep

bimugo
it matures

vayva’i
matrimony

kzvaytanidesi
single one
bikwaybogwo,
it is old,

kvoayta kabala,
kwayta kabada.
Bis ala’u
one
bed her,
one
bed ours.
It is energetic
uwasi,
magisi
bikaytasi,
bikenusi
body theirs,

desire theirs

deli
together

bikamitakukusi
they bite eyelashes

they copulate,

they lie

bivayaulasiy
they rub noses,

bigedasi.
they bite.
“Newly married people sleep together in one bed.
When matrimony has matured, when it has become old,
she sleeps in one bed, and we (i.e. the husband) sleep

in another.

When they feel sexually vigorous they want

to cohabit} then they lie together, they bite their eye¬
lashes, they rub their noses, they bite each other.”
Here my informant, Tokulubakiki, a married man,
tries to convey the idea that even long-married persons
can behave at times as lovers.
In conclusion,1 I should like to draw the attention of
the reader to the data supplied by Dr. W. E. Roth and
other informants concerning the sexual life of the ab¬
origines of Australia.2

The subject is of considerable

importance as the mechanism is very characteristic of the
whole nature of erotic approach.

The manner in which

the Queensland aborigines copulate closely resembles that
described in this chapter.

In both regions the act can

be so carried out that there is the minimum of bodily
contact.

I think that this to a great extent accounts for

the undiscriminating way in which young and handsome
boys will sometimes fornicate with old and repulsive
women.

On the other hand, where love exists, the man

can bend over the woman or the woman raise herself to
meet him and contact can be as full and intimate as is
desired.
1 Compare also what has been said about native ideas concerning the
anatomy and physiology of procreation and the psycho-physiological
mechanism of falling in love, chapter vii.
2 Dr. W. E. Roth, Ethnological Studies Among the b,orth-fVest Central
Queensland Aborigines, 1897, and H. Basedow, in J.R.A.L, 1927, on
“Subincision and Kindred Rites of the Australian Aboriginal, pp. 151-6-
Chapter 11
Perhaps

nothing is so akin to the mysterious and stir¬

ring condition which we call falling in love, as that mystic
expectancy of miraculous intervention and of benevolent
and unexpected happenings which comes to all men at
certain psychological moments and forms the founda¬
tion of the human belief in magic.

There is a desire in

every one of us to escape from routine and certainty,
and it can be said, without exaggeration, that to most men
nothing is more cheerless and oppressive than the rigidity
and determination with which the world runs;

and

nothing more repugnant than the cold truths of science,
which express and emphasize the determination of reality.
Even the most sceptical at times rebel against the inevi¬
table causal chain, which excludes the supernatural and,
with it, all the gifts of chance and good fortune.

Love,

gambling and magic have a great deal in common.
In a primitive community, not yet in bond to science,
magic lies at the root of innumerable beliefs and prac¬
tices.

Megwuy which may be almost exactly rendered

by our word “magic,” is, to the Trobriander, a force re¬
siding in man, transmitted to him from generation to
generation through the medium of tradition.

This force

can only become active by the performance of a ritual
appropriate to the occasion, by the recital of proper incan-

tations, and by the observance of specific taboos.

In all

matters relating to love, it is of fundamental importance.
Magic can endow with charm and engender love; magic
can alienate affection in consort or lover; and magic can
produce or enhance personal beauty.
i
THE

The magic of which the purpose is so to increase per¬
sonal

attractiveness that

the performer may become

erotically irresistible to some one member of the opposite
sex, is but one among several kinds of beauty magic.
Personal appearance and charm are not valued on amo¬
rous grounds only.

A woman in her first pregnancy,

as we know, is subject to an elaborate ritual, with spells
to enhance her bodily beauty, which is in no way intended
to make her attractive to men.

She is sexually taboo to

her own husband; and the idea of adultery under such
circumstances is, without exaggeration, morally repul¬
sive to the natives.

Again, a beauty magic has been

described elsewhere which is performed at a certain stage
in an overseas expedition.1

This has no erotic reference—

indeed love-making, on such occasions, is often taboo—
but its purpose is to make the personal charm of the
visitors so irresistible that they will be offered many gifts
of valuable ornaments.

The heroes of ancestral days,

who make themselves beautiful for reasons which have
1 See Argonauts of the Western Pacific, ch. xiii, sec. i, and especially
pp. 335-6. Compare also footnote on p. 219, vol. i, of this work.

nothing to do with sex, figure in the mythology of the
kula (Argonauts, ch. xii). It is important that the prac¬
tice of beauty magic to a directly sexual end should be
placed in its proper setting in this general and intense
interest in personal charm.

In our description of the opportunities given by festive
occasions for mutual admiration and contact, the im¬
portance of beauty and skill in dancing, and of “deport¬
ment” was made clear. Beauty magic is a part of the
personal preparation for all big festivals} special charms
are recited over certain parts of the body during the care
and cleansing of them, and during ornamentation. This
is always done on the last and culminating day of the
period of festival dancing (usigola) or of competitive
games (kayasa), during the third feast in which they
terminate (ch. ix, secs. 3 and 4)* The tension, interest
and personal animosities characteristic of these competitive
displays must be realized before we can understand the
nature and importance of the beauty ceremonial} and we
shall, therefore, give a short account of the proceedings
as ritual observances, but without returning to the games
and amusements round which they centre (see above,
ch. ix, sec. 2).
The festive period, which lasts twenty-eight days,
always begins, as we know, at the full moon after the
return of the ancestral spirits. It is opened by a cere346

monial distribution of food {sagali) (pis. 71 and 72).

A

sagali is a very important institution in the Trobriandsj

it accompanies most ceremonial occasions, such as mortu¬
ary rites, commemoration feasts, competitive enterprises
and the annual season of amusement.

The mortuary

sagali (distributions), which are the most important, are

based upon the division into clans and sub-clans (see ch. vi,
sec. 4, and ch. xiii, sec. 5), since members of only one
clan always act as distributors, men of the remaining
clans receiving the food.

At other times the apportion¬

ment of the food follows some other sociological prin¬
ciple.

In all cases, however, it is the headman of the

local community who officiates as “master of the distri¬
bution” {tolls a gait).

He and his kinsmen arrange the

allotment of each heap of yams, moving among them,
discussing and memorizing (pi. 71).

After that the same

committee slowly walk from one heap to another and
the master or his spokesman calls out the name or descrip¬
tion of the recipient.

When this has been done, the men

move away from the place and, after a time, the women
belonging to each recipient collect the yams in baskets and
carry them to their storehouses (pi. 72)* H a sma^
sagali, such as is held within the community at the be¬
ginning of a dancing or playing season, the duty of pro¬
viding the food invariably falls on the master and his
kinsmen, while the renown {butura) of the distribution
goes to their credit, and those who receive food are re¬
sponsible to them for the success of the entertainments
which follow.
The distribution in fact imposes an obligation on all

participants to go on steadily with the dance, game, or
whatever special display has been chosen, for the whole
period.

In an usigola (dancing period) each heap of

food would be allotted according to its size, and be given
to a special class of performer.

One of the largest would

go to the leaders of the round dance {tokolimatala).

The

three men who perform the complicated figure dance, the
solemn kasawaga, receive an equally big portion.

The

singers (,tokwaypo’u), a body of no mean importance, also
have their special place in the distribution.

Smaller heaps

of different sizes are given to the drummers, the mutes in
the figure dance, the boys who catch the iguana for the
drumskin, and to all the rest of the villagers, according
to the part they play in the proceedings.

In a sagali (dis¬

tribution), therefore, the respective importance of each
group is emphasized and this causes a certain amount of
tension and jealousy, and some little boasting.
On the first day, magic is performed over a conchshell and over food.

The conch-shell is blown on that

day and also during the dance; the food is buried wher¬
ever a road enters the village.

Both rites are meant

magically to enhance the splendour of the performance.
The charmed conch-shell announces the coming display
with the thrilling ostentation of magical power.

The

burial of the food expresses the desire for plenty within
the village, is a symbol of it, and is believed to effect it.
I was unable to obtain the formula of this magic, so my
information is but approximate.
After these ceremonies, the dancing period begins.

At

first, thei e is much to do in the way of learning, training,

and preliminary contests.

In the middle of the month

a second sagali (distribution of food) is held, called
katumwalela kasakasa (the priming of the rank and file).

There is a special dance on such a day, but no other rites
are performed.
Finally, at the next full moon, there comes the kovayse
(the winding up), which lasts for three days, and is the
main festivity of the period.

Two days before the full

moon, there is a great communal eating of sago or taro
pudding (see pis. 5 and 86). This day is called itavakayse
kaydebu (“preparing of the dancing shield”), or itava¬
kayse bisila (“preparing of the pandanus streamer”), in

reference to the shield and streamer which are both used
in dancing.

On the next day, which is called itokolukwa',iy

the same proceedings are repeated.

On both days cere¬

monial dancing takes place.
The third day is called luvayam, “the day of consum¬
mation,” or lafula, “the rounding-off day,” and is a great
occasion.

People from many villages are invited, and

begin to arrive in the morning, soon filling the village
street and surrounding spaces.

Each community sits in

a group, camping on mats, surrounded with baskets and
children.

Those on more intimate terms with their hosts

assist them in the preparations.

The villagers, with

serious set faces, move quickly to and fro among the
guests, in gala dress, some already adorned for the
dance—the men perhaps in female grass petticoats with
the whole body decked out in valuable ornaments and
flowers.
In the morning, the performance begins with an in349

augural round dance, the mweli (as on pis. 58, 65, 82).
The mweli, is followed at about noon by the ceremonial
figure dance (kasawaga) (pi. 73).

All is done in full

dress and with great display, to the attentive observation
of the onlookers.
will follow.

But this is only a preparation for what

After midday, the real ceremonial begins.

The per¬

formers have now ritually to wash, dress, and ornament
themselves.

The visitors and the rest of the villagers

are in the meantime engaged in a distribution of food and
in feasting.

Early in the afternoon, platters of baked

yams, bananas, and coco-nut, and sometimes of fish as
well, are brought to the guests and distributed to each
community as mitalela valu (“eye of the village”—a
metaphor which I was unable to elucidate).

This is

usually an occasion for much merriment and some horseplay, the givers and receivers exchanging appropriate
jokes.

Then each group sets to work on its portion, sit¬

ting round the platter with backs turned to the people
from other village communities, as is required by good
manners.
To complete our account of food distributions: there
follows another sagali, in which the performers, now fully
dressed and adorned, give presents to their
(father’s sisters, and their daughters).

tabusia

This is a repay¬

ment for the beauty magic which the women have per¬
formed upon them, to the description of which we now
proceed.

Rehearsing of a “Kasawaga” Dance

The Crowd Assembled Outside the Village for Beauty Magic

The ceremonial washing and decoration of the dancers
is undertaken on this occasion by women of a special class,
namely those who stand to them in the relation of tabu.
We shall have to discuss the tabu and their place in the
social scheme more fully in the chapters which follow
(ch. xiii, sec. 65 see also ch. viii, sec. 2). In this place we
need only mention that they are the approved and suitable
partners for passing intrigues, for more stable liaisons or
for marriage (see also ch. iv, sec. 4).

It is their duty

now to prepare the men for the dance, to deck them out
with ornaments, with flowers and with paint, and to per¬
form the magic incidental to each stage of the proceed¬
ings.

In this, the ritual differs from the beauty magic in

the kula, where each man makes his own magic and
adorns himself.

It is, on the other hand, similar in every

respect to the beauty magic performed in the first preg¬
nancy ceremony (see above, ch. viii, sec. 2).
The ceremonial dressing must, as always, be preceded
by a ritual washing and cleansing, conducted to a running
accompaniment of appropriate spells.

The dancers and

their attendants have now assembled outside the village
in the grove, usually at a place not far from the waterhole (pi. 74).

While the boys wait, their tabula recite a

spell over some coco-nut fibre, with which the skin is to
be rubbed as with a sponge; and over some soft loaves
(usually of the wageva shrub), with which the skin will

be dried as with a towel.

This is, in free translation, a

kaykakaya (ablution) formula for the charming of the
coco-nut fibre:1
Polishing, polishing off,
Cleansing, cleansing off,
There is one piece of fibre,
My own, a keen fibre, a buoyant fibre,
One which is as the morning star,
Which is as the full moon.
I cleanse his chest, I improve his head,
I improve his chest, I cleanse his head,
They climb up a pole (to admire),
They bind a flattery-bond round his knees.

This formula needs hardly any comment.

It contains,

as with most magic, the affirmation of the desired effect.
It begins with a simple statement of the action of cleans¬
ing, and then extols the value of the coco-nut, comparing
it to the morning star and to the full moon.

The quality

thus charmed into the coco-nut fibre will, it must be re¬
membered, be later on transferred by friction to the skin
of the bather.

The idea of a light colour as an attribute

of beauty is clearly expressed.

The formula closes with

an exaggerated statement of the effect to be produced by
the magic.

It is a custom to remove a piece of decoration

from the body of a dancer or, in the case of people of
high rank, to tie a string round his leg or arm, in order
to express admiration.

This is done with the words

Agu tilewa’i, “my flattery-bond,” and has to be redeemed
by the admired dancer with a suitable present, which is
also called tilewa’i—flattery-gift.
1 For information as to the linguistic plan adopted in the translation of
this and other native texts, see ch. xviii, “The Power of Words in Magic,”
in my Argonauts of the fVestern Pacific.

The following formula is spoken over the leaves used
for drying the skin:—
I pull and pull, I pull hither and thither,
I pull my leaves of drying.
There is one kind of towel leaves,
The leaves of my companions;
Sere, parched leaves they are,
There is another kind of leaves, my towel leaves.
The leaves of me, of Ibo’umli,
They are keen buoyant flashing leaves.

Here again we find the usual affirmation, but the three
middle lines are very interesting, for they show what
might be called a typical case of magical relativity.

The

magic of the speaker, who in such cases always mentions
his or her own name, is extolled at the expense of the
magic of his or her companions.

This type of phrasing

is prevalent in magic applied in competitive activities.
The pulling of the leaves mentioned in the first line refers
to the act of breaking them from the tree, and is a typical
magical expression.
After the coco-nut fibre and the leaves have been
charmed, each man takes his sponge and towel from his
tabula and wraps it up in leaves, so that no magic virtue
shall evaporate, even during the short passage from the
spot where they are assembled to the water-hole, whither
the men presently repair, leaving the women behind.
Arrived there, the men remove all dress and ornament,
and begin to wash, scraping off any paint which still re¬
mains from the morning.

The coco-nut fibre is first un¬

wrapped from its covering, and with this they rub their
1 Compare, for instance, the formula referring to the speed of the canoe,

Argonauts of the IVestern Pacific, p. 130.

skin.

They rub carefully and earnestly and with a scru¬

pulous minuteness, so that no part of the skin shall remain
untouched.

The face and the chest are perhaps most

thoroughly scrubbed.

With the same meticulous atten¬

tion to detail, the skin is dried with the soft, spongy
leaves.

Then they return to their female magicians who

are awaiting them.

THE

OF

In the meantime, the women have been preparing
various cosmetic substances.

Each boy, before the wash¬

ing, has taken off his most precious ornaments, such as
shell-belt, armshells, and valuable necklaces, and left
them with his tabula; so now the toilet can begin.

First

comes the anointing with charmed coco-nut oil, always the
next stage after washing (I failed to obtain the magical
formula of coco-nut oil).

When this has been well

rubbed all over the skin, by the man himself and not by
the women, the latter proceed to stroke the skin with
a mother-of-pearl shell (kayeki or kaydobu) (pi. 75).
Slowly and gently each tabula presses the smooth shell
up and down over his cheeks, his arms and his chest, and
laterally across his forehead; reciting a formula, as she
does so, in a clear audible voice.

The words must always

be spoken towards the boy’s face which she is stroking.
Who makes the beauty magic?—
To heighten the beauty, to make it come out.
Who makes it on the slopes of Obukula?—
I, Tabalu, and my mate Kwaywaya.
We make the beauty magic.

I smooth out, I improve, I whiten!
Thy head I smooth out, I improve, I whiten!
Thy cheeks I smooth out, I improve, I whiten!
Thy nose I smooth out, I improve, I whiten!
Thy throat I smooth out, I improve, I whiten!
Thy neck I smooth out, I improve, I whiten!
Thy shoulders I smooth out, I improve, I whiten!
Thy breast I smooth out, I improve, I whiten!
Bright skin, bright; glowing skin, glowing.

The opening sentences of the formula again present a
typical pattern of Trobriand magic.

They express the

traditional filiation of the actual performer.

By reciting

them, the magician charms, not in his own name, but as
a representative, so to speak, of the original source of the
magic.

He—or in this case she—is even projected to the

spot from whence the magic camej in the present rites
on the slopes of Obukula, where the primeval grotto lies,
near the village of Laba’i.1

From this grotto, according

to tradition, the earliest clan-ancestors emerged.

There,

also, the culture hero Tudava was raised and lived with
his mother.

It is the centre of traditional magic, of

custom and of law.

The formula identifies the speaker

with two ancestors of the highest sub-clan, which takes
its name from one of them, Tabalu.

In the form given

in this charm, the names can be either male or female.
In practice, the masculine prefix Ado- or the feminine
prefix Bo- is usually added to indicate whether a man or
a woman is named.

Thus, the old chief of Kasana i, who

was still alive on my first visit to the Trobnands, was
called M’tabalu, and one of his nephews, Kwaywaya.
The feminine forms would be Botabalu and Bokwaywaya
1 For details of these legendary places and persons, see Myth in Primi¬
tive Psychology.

respectively.

The rest of the formula is typical of all

the longer spells and follows, step by step, the ritual
applications to the object charmed.

This is the longest

formula and the most circumstantial act of beauty magic.
After the body has been anointed and smoothed with
the pearl shell, the cosmetics are ceremonially applied.
The mouth is painted with crushed betel-nut, while the
following words are chanted:
Red paint, red paint thither.
Red paint, red paint hither.
One red paint of my companions,
It is sere, it is parched.
One red paint, my red paint
Of me, of Ibo’umli;
It is keen, it is buoyant, it is flashing:
My red paint.

This charm is similar in form to that of the wageva
leaves.
When the mouth has been painted red, and perhaps a
few lines in the same colour on the face, ornamental
spirals are painted on the cheeks and forehead with
sayaku (pi. 76), an aromatic black cosmetic, while the
following words are recited:
O black paint, O buoyant black paint!
O black paint, O decorative black paint!
O black paint, O comely black paint!
Glowing eyes, glowing, bright eyes, bright.
For this is my sayaku.
The ornamenting, the alluring black paint indeed.

Then the hair is teased out with a comb to the accom¬
paniment of this spell:
Who makes the beauty magic—
To heighten the beauty, to make it come out?
Who makes it on the slopes of Kituma?
I, Ibo’umli, make the beauty magic

To heighten the beauty, to make it come out.
I make it on the slopes of Kituma.
Keen is my comb, buoyant is my comb,
My comb is like the full moon,
My comb is like the morning star.
For this is my comb,
It will adorn me,
It will make me beloved indeed.

The name, Ibo’umli, occurring in this and one or two
of the previous formulae, is that of my informant.

The

place, Kituma, seems to be somewhere in the eastern archi¬
pelago, but my informant could not locate it exactly.
The toilet is now almost complete.

The dancers are

adorned with red flowers, aromatic herbs (vana), and
garlands of the butia> which always blooms at this season
(pi. 77).

Appropriate incantations are said, but I shall

not here cite them, for, although I obtained them, I can¬
not translate them satisfactorily.

Finally, and with no

adjuvant magic, such valuable ornaments as belts, armshells, necklaces, and last, but not least, the feather orna¬
ments for the head, are put on the dancers.

This last

part of the toilet is done by men (pi. 78).
THE

OF

AND

AT

The elaborate ritual preparation of the dancers gives
some indication of the tense emotional atmosphere which
is characteristic of these big festive assemblies. The whole
complex of dangerous passions, which, at the same time,
spring from and generate the spirit of emulation, is
wrought upon by such a culminating occasion for personal
display.

While charms are being said over the dancers in the
grove to give them added beauty, strength, and skill, two
other kinds of magic are being prepared in the village, one
of which is a measure of protection.

There is a deep

belief and a strong apprehension among the natives that
black magic is being used against the dancers by the ene¬
mies of the village.

Excellence in dancing is, indeed,

one of those dangerous accomplishments which arouse
great envy, and against which many an evil magician
directs his powers.

In fact, among the symptoms by

which the wizard murderer is identified on the corpse of
his victim, an important place is occupied by marks which
signify: “This man was killed for his excellence in
dancing.” 1
There is a special evil magic called kaygiauri, which is
practised against the dancers, and indeed against all the
bystanders except the sorcerer himself and his friends.
I was not able to find out any details about this magic,
how it is performed, or how it is supposed to act.

But

I have myself seen men preparing an antidote and making
the counter-magic over the dancers.

When the ritual

toilet had been completed, small parcels were produced,
containing magically treated wild ginger-root hermetically
wrapped up in leaves.

These were chewed by the magi¬

cian, who then spat over the skin of the dancer.

Next he

took some aromatic leaves (kwebila); over these he mut¬
tered a short formula, and then he put them into the armlets of the dancers.
The operation of these evil passions is not, in fact,
1 Cf. Crime and Custom, part ii, ch. ii, p. 89.

The Magic of Mother of Pearl
[Ch. XI, 4]

Magical Face Painting

[Ch. XI, 4; also ch. X, 3]

The Ritual Placing of the “Vana

wholly confined to the realm of idea and belief.

The

danger of a fight during the culminating day of a kayasa
is even now not quite excluded.

I was never present when

feeling ran high enough to develop into a brawl, but,
even so, I was strongly aware of a violence and ruthless¬
ness in the behaviour of the performers and of the crowd,
of a certain nervous mistrust and clinging together of each
group, which confirmed the direct statements of the na¬
tives and my general information as to the conduct of
such affairs in former times.

Then the natives would

come fully armed, with spears, wooden sword clubs,
throwing sticks, and shields;

each community would

stand in a group with every man on his guard, suspicious
of all strangers and on the look-out for possible trouble.
When interest in the performance was at its height, people
would push forward, the closer physical contact would
cause suspicion of sorcery, and anything might be the
signal for a fight.

The presence of women in the various

groups was another important source of danger, because
of sexual rivalry.
To the envy and jealousy and mutual mistrust must
be added an ardent desire for renown (butura).

This

finds full and independent expression in a further type of
magic, which, with that of beauty and the specific against
hostile sorcery, is launched into the exalted atmosphere
of the village.

This is the magic of uributu, “spreading

of renown” (uri, from “won ,” to strike, to flick, to spray;
butu} root of “renown”).

While the dancers are being

made ready under the trees of the village grove; while
a distribution of food is in progress on the central place,

the magician of glory, the to’uributu, proceeds in his own
house to manufacture fame for his community.

He is the

same man who, on the first day of the festivities, a month
ago, has performed the important magic of the conchshells and the buried food.

In the morning he has also

prepared the scene of the dances by ritual sweeping of the
baku (central place) with a charmed broom.
his most important performance.

Now comes

On a large mat, folded

over so that it encloses them, he places a drum, a conchshell, and a few pieces of reed (dadam).

Into the open

mouth of this improvised magic bag he then chants his
spells.
obtain.

The formula unfortunately I was not able to

His task is completed as the dancers are ready, fully
dressed and waiting to start (pi. 79) the lapula or final
dance. He gives one of the drummers the magic drum,
and another man takes the charmed conch-shell.
The dancers, the singers, and the drummers now put
themselves into position, ready for the signal.

This is

given by the magician of glory and one or two assistants.
They run from the village street into the central place
with the magic reed in their hands. Each of them must
have both his hands upon the reed, which is pointing
towards the ground.

They strike the ground at intervals

with the reed, while they utter a high-pitched scream
(igovasi).

Arrived at the opposite end of the place, they

turn about and throw the reed into the air.

The man

who catches the reed scores a point in this contest for
renown, and will be spoken of all over the district when
the feast is gossiped about and its heroes mentioned.

Then the men of the reed utter another very loud cry
and this gives the signal for the drummers to beat, for
the conch-shells to blow, and for the dancers to begin their
final performance.

THE

We now pass to the most important system of magic
connected with erotic life in the Trobriands, the magic
of love.

While the magic of beauty is always associated

with ceremonial events, such as the kula (ceremonial ex¬
change), first pregnancy celebrations, a kayasa (period of
competitive activity), or an usigola, the magic of love
is performed whenever occasion arises.

While the magic

of beauty, again, is always done openly and in public, that
of love is a private matter and carried out on the indi¬
vidual’s own initiative.

This, of course, does not mean

that there is anything illicit or clandestine about the magic
of love.

People who possess it boast about it, and talk

about having put it in operation.

Nor, from the nature

of the rites, would it be possible to conceal it completely
from its object.

The magic of love becomes illicit only

in so far as the love itself is illicit} as, for instance, when
it is directed towards a chief’s wife, or towards some other
tabooed person.
It has been mentioned that this magic belongs to a
system.

A system of magic in the Trobriands is a series

of spells, which accompany some chain of linked activities
and are performed in a fixed order following the develop361

ment of the chain.

In economic pursuits such as garden¬

ing, fishing, the construction of a canoe, or a kula expe¬
dition, or, again, in the magic of beauty just described,
the rites accompany each successive stage of the enterprise,
which naturally proceeds in a definite order.
But there are other spheres of magic where the system
possesses a slightly different character.

For instance,

sorcery is believed to be the real cause of disease.

In¬

deed, black magic must be effective and finally fatal,
;provided that it is properly carried out with due observ¬
ance of all conditions, and 'provided that it is not met by
a stronger counter-magic.

The sorcerer opens the attack,

the victim defends himself by securing counter-magic, and
by making use of every factor which could counteract the
full efficiency of black magic.

Even if the sorcerer is

successful, or partially so, the resultant illness does not
develop along fixed lines'as does the growth of a garden.
Hence this system cannot follow a fixed sequence of
events.

Instead, a system of black magic consists of a

succession of spells and rites which gradually increase in
strength.

When the sorcerer is successful, the increasing

strength of his spells produces the more rapid decline of
his victim until death supervenes.

If the sorcerer is being

thwarted, he launches increasingly strong formulse in
order to get at his victim through the barrier of precau¬
tions, adverse conditions, and counter-magic with which
the latter has protected himself.
Let us examine black magic, not from the native, but
from the ethnographer s point of view.

A sorcerer either

is paid to remove a victim or does so from personal mo362

fives. It may happen, by a mere coincidence, that the
victim falls more or less seriously ill within a few weeks
of the initial operations. As black magic is often adver¬
tised and always suspected, the illness is put down to its
influence. If it be known that a powerful sorcerer, in the
pay of a chief, is at work, suggestion may have a serious
effect on the victim. It does not follow that he gives in
utterly and dies, but I suspect that this occasionally hap¬
pens.1 As a rule, however, if pressed hard, the victim
will mobilize all the forces of defence. He will put
counter-magic in operation; • set armed watches at night
around him; move away to another place, change his diet,
and observe all the taboos and other conditions of recov¬
ery. Thus we have the interplay of two forces in the
imagination of the patient, corresponding to the inter¬
play of the two real forces in his organism: resistance
and disease. The progress of the system of magic, ac¬
companied by the progress of the system of counter-magic,
proceed side by side with the struggle between the or¬
ganism and the invading forces of bacteria or malignant
changes. Once the sorcerer has determined on black
magic, or has received payment for it, he has to go
through the whole repertory from the initial formula to
1 I have no well-attested instance in my notes, but several cases of rapid
wasting disease have appeared to me to belong to this category. Exam¬
ples of people dying from sheer conviction that a broken taboo has a
lethal influence, or that black magic, too powerful to be counteracted, has
been set in motion against them, are numerous in ethnographic literature.
The argument in the text does not rest on the assumption, however, that
what might be called psychological death from sorcery is inevitable. It
rests rather on the principle which we can regard as established by mod¬
ern psycho-therapy that a conviction of good and bad influences working
upon the patient’s health is a most powerful element in the treatment
Cf. P. Janet, Les Medications Psychologiqties, 1920.

the final pointing of the bone—even if he has to admit
failure in the end.

An unwittingly broken taboo is per¬

haps an important sorcerer’s best excuse for unsuccess; but
bad luck in the final application of charmed substances
and powerful counter-magic also serve to account for the
impotence of his magic.

After such failure, the sorcerer

bides his time and awaits a suitable opportunity—such,
for instance, as his victim actually falling ill.
sets to work again.

Then he

For though the natives believe that

real illness (siiami) can be produced only by magic, they
are perfectly well aware that an indisposition (katoulo)
which may be natural forms an excellent soil for the
operations of sorcery.
It was necessary to enlarge on the general character
of magical systems, and on the distinction between the
system which follows the naturally determined progress
of activity or enterprise, on the one hand, and the system
which follows a course determined by the chance play
of unknown factors on the other, in order to lay bare the
essential character of love magic.

This type also deals

with a configuration of chances and elements which do
not follow a definite natural course.

Here also the belief

is very strong that love magic, properly executed and not
counteracted, is infallible.

The nanola (mind and emo¬

tional centre) of man or woman cannot resist the com¬
plete consecutive series of rites and spellsj even if it were
no more than strongly affected by the initial steps, it must
succumb to the cumulative ritual—that is if the magic
be not magically counteracted.

For here also there are

causes which account for failure 3 the performer may not

have the words accurately or he may have broken a con¬
ditional taboo 5 or a counter-magic may frustrate his almost
successful attempts.

As in all supernatural control of

chance, magical infallibility is absolute only under abso¬
lutely perfect conditions 5 that is to say, it is never at- tained in practice, though it may be claimed in theory.

In following the practice of love magic through its
successive stages, we must have in mind the setting of a
Trobriand love story, in ordinary village life and among
the customary forms of communication between the sexes.
Although girls are said to practise this magic, it is more
usual for the man to take the initiative.

The story begins

in the ordinary way: a boy is fascinated by a girl.

If

there be no response and he does not win her favours im¬
mediately, he resorts to the most potent way of courting
her, that is by magic.
As in ordinary beauty magic, he must first wash or
bathe in the sea.

Thus he makes himself handsome and

attractive 3 in the same rite he also charms a responsive
affection into the loved one’s heart.
hero to live near the sea.

Let us suppose our

On his wTay to the shore, he

gathers in the bush some of the soft spongy leaves of the
wageva, silasila, or -ponatile shrubs, and also some leaves
from a tree with a specially smooth and clean bark—
preferably from the reyava and gatumwaliia.

He puts

the whole bundle into some large leaf and chants the

special washing formula over it.

This corresponds to

analogous spells in the kula beauty magic and in the
beauty magic described in the previous sections.
One of the kaykakaya spells of love magic, which I
obtained, may be freely rendered thus:
The Kaykakaya Spell
Leaves of dirt and leaves of cleansing,
Leaves of dirt and leaves of cleansing,
Smooth as the bark of the reyava tree
As the tail of the opossum.
My face shines in beauty;
I cleanse it with leaves;
My face, I cleanse it with leaves,
My eyebrows, I cleanse them with leaves.

And so on.
The boy then has to name various parts of the head
and of the body, adding after each the word ayolise, which
has been translated here: “I cleanse with leaves.”

These

were the parts named by the informant who gave me the
charm: head, face, eyebrows, nose, cheek, chin, jaws,
throat, shoulders, larynx, breasts, flanks, armpits, but¬
tocks, thighs, knees, calves, and feet.
proceeds :

The formula then

Beautiful will my face remain,
Flashing will my face remain,
Buoyant will my face remain!
No more it is my face,
My face is as the full moon.
No more it is my face,
My face is as the round moon.
I pierce through,
As the creamy shoot of the areca leaf,
I come out,
As a bud of the white lily.

Then the charmed leaves are carefully wrapped up,
lest the magic virtue should evaporate (,kayawa), and the

boy washes himself in water.

When he is thoroughly

cleansed, the wrapping is opened, and the skin rubbed
all over and dried with the charmed leaves.

At this point

the rite takes on its specific character as part of a system
of love magic j for the leaves that have been thus used
are thrown into the sea, with the words: “Kirisana akaykakaya} kula kworisaki mat ana . . .” (here the girl’s per¬

sonal name is mentioned).

The word kirisana, also

known in the form kirisala or karisala, signifies the influ¬
ence which a dream induced by magic may exercise over
the seat of the emotions—the heart, as we would say—
the belly, as the natives put it.1

The word might be

rendered: “The spell or the influence of a magical act
in inducing a dream.”

The verbal form is korisaki with

the active suffix -ki.

The translation of the sentence

would, therefore, run as follows: “Dream-spell of my
kaykakaya charm, go and effectively influence the eye of

So-and-so.”
Thus the rite has a twofold effect: it makes a man
beautiful, as does all washing magic, and it carries sweet
dreams about him into the mind of the girl.

As the

natives put it, referring to the ritual casting of the herbs
into the sea: “As the leaves will be tossed by the waves,
and as they move with the sea up and down, so the inside
of the girl will heave.”
What follows depends, as in sorcery, upon the effect
of what has already been accomplished.

If the loved one

surrenders easily, perhaps one more formula will be re¬
cited, to attach her affections the more securely.

1 Cf. below, ch. xii, sec. i.

But if

the washing magic fails completely, another attack is made
on the beleaguered heart by means of a stronger magic
called the kasina.
the mouth.

This has to be administered through

A piece of food or betel-nut—or, to-day,

some tobacco—is charmed and given to the girl.

The

washing magic has already made her more interested in
her suitor and, though she is not yet prepared to yield,
she will probably ask for some such small gift.

In any

case, she will not refuse such an offering, even though
she suspects that it is given with an ulterior motive.
The Kasina Spell
My flashing decoration, my white skin!
I shall take the faces of my companions and rivals;
I shall make them be cast off.
I shall take my face, the face of me (personal name),
And I shall get a flattery-bond for it
For my beautiful full-moon face.

The simile in the last line would not perhaps send a
thrill to the heart of a white girl, but the full moon, for
the Trobriander, is a symbol of colour and of roundness
in a more emotionally appealing sense than it is with us.
The “flattery-bond” (tilewa’i) has already been explained
above (sec. 3).
When the girl has eaten this little douceuv, the magic
enters into her inside and moves her mind.

There is a

fair chance already that her affections are favourably
inclined, but a still more potent magic remains.

The first

attack, as we saw, was through the ethereal medium of
dreams; the second, by the very material way of eating;
there remain the two senses of touch and smell.
are considered the most susceptible in love magic.

These

The next rite, therefore, centres round an aromatic
herb called kwoyawagay which grows only in the eastern
islands and has to be traded mainly from Kitava.

This

herb is put into a receptacle with coco-nut oil, and the
following spell is chanted over it:
The Kwoyawaga Spell
Spread out, fold up,
Spread out, fold up,
I cut off, I cut, I cut.
A bait for a bird, for a small fish-hawk,

Uve, uvegu-guyo, o!
My kayro’i'iva love charm remains,
My kayro’i'iva love charm weeps,
My kayro’i'iva love charm pulls,
My kayro’i'iva love charm spills over.
Press down, press upon thy bed;
Smooth out, smooth your pillow-mat;
Enter my house and tread upon my floor.
Tease out and tear out my hair;
Drink my blood and take hold of my penis;
Apicem penis suge, for my guts are moved.

This formula is much more obscure than the previous
ones.

The first sentence, “spread out, fold up,” may

refer, as my informants told me, to the mat on which a
boy and girl recline in amorous embrace.

The cutting, by

analogy with similar formulse, is of the plants to be used
in the magic.

In the next phrase, the magic is likened

to a bait for a bird and the girl to a fish-hawk which
hovers over the trap.

One sentence I was unable to

translate even approximately, and it is therefore given in
native.

What follows is less cryptic.

Kayro’iwa is the

name of one of the systems of love magic, with which
we shall become more intimately acquainted in connection
with the native myth of incest (ch. xiv).

The last part

is typical of the more passionate forms of love magic.

I have obtained several formulas with similar endings.
I may add that, for every formula which I was able
to write down, to check after a few weeks’ interval, to get
a commentary upon, and to translate into anything like
sense, I had to reject several as spurious, fragmentary
or not understood by the natives.

I was always able to

distinguish the genuine archaic formulas from the cor¬
rupt, by the method of checking and re-checking them
with my original informant, after having allowed an
interval of time to elapse after each repetition.
To return to the magic of the kwoyawaga herbs, this
charmed and prepared aromatic substance can only be
used at close quarters.

An even more intimate approach

to the desired girl has to be effected than is possible with
the piece of betel-nut or tobacco of the previous ritual.
For some of the aromatic oil must be smeared upon her
body, or poured on to her face, or, best of all, applied
to her breasts.

Thus close physical contact is needed, and

for this, opportunities are given in games, in dances, in
tribal festivities, and in the rhythmic round called the
karibom.

Only when a boy is very clumsy or shy, or has

no opportunity for intimate approach, will he put the
oil on a piece of cigarette paper (or, in olden days, on a
flower), so that the smoke or scent may enter her nostrils.
There remains still one rite—that of the all-powerful
sulumwoya, the mint plant, which is the symbol

of

charm and seduction, the main instrument of attraction in
the kula (ceremonial exchange), the herb which plays the
central part in the myth of the origins of love, and which
figures also in the culminating act of love magic.

This

ritual would still be performed, even if the magic had
been successful at an earlier stage.

For sulumwoya gives

a full and undivided sway over the loved one’s heart.
Boge bipayki kumaydonay magila yakiday “Already she
will refuse all others; her desire is only for us.”

This

is the formula of the sulumwoya magic in the kayro’iwa
system.
Sulumwoya Spell
O, her sensual excitement!
O, her erotic swoon!
O, desire, O feminine swoon!
My clasping, thy clasping, kindle our erotic swooning!
My embraces, thy embraces, kindle our erotic swooning!
My copulation, thy copulation, kindle our erotic swooning!

The same complicated phrasing is repeated with a
number of words inserted instead of clasping, embracing
and so forth.

The words are: horizontal motion (bila-

bala)y horizontal repose

(bilamapu), erotic scratching

(kimali), erotic biting (kayalu), nose rubbing (vayaulo),
and eyelash biting (mitakuku)y lousing {kopokutu), rub¬
bing each other’s lips (kawidova).

Then come the fol¬

lowing sentences:
My going first, thy following, kindle our erotic swooning,
My waiting, thy waiting, kindle our erotic swooning.

and finally:
Thou goest my way, crying for me,
Thou enterest my house, smiling at me.
The house is shaken with joy, as thou treadest my floor.
Tease and tear out my hair,
Drink my blood,
So that my feelings are glad.

This is a long formula—the longer since, as in all
Trobriand magical spells, the middle part, the litany, is

always repeated over and over again, and not necessarily
in the same order.

It is chanted over a mint plant boiled

in coco-nut oil.

If the magic is practised on someone

whose love has already been captured, there is no difficulty
in spilling the scented and charmed oil over her, or
anointing her with it.

If she is not yet subdued, the

problem remains of entering her hut at night, and spill¬
ing some of it below her nostrils, so that she may dream
of the magic maker.
irresistible.

But if this is achieved the spell is

Less certain methods are to smear the oil over her
hands, or bring some of it near to her face; or to take a
sweet-smelling sprig of herbs, dip it in the oil and flick
it under her nose.

These three methods obviously make

her cognizant that love magic is being employed; and this
produces the desired effect—psychologically at least, if
not magically!
As an additional charm, the same formula may be re¬
cited over the long spine of a fish called umlaybasi, a prick
from which inflicts a lasting and smarting pain.

Holding

it in the hollow of his hand, the boy brings his lips close
to his hand and chants the spell into it, after which the
spine may be put into the stopper of the coco-nut bottle
in which the oil is being kept.

Or else, holding it in the

hollow of his hand, the boy may stab the girl with his
finger in the ribs or thereabout; or, during the karibom,
he may make one of those even more intimate insertions
already mentioned (ch. ix, sec. 3).

THE

A direct and consecutive statement of a complex and
somewhat chaotic subject such as that of love magic
inevitably suggests more precision and system than ac¬
tually exists, especially when the component parts hang
together, at least in theory.

And it is well to realize that

actual proceedings are never as complete and well de¬
fined as might appear from native statements.
A certain amount of complication is introduced by the
fact that there are a number of different systems.
most famous one is that of Kayro’iwa.

The

But the systems

of Kvooygapani and Libomatu, from the islands

of

Vakuta and Kayleula respectively, are also prominent.
These systems, being perhaps the most widely known
and practised, have now become mixed up and few natives
have a complete set of formulas belonging to the same
system.

As a matter of fact, only a few of my informants,

even among those who boasted of having a powerful set
of formulas, could go through a full set satisfactorily.
Each knew two or three or only one spell.

I may add

that perhaps no native in the Trobriands would be able
to judge magical texts as well as myself.

For no human

memory is a match for a written comparative collection.
Towards the end of my field-work, I found little diffi¬
culty in deciding whether a spell recited to me was genuine
or corrupt; and, in the latter case, whether it was delib¬
erate deception, self-deception, or deception on the part

of my informant’s predecessor, or just lack of memory.
What matters to us is that few natives are in posses¬
sion of a full system in an unadulterated form.

A youth

who knows his spell or two—sometimes only a frag¬
ment—will as a rule genuinely believe that there is a
great

deal

of

virtue

strengthens his belief.

in

it;

very

often

experience

He will recite his fragment or his

full charm over the kaykakaya leaves, and if unsuccess¬
ful he will try his formula over the other herbs.
Each rite has a certain positive effect on him and usually
also on his sweetheart.

The washing magic gives him

the conviction of increased strength and power to attract,
an attitude very favourable to his enterprise.

The same

magic makes him hope that the girl has dreamed of him,
and that she is ready to receive his advances.

He ap¬

proaches her with confidence, and jokes with her without
embarrassment.
The other rites afford a still more material help in
love-making.

All of them imply a direct contact; a gift,

an erotic touch, the wafting of some scent.

Thus not only

does he believe in his magical powers, but she also is
made aware that he is working on her heart.

And she

also is susceptible to the influence of belief and tradition.
If he is hopelessly repulsive to her, this need not shatter
her belief in love magic.

She concludes that his rites are

spurious and his formulas badly recited.

But if he has

the least attraction for her, it is easy to see how magic will
do its work.
These conclusions are based on observation of native
behaviour, on statements of natives, and on the actual

working of love magic in cases analysed to me by my
friends as they were proceeding.
The deep conviction of the natives in the virtue of love
magic and their belief that it is the only means of wooing,
have already been mentioned.

All a man’s hopes of suc¬

cess, his boasting and his anticipations are based on con¬
fidence in his magical equipment, exactly as all failure is
attributed to lack or impotence in this respect.

I have

already several times alluded to Gomaya: vain, arrogant,
and wilful, yet with remarkable personality.

He always

used to vaunt his success with women, and invariably in
terms of magic.

He would say: “I am ugly, my face is

not good-looking.

But I have magic, and therefore all

women like me.”

He would then boast of his intrigues

with Ilamweria, of the attachment that his cross-cousins
had for him, and of other amorous successes, some of
which have already been mentioned in this volume.

My

other informants were one and all agreed in their convic¬
tion of the potency of love magic.

To a direct question

I would always receive the same answer: “If one man is
good-looking, a good dancer, and a good singer, and he
has no magic; while the other man is ugly, lame, and
dark-skinned, but has good magic; the first will be re¬
jected, the second will be loved by women.”
This, of course, is exaggeration for the sake of em¬
phasis, typical of a Melanesian’s way of presenting mat¬
ters.

All natives know the magic, yet not all by any

means have the same success.

Met by such an argument,

the natives will say that the man who has success has it
because his magic is “keen and strong.”

And here the

fiction of native belief comes nearer to reality.

A man of

intelligence, of strong will, personality, and tempera¬
ment, will have greater success with women than a beauti¬
ful but soulless dullard—in Melanesia as in Europe.

A

man who is convinced that he is going the right way to
work 5 a man who has the energy to find out who has the
best magic and the industry to acquire and learn it, such
a man will be good at love-making as well as at magic.
The native belief thus expresses some truth, though it is
psychological rather than physical or occult, and refers to
results rather than to mechanism.
Gomaya was a case in point.

The five sons of To’uluwa

and Kadamwasila were all pleasant and clever, attractive
and enterprising, and were all renowned for their love
magic.

As a matter of fact, the first and last of the

formulas here given I received from Yobukwa’u who,
knowing only two out of the four charms, yet achieved
an incestuous love-affair with his father’s youngest wife,
several adulteries, and two engagements one after the
other.

All these affairs were attributed to love magic3

as was the case with Kalogusa, his younger brother, who
subdued Yobukwa’u’s fiancee, Isepuna.

Another of the

five brothers, Gilayviyaka, with whose intrigues too we
are already acquainted, was also reputed to be an expert
at love magic.

Many more examples could be adduced,

but it is better to keep to the more notorious cases.
Bagido’u, the nephew and heir-apparent of the prin¬
cipal chief, an extremely intelligent and pleasant infor¬
mant, was ill of some internal wasting sickness, probably
tuberculosis.

We have already heard of his domestic

mishaps, the defection of his handsome wife, who left him
in order to join her late sister’s husband, Manimuwa, a
young, healthy and handsome man of Wakayse (see ch.
vi, sec. i).

She often visited her sister, and during the

latter’s last illness she stayed for a long time with her
brother-in-law.

The issue was obvious: Manimuwa and

Dakiya formed an attachment and entered upon an illicit
intrigue, which ended in her joining him.
blamed for all the trouble.

Magic was

Even Bagido’u himself, the

deserted husband, would say that she was a good woman,
but that this bad man had first performed evil magic to
estrange her from her husband, and afterwards love magic
to seduce her.

Dakiya, in fact, was quoted as the classical

instance of the power of magic.

“Magic made the mind

of Dakiya; Manimuwa only remains in her mind.”

The

comic side of this otherwise sad story was that Bagido’u
had the reputation of being the greatest expert in the
magic of love.

Of course, my informants were ready

with explanations of the theoretical conundrums involved.
Finally to return once more to a story which is a case
in point: the tragedy of Namwana Guya’u’s expulsion
from the village by the kinsmen of Mitakata (see ch. i,
sec. 2).

On my return after more than a year’s absence

from the Trobriands, I met Namwana Guya’u in one of
the southern villages.
implacable as ever.

His hatred of Mitakata was as

When I asked him what had hap¬

pened to his enemy, he told me that the wife of Mitakata,
Orayayse, had rejected him (see pi. 25).

She was, as a

matter of fact, the first cousin of her husband’s enemy,
and I knew that her husband had sent her away for

political reasons.

But Namwana Guya’u hinted that he

had estranged her feelings from her husband by magic.
Then he enlarged on the bad habits of his enemy.

“He

tries to get hold of girls and they refuse him” } yet he
had to inform me that Mitakata had married Ge’umwala,
a young and pretty girl.

“Boge, ivakome minana; magila

imasisi deli; ndtage biva’i, i-payki—matauna ib?a”

“Al¬

ready he gave magic to her to eat} her desire to sleep
together} but to marry she refused—he took her by
force.”

Here then the value of the success was actually

minimized by its attribution to love magic} and the con¬
sent to marriage, which cannot be won by any such im¬
personal means, was denied to his enemy by Namwana
Guya’u!

In the Trobriands all positive magic has a negative
counterpart, in belief and theory at least, if not always
in reality.

The magic of health and disease is the clearest

example, for, against every rite and spell which produces
disease, there is a counter-magic which cures it.

The posi¬

tive magic of success, which accompanies each economic
enterprise, always implies the existence of a negative pre¬
ventive rite, which accounts for the possibility of failure in
positive magic.
So it is not surprising to find that love-charms have to
contend with a magic which acts in the opposite direction.
This is the magic of estrangement and oblivion, a depart¬
ment of black magic, generically called bulubwalata,

though in its narrower meaning this term designates just
this magic.

The root bulu on which the word is built is

also the formative element “pig” (bulukwa).

Whether

this means that the prototype of all this magic con¬
sists of the rites which aim at the dispersion of pigs
by malicious magic, I was unable to decide.

The fact

is, however, that this magic is used for sending away
pigs into the bush as well as for estranging wives and
sweethearts.
Whenever a man has reasons for hating a girl or, even
more often, her paramour or her husband, he will practise
this magic.

It acts upon her mind, and turns away her

affections from her husband or lover.

She leaves his

house, leaves her village, and wanders away.

The in¬

formant who gave me the following spells told me that
when the magic is administered in a mild form, the girl
will leave her husband or lover, but return to her own
village and her own people; but if it is given in a large
quantity, and properly, with minute observation of ac¬
curacy in spell and rite and in the taboos, she will run
away to the bush, lose her road, and maybe disappear for
ever.

In this, as in other types of magic, the man might

recite the initial spell only in order to produce a partial
effect, that is to alienate the girl’s feelings from her sweet¬
heart or husband.
The following formula has to be said over a piece of
food, or some tobacco, or some betel-nut, which is then
given to the victim.

It is called kabisilova (literally

“causing to reject”), and may be freely translated as
follows:

His name be extinguished, his name be rejected;
Extinguished at sunset, rejected at sunrise;
Rejected at sunset, extinguished at sunrise.
A bird is on the baku,
A bird which is dainty about its food.
I make it rejected!
His mint-magic, I make it rejected.
His kayro’iwa magic, I make it rejected.
His libomatu magic
His copulation magic
His horizontal magic
His horizontal movement
His answering movement
His love dalliance
His erotic scratching
His caresses of love
His love embraces
His bodily embracing
My kabisilova spell,
It worms its way within you,
The way of the earth heap in the bush gapes open,
The way of the refuse heap in the village is closed.

In the opening lines there is a play upon two words,
both of which contain the root of the verbs “to extinguish”
and “to reject.”

The spell begins, therefore, with an

anticipation of its primary effect.

It goes on to invoke

oblivion openly and in detail: all caresses are to be for¬
gotten.

Two lines follow to give power to the spell,

that it may insinuate itself into the mind of the girl,
and worm its way into all her thoughts.

Finally the

jungle is opened to the girl and the way to the village
closed.
The following spell, obtained from the same infor¬
mant, was said to be a stronger instalment of this magic.
It is administered in the same way, or else it is said over
some leaves and coco-nut husk, which are then burnt
above a fire, so that the evil-smelling smoke may enter
the nostrils of the girl to be bewitched.
it runs:

Freely translated

Woman, woman repelled,
Man, man repelled,
Woman, woman refusing,
Man, man refusing.
She is repelled, she refuses.
Thy man, thy sweetheart, startles and frightens you,
Swear at him, by his sister;
Tell him, “Eat thy filth.”
Thy road is behind the houses
His face disappears.
The way of the earth heap in the bush gapes open,
The way of the refuse heap in the village is closed.
His face disappears;
His face vanishes;
H is face gets out of the way;
His face becomes like that of a wood-spirit;
His face becomes as that of the ogre Dokonikan.
There falls, forsooth, a veil over thy eyes
The evil magic comes,
It covers completely the pupils of the eyes.
His mint-magic is as nought,
His love-magic is as nought,
His erotic scratchings are as nought,
H is love caresses are as nought,
His copulations are as nought,
His horizontal movement is as nought,
His movement in response is as nought,
His bodily relaxing is as nought.

The first period of the spell is then repeated up to
the words “she is repelled, she refuses,” and it then con¬
cludes:
Thy sun is westering, thy sun goes down.
Thy sun is westering, thy sun shines aslant
She is cut off, she goes far away,
She goes far away, she is cut off.

The only point in this formula which may need ex¬
planation is the sentence inviting the girl to swear by his
sister at her husband.

Such abuse is one of the deadliest

offences, and especially so between husband and wife.
We shall speak about it in chapter xiii.
Although the magic of the bulubwalata is negative in
regard to love magic, yet the evil done by it cannot be

undone by love formulae.

But if a man, in passing anger,

should have done great injury to a home by practising
this evil magic, there is, within its own system, a possible
remedy in the “fetching back” formula, the katuyumayamila (katuyumali—an archaic form of ka’imali, the ordi¬

nary form for “return, give back”).

This formula has to

be spoken in the open, owadola wala (“just in the
mouth”), as the natives say.

But the magician has to

recite it towards the various points of the compass suc¬
cessively, so that the magical virtue may reach the woman
wherever she may be wandering in the bush.

This

formula also begins by a play on words containing the
formative roots of the verbs “to make up” and “to at¬
tract.” Then follows:—
May my bulub'walata be blunt!
May my fetching magic be keen!
I am fetching back!
From the north-eastern quarter, I am fetching back;
From the south-eastern quarter, I am fetching back;
From the jungle of Ulawola, I am fetching back;
From the jungle of Tepila, I am fetching back;
The one who is like a woodsprite, I am fetching back;
From the stone heaps, I am fetching back;
From the boundary stone walls, I am fetching back;
From the fern thickets, I am fetching back;
With the smell of mint magic, I am fetching back;
I am fetching back thy mind, O woman!
Come back to us-thy-mother.
Come back to us-thy-father.
Tear open the house,
Tease and tear off my hair,
Tread on my floor,
And lie on my bed,
Come and pass over the threshold,
Come and remain at thy dung-heap,
Let us continue to dwell together,
Within our house.

Here the intention of the opening sentences is clear,
the evil magic is to be impotent, the good magic effective.

The Last Touch to the Dancers’ Toilet

Ready for the Final Dance

The truant is called back from the several points of the
compass and from the two parts of the jungle (Ulawola
and Tepila), one in the North and the other in the
South, which, surrounded by marshes (dumia), are per¬
haps the most inaccessible spots in the main island of the
Trobriands, and are regarded as the home of the bush pig.
The last part, as the reader has probably noticed, is built
on the same pattern as the formula of the love magic.
The compound words “us-thy-mother,” “us-thy-father”
are constructed with the inclusive dual possessive ma.
Thus by the magical virtue of this charm the man and
woman should not only be as husband and wife should be
to one another in the conjugal house, but as the father
and mother in the parental home also.
This formula is said to be very powerful, and to have
restored married happiness to scores of broken households.
With the pious hope that this is true we may conclude
the present chapter.
Chapter 12
So far we have studied the psychology of sex as it is
embodied in stereotyped behaviour} that is, in customs,
institutions, and in magic.

In short, in order to gauge

his attitude towards sex, we have studied how a Trobriander acts.

Now we must turn to such manifestations

of sexual ideas and feelings as are to be found in dreams,
day-dreams, and folk-tales j that is, in his free and set
fantasies about the past, about the future, about distant
countries, and above all about his life in the next world.
This chapter will be simply a record of collected data,
but even such records are inevitably made with certain
problems in view and are influenced by the mental atti¬
tude of the recorder.

Some academic pedants are apt to

contemn any signs of a wider knowledge or of intelligence
on the part of an observer of fact.

Theory should be

eliminated from field-work, so they say} but to my mind
this is mere intellectual hypocrisy, under the cloak of
purism.

The observations which I have made were not

recorded by some mechanical device or apparatus, but
were made with my own eyes and ears, and controlled
by my own brain.

The trick of relevant observation con¬

sists, in fact, in this very control.

It is quite inevitable

that my field-work should have been affected by my ideas,

interests, and even prejudices.

The honest way is to

state them so that they may be more easily detected and,
if it appears necessary, discounted and eliminated.

The

other way is to conceal them as skilfully as possible.
The observations to be recorded in this chapter were
mostly done before
stimulated.

my

psycho-analytic interest was

In my earlier work, I looked upon folk-lore

as a direct expression of social and cultural conditions.
When I found a certain motive, such as that of incest or
breach of exogamy, in folk-lore, I felt that it was puz¬
zling, but I did not see that it was significant.

I treated

it as an exception which confirms the rule, rather than as
a clue to further inquiry into typical social taboos and
repressions.

I paid little attention to the investigation of

dreams, of day-dreams, and of free fantasies.

It did

not take me long to see that dreams did not play the part
among the Trobrianders ascribed to them by Tylor and
others, and after that I did not trouble much more about
them.
Later only, stimulated by some literature sent to me by
Dr. C. G. Seligman and by his advice, did I begin to test
Freud’s theory of dreams as the expression of “repressed”
wishes and of the “unconscious,” as the ti(?gutivB of
acknowledged and official principle and morality.

In

doing this, I came upon important correlations between
folk-lore and fancy on the one hand, and social organiza¬
tion on the other; and was able to discover certain under¬
currents of desire and inclination running counter to the
established order of ideas and sentiments, which appear,
on the surface, insignificant and capricious, but which are

in reality of great sociological importance.1 That in the
course of my inquiry I had to reject far more of psycho¬
analytic doctrine than I could accept does not in any way
diminish my obligation j and my results showed beyond
all doubt how even a theory which has, in the light of
investigation, to be partly rejected can stimulate and
inspire.
The source of illicit feelings and inclinations is to be
found in the social taboos of a community. And the
failure, indeed the explicit disinclination, of psycho¬
analysts to take social organization seriously, stultifies
almost completely their own application of their doctrine
to anthropology.2
Though no reference will be made to these points in
what follows, it was fairer to indicate them at the start,
as they have played some part in the discovery and a con¬
siderable part in the presentation of the material given in
this and in the following chapters.
i

Spontaneous dreams are not of any great importance
in the life of the Trobrianders. On the whole the natives
appear to dream but seldom, have little interest in their
dreams, and do not often tell their experiences on waking
or refer to dreams in order to explain a belief or justify
1 Part of my results I have published in the two books on Crime and
Custom and Sex and Repression.
2 The reader will find this argument substantiated in my Sex and Re¬

pression.

a line of conduct.

No prophetic meaning is ascribed to

ordinary dreams, nor is there any system or code for their
symbolic interpretation.
Our interest is mainly in sexual and erotic dreams; but,
in order to understand these, it is necessary to form some
idea of the native’s attitude to dreams in general.

And

at the outset it must be understood that by “ordinary” or
“free” dreams, I mean spontaneous visions arising in
sleep, in response to physiological stimuli, to moods and
emotional experiences, to memories of the day and of the
past.

Such is the material of the dreams which come to

every human being, and they play, as I have said, a small
part in Trobriand culture, and are apparently rare and
easily forgotten.
Quite another class of dreams are those which are
prescribed and defined by custom.

These are expected

of certain people by virtue of their position or of some
task that they have undertaken, as a consequence of magic
which they have performed, or which has been performed
upon them, or of the influence of spiritual beings.

Such

stereotyped or standardized dreams are expected, hoped
for, and awaited; and this might easily account for the
frequency of their occurrence and for the ease with which
they are remembered.
It should be noted that the distinction between free
and standardized dreams is not made in native termi¬
nology nor even formulated in native doctrine.

But as

will presently be seen, it is embodied in behaviour and
in the general attitude towards dreams.
In standardized dreams, a prominent part is played by

visions of departed spirits.

They appear to people in

sleep under appropriate circumstances and at certain
seasons.

This is in fact one of the chief ways in which

they manifest their existence to the living.

But not all

dreams about the departed are regarded as true.

The

appearance may be either a sasopa (lie, illusion) or a real
baloma (spirit).

Real spirits always come with a pur¬

pose and under conditions in which they can properly be
expected.

1 hus if a recently dead person appears in

sleep to a surviving relative, giving him some important
message or announcing his death at a distance—such a
dream is true.

Or when a well-known seer or spiritistic

medium is visited in his sleep and next day announces the
message he has received, no one doubts the reality of his
vision.

Or when people go to the island of Tuma and

there dream of dead relatives, no doubt exists in the na¬
tive mind that these really have appeared to them.

Or

again, in the moon of milamala, when the spirits of the
dead return to the villages, they will appear to the head¬
man, or to some other notable person, in his sleep and
convey to him their wishes.

Several such nocturnal visits

occurred during my residence in the Trobriands.1

At

times a substitution will take place, as when an old woman
appeared to her son and told him that she was dead, while,
in reality, it was the mother of another boy working on
the same plantation who had died in the distant Trobri¬
ands.

But there are also visions of dead friends and rela¬

tives who tell untrue things, announce events which never
1 Cf. my article in the Journ. of the R. Anthrop. Inst., 1916, sec
dd
sq.
3>

happened, or behave in an unseemly manner.

Such

dreams are not caused by spirits, who, say the natives,
have nothing to do with them; and they are not true.
Another important type of dream in which spirits play
a part are those which are initiated by some condition in
the dreamer.

Whereas in visitations at the milamala, or

from the spirit island of Tuma, or directly after the death
of some person, it is the recently deceased who are seen,
in this other class of dreams ancestral spirits of old stand¬
ing are active.

Thus when a child is to be born (see ch.

viii), the spirit of an ancestress appears and announces the
coming incarnation.

More important are the visits of

ancestral spirits associated with the art of magic, in which
spirits play a considerable part.

Many spells begin with

a list of persons who have at one time wielded this magic.
Such lists of ancestral names are perhaps the most uni¬
versal feature of Trobriand spells.

In certain magical

rites, spirits receive offerings of food with a short invo¬
cation; in return they show some concern for the aims of
the rite and communicate with the magician, thus affect¬
ing not only the ritual but also the practical activity which
goes with it.

For a magician has in most cases not merely

to utter the spell and perform the ritual, but also com¬
prehensively to control the practical activity with which
his magic is connected.
To put it more concretely: the ex officio leader of a
kula expedition, the traditional organizer of fishing and

hunting, the hereditary master-in-charge of the gardens,
invariably wields the magic proper to these pursuits.

In

virtue of both offices, he is credited with deeper knowl389

edge and greater foresight than his associates.

For one

thing, he is liable, under the control of ancestral spirits,
to dream about his enterprise.

Thus the master of the

gardens, in dreams inspired by his predecessors in office,
will learn of impending drought or rain, and he will give
advice and orders accordingly.

The fishing magician

hears from his ancestral spirit of shoals coming through
this or that passage in the reef, or swimming along a cer¬
tain channel on the lagoon, and he will order his team to
set out in the morning and to cast their nets at the appro¬
priate spot and hour.1
A cynical ethnographer might be tempted to suspect
that such prophetic dreams are double-edged: when they
come true, this is not only practically useful, but proves
the goodwill of ancestors and the validity of magic; when
they do not come true, it is a sign that the spirits are angry
and that they are punishing the community for some rea¬
son, and still the truth of magical tradition is upheld.
The dream in any case serves its purpose to the magician.
And indeed, in these latter days of disbelief and decay
of custom, the spirits have frequent occasion to become
angry, and the magician needs all the means at his dis¬
posal to vindicate his personal authority and to maintain
belief in his powers.

But in the old days, as even now in

districts with an unimpaired tradition, there was no ques1 Compare the more detailed descriptions of these facts given in other
places: for the part played by ancestral spirits in magic, article on
“Baloma: The Spirits of the Dead in the Trobriand Islands,” Journal of
the Royal Anthropological Institute, 1916, pp. 384-482; for prophetic
dreams, p. 366; for milamala dreams, p. 379; for pregnancy dreams, chap,
vii of this book and “Baloma,” pp. 406-18; for the psychology of magical
filiation and the relation between magic and myth, Myth in Primitive
Psychology, and chap, xii of Argonauts of the Western Pacific.

tion of made-up dreams.

In any case they were not born

of anxiety for his own position, but of care for the success
of the enterprise he was controlling.

The garden magi-

, cian, the head fisherman, the leader of an expedition,
identifies himself to a great extent in ambition, in hope,
and in effort, with the communal interest.

He is ex¬

tremely keen that all should go well, that his village
should surpass all others, that his ambition and pride
should be justified and win the day.
There are also dream revelations connected with the
black magic by which disease and death are produced.
Here it is the victim who has the vision, and, in fact, this
is one of the ways of detecting which sorcerer, by evil
spells and rites, has caused his illness.

Since the sick man

always suspects one or other among his enemies of prac¬
tising or of purchasing sorcery, it is no wonder that such
dreams reveal a culprit.

However, they are naturally not

regarded as “subjective,” but as a by-product of the evil
magic.
Yet another class of dreams, to which allusion has
already been made (ch. xi, sec. 7), is the dream induced
by magic not indirectly and secondarily, but as its main
effect.

The natives have a definite theory of magic acting

through dreams upon the human mind.

In connection

with the half-commercial, half-ceremonial exchange of
the kula, the magic of compulsion to generosity (the
mwasila) will be performed, and this acts upon the mind

of the other party to the transaction.

Although distant

hundreds of miles and separated by stormy seas and
reefs, the latter will be visited by the “dream response”

(kirhala) of this magic.

He will dream agreeably and

benevolently of the magic maker, his mind (nanola) will
soften towards him, and he will be generous in his prepa¬
ration of gifts.1
Some forms of love magic described in the previous
chapter are based on the same assumption.

Erotic dreams

(kirisala) are the response to certain charms.

Dreams of

a sexual or erotic nature are in fact always attributed to
magic.

A boy or girl dreams of a person of the opposite

sex; this means that this person has performed love magic.
A boy dreams that a certain girl enters his house, speaks
to him, approaches him, lies beside him on the mat,
though before she had been unwilling to talk to him or
even to look at him.

Her shyness has been only pretence.

All the time she was preparing or even performing magic.
In the dream, she is loving and submissive; she permits
all caresses and the most intimate approach.

The boy

wakes up: “It is all an illusion (sasopa, literally, a lie),”
he thinks.
mat.”

“But no, there is seminal fluid spilt over the

The girl, in her dream-form, has been there.

He

knows that she makes magic for him and already is halfinclined to pursue her.

This is an account, noted down

partly in native as it was given to me, from the man’s
point of view; but an analogous dream would come to a
girl.

It is characteristic that the dream takes place, not

in the mind of the performer, but in that of his victim.
A married man would try to conceal such visitations
11 am afraid I have not made this point quite clear in Argonauts of
the Western Pacific (cf., however, pp. 102, 202, 203, 360, and 361). Most
spells of the kula magic act at a distance upon the partner’s mind, even
as they are recited at home.

from his wife, for she would be angry because he had had
congress in dreams with another woman.

Also she would

know that the other woman had made magic and would
* be specially watchful, so that the man would find it diffi¬
cult to follow up the dream intrigue.
One very important class of erotic dreams are those of
an incestuous nature.

There are, however, serious diffi¬

culties in the way of any inquiry about them.

Free and

easy as these natives are, by custom and convention, in
most sexual matters, they become extremely sensitive and
prudish whenever their specific sexual taboos are touched
upon.

This is especially true of incest taboos, and above

all of that one concerning the brother-sister relation.

It

would have been quite impossible for me to inquire di¬
rectly into the incestuous dream experiences of any of my
informants 5 but even the general question, whether inces¬
tuous dreams occurred, would be met with indignation or
vehement denial.

Only by dint of very gradual and

guarded inquiry among my most trustworthy informants,
was I able to find out that such dreams do occur and that,
in fact, they are a well-known nuisance.

“A man is some¬

times sad, ashamed and ill-tempered.

Why?

Because

he has dreamed that he had connection with his sister,”
and “This made me feel ashamed,” such a man would
say.

The fact that the incestuous dream, especially as

between brother and sister, occurs frequently and disturbs
the minds of the natives considerably, accounts in part for
the strong emotional reaction to any inquiry into the sub¬
ject.

The lure of “forbidden fruit,” which everywhere

haunts men in dreams and day-dreams, suggests inces-

tuous motives in Trobriand folk-tales and has for ever
associated love and the magic of love with the myth of
incest (ch. xiv).
It is important to note that, as we shall see presently,
even incestuous erotic dreams are excused on the ground
that some magic has been misapplied, accidentally mis¬
directed, or wrongly performed with regard to the
dreamer.
We are now in a position to formulate more precisely
the native attitude towards dreams.

All true dreams are

in response to magic or to spiritual influence, and are not
spontaneous. The distinction between free or spontaneous
dreams on the one hand and stereotyped dreams on the
other, corresponds roughly to the native distinction be¬
tween dreams which are s as of a (a lie or illusion), and
those which are induced by magic or spirits—that is, are
true, relevant and prophetic; or again to the difference
between dreams which come without, and those which
come with an u’ula (cause or reason).

While the natives

do not attach much importance to spontaneous dreams,
they regard the others as of the same substance as magical
influence and as possessing a reality comparable to that of
the spirit world.

The inconsistencies and lacunas in their

beliefs about dreams are similar to those found in their
ideas of an after-life in a disembodied state.

Most con¬

spicuous in their belief, perhaps, is the view that magic
first realizes its effect in dreams which, by influencing the
mind, can thus bring about objective changes and events.
Thus all “true” dreams may be actually prophetic.
Another interesting link between dreams and the mys394

tical doctrine of the Trobriander is the recurrence of
clairvoyant visions in myths and folk-tales—a subject
only to be touched on here.

Thus we shall see in the

' myth of the origins of love, that the man from Iwa is led
to discover the tragic double suicide and the magical spray
of mint by a dream of what has occurred in the grotto.
In a myth about the origins of sorcery, a brother sees in
a dream that his sister has been killed by the primeval
crab-wizard.

In a folk-tale to be related presently, about

the snake and the two women, a man from Wawela
dreams of the distressed maiden and comes to her rescue.
In other folk-tales, events happening in a different place
are visualized, or a rhyme sung at a distance acts as a
spell and produces day-dreams.
It is clear that dream, day-dream, magical incantation,
realization by ritual and mythological precedent are
welded into an interlocking system of self-confirmatory
realities.

Dreaming is conceived as one of the real mani¬

festations of magic, and, as it is a definite personal expe¬
rience, it brings home the efficacy of the specific magic
employed.

It is thus an important empirical link in the

doctrine of magical efficiency and of mythological reality,
one which should not be overlooked if we want to under¬
stand the psychology of belief among the Trobrianders.
The subject of dreams in general, and erotic dreams in
particular, throws valuable light on the natives flow of
imagination and desire.

The psychology of their dreams

is closely parallel to that of romantic love and of “falling
in love.”

In native tradition and official doctrine we find

a distrust of spontaneous and free elements, of untram395

melled and unprescribed impulses in conduct.

Similarly

we find that the legitimate and true in dreams is always
due to some definite motive, once for all laid down by
tradition 5 and among the motives by far the most impor¬
tant is magic.
That this official view does not cover the facts, that it
is not completely true to them, is obvious.

In dreams

as in romantic love and love impulse, human nature
breaks through and flatly contradicts dogma, doctrine, and
tradition.

Incestuous dreams are the best example of this.

Established doctrine in the Trobriands as elsewhere makes
use of man’s susceptibility to authoritative suggestion, and
of his tendency to be impressed by positive instances and
to forget negative ones.

It first makes the distinction

between true and false dreams j then minimizes, explains
away, or forgets contradictory instances, while using all
confirmatory ones as further proof of its validity.

Thus

incest, whether in myth, reality, or dream, is always ex¬
plained by an accidental misuse of magic.

This motive is

as clear and prominent in the Trobriand story of incest as
in our own myth of Tristan and Isolde.

In passing to the expression of sex in folk-lore, we must
bear in mind that Trobriand manners do not ban sex as
a subject for conversation, save in the presence of certain
tabooed relatives, and Trobriand morals do not condemn
extra-marital intercourse, except in the forms of adultery

and incest.

The attraction of the subject and its piquancy

is not due, therefore, to the feeling that it is socially and
artificially forbidden.

And yet there is no doubt that the

•natives regard bawdiness as “improper” j that there is a
certain strain about it, barriers to be broken and a shyness
to overcome and a corresponding enjoyment in getting rid
of the strain, breaking the barriers and overcoming the
shyness.
It follows from this emotional attitude that sex is sel¬
dom treated crudely and brutally; that there is a con¬
siderable difference in the manner and tone adopted to¬
wards it by, for instance, a coarse fellow of low rank who
has no social dignity to maintain, and the descendant of
chieftains who touches sexual subjects, but touches them
lightly, with refinement, subtlety, or wit.

In short, man¬

ners exist in this matter and are socially valued and graded
according to rank.

Sex, like excretory functions and

nudity, is not felt or regarded as “natural,” but rather as
naturally to be avoided in public and open conversation,
and always to be concealed from others in behaviour 5
hence, to repeat, the “improper” interest in occasional
infringements.
Folk-lore, the systematized forms of oral and intel¬
lectual tradition, includes significant games and sports,
carving and decorative art, folk-tales, typical sayings,
jokes, and swearing.

In the Trobriands, representations

of sexual matters are completely absent from decorative
art and from dancing.

The only exceptions to this rule

are to be found in certain artistically inferior modern
productions, invented under the decomposing influence of

European culture, though not in any way influenced by
European patterns.

Dancing and decorative art, there¬

fore, do not fall within our scope.

For the rest, sexual

elements in games and sports have already been discussed,
sex in joking and swearing will be dealt with in the next
chapter, and there remain, for our present consideration,
sexual folk-tales and the bawdy figures and sayings con¬
nected with “cat’s-cradles.”
String figures or cat’s-cradles (ninikula) are played by
children and adults in the day time during the rainy
months from November to January, that is, in the sea¬
son when the evenings are passed in reciting folk-tales.
On a wet day, a group of people will sit under the over¬
hanging roof of a yam house or on a covered platform
and one will display his skill to an admiring audience.
Each set of figures has a name, a story, and an interpre¬
tation.

Some also have a ditty (vinavina), which is

chanted while the artist evolves and manipulates the
figure.

Many sets are completely devoid of sex interest.

Among the dozen or so which I have recorded the fol¬
lowing ones show pornographic details.1
In kola kasesa Ba’u (the clitoris of Ba’u) the per¬
former, after preliminary manipulations, produces a de¬
sign (Diagr. A, in Fig. Ill) in which two large loops are
formed in the main plane of the figure, while at the bot¬
tom of each, a smaller loop sticks out at right angles to
the main plane.

The large loops each represent a vulva

and the smaller ones a clitoris.

There is obviously a little

XI did not make any attempt to record the technique of cat’s-cradles.
In each set I merely recorded the significant figure or figures, the mean¬
ing and the psychology.

Fig. 3.—Cats’-Cradles

<o

anatomical inaccuracy in this arrangement, since in nature
there is only one organ and in this the clitoris is placed at
the top and not at the bottom of the vulva.

But, no

- doubt, Ba’u was an anomaly.
The figure complete, the artist skilfully wriggles his
fingers, producing a movement first in one and then in
the other of the clitoris loops.

While thus engaged, he

recites rhythmically, but not without jocular inflections,
the following words:
Kola kasesa

Ba’u (repeated)

Her clitoris of Ba’u (repeated)
Kam kasesam, kam kasesam, etc.

Thy clitoris,

thine, etc.

which might be freely rendered: “Look, that is the cli¬
toris of Ba’u, that is her clitoris.
thy clitoris!”

O Ba’u, thy clitoris, O

The movements and song are repeated a

number of times, to the great amusement of both onlook¬
ers and artist; then the figure is undone, to a repetition
of the words:
Syagara dyaytu dyaytuy Syagara dyaytu dyaytu, etc.

These words are merely onomatopoetic, imitating the
rhythmic beat of the drums in dance music.

Ba’u is ob¬

viously a female personality, but nothing is known of her
besides what we learn from this performance.

The cli¬

toris is a favourite subject for jokes, stories, and allusions.
It is often used in pars pro toto figures of speech and is
regarded as a specially attractive and funny detail in the
female organism.

A short set, entitled with some directness and sim¬
plicity “copulation” (kayta), represents this function in
a naturally somewhat conventionalized manner.

The

strings (Diagr. B, in Fig. Ill) are made to form a dou¬
ble cross, in which the horizontal arm represents the
woman and the vertical the man.

The strings are then

pulled so that the centre loop, which represents the geni¬
tals, moves rapidly, up and down, and right and left, and
this, to the imagination of the amused onlookers, stands
for the characteristic motion in sexual congress.

There

is no ditty to this set.
Tokaylasi, the adulterer (C, in Fig. Ill), is a more

complicated set and requires both hands, the two big toes
and the heels for its composition.

The accompanying

commentary is just spoken in ordinary prose.

The first

figure (C, i) is formed, in its significant section, of two
isosceles triangles, one above the other and touching by
the apex.

These triangles represent the adulterer and the

wife engaged in the act of copulation.

To indicate this,

strings are manipulated so that the point of contact moves
up and down, while each triangle in turn increases and
decreases in size.

At the same time the artist declares in

unambiguous language: “This is the adulterer5 this is the
wife; they copulate.”

The figure will not be devoid of

significance to those acquainted with the native method of
copulation described above (ch. x, sec. 12).
The figure is then dissolved to the artist’s comment:
tokaylasi bila wa bagula, “the adulterer goes to the gar¬

den.”

He then adds: layla la mwala, “the husband

comes”—and by that time the strings form a figure con400

sisting of two loops placed at an angle (C, 2).

As these

loops begin to move in their turn, each shrinking and
expanding (C, 3 and 4), he says placidly: Ikayta la
* kwava, “he has intercourse with his wife.”

Thus adul¬

tery in the Trobriands is represented by two triangles
instead of one.
One more cat’s-cradle of a purely anatomical character
has still to be mentioned.

It is named after the hero

Sikwemtuya, though this personality has no other claim
to fame than his cat’s-cradle.

Four loops symmetrically

disposed around the central point (D, in Fig. Ill) repre¬
sent the head, the legs and the two testicles of Sikwem¬
tuya.

Then this duologue is sung:

“Sikwemtuya, Sikwemtuya avaka kuvagi?”
“Sikwemtuya, Sikwemtuya what art thou doing?”
<(Bayamata la

kaybaba

guya'u”

“I guard

the decorated food of the chief.”

<(Bagise

puwam?”

“May I see your testicles?”
With the last words, one of the testicles begins to en¬
large and to move slowly, while Sikwemtuya, through the
mouth of the artist, utters a self-satisfied grunting noise,
somewhat like ka ka ka ka . . .

He is then requested to

show the other one,
((Tagise

piliyuwela,”

“Let’s see the other one,”
and answers with the same words, ka ka ka ka . . . and
a similar exhibition of his second testicle.

I should like to add that the comical effect of the
grunting noises, ka, kay kay kay is irresistible, and would
be as much envied by a modern (and somewhat risque)
cabaret artist, as Melanesian or West African carvings
and modellings are admired by modern sculptors.

But

it is very difficult to render linguistic effects and a sense
of fun and ribaldry embodied in speech through the me¬
dium of another tongue, whereas decorative art, sculp¬
ture, and music speak their own universal language.

sex in folk-lore: faceti;e

In the matter of stories, we will begin with the amus¬
ing folk-tales (kukwanebu) told during the evenings of
the rainy season for the entertainment of young and old.
They contain accounts of avowedly fantastic and unbe¬
lievable events y they are meant to stir the imagination, to
pass the time pleasantly, and, above all, to raise a laugh
—at times a very ribald laugh.1

A few of them are en¬

tirely devoid of sexual or scatological motives, and can
only be touched on here.

There is the tale about fire

and water, in which fire threatens to burn water, but
water touches it and quenches it.

There is one in which

a greedy crab wants to catch the fruit collected by a grass¬
hopper, but the fruit falls on him and he is killed.

A

pretty story is told of a beautiful girl who is wooed by
the birds.

She finds fault with one after another, and

* For a more detailed account of the sociological and cultural character
of these stories and their relation to other types of folk-lore cf. Myth in
Primitive Psychology.

finally accepts the smallest and most modest among them.
A tale is told of the legendary ogre Dokonikan; his gar¬
dens are robbed by a girl who is imprisoned by him and
then set free by the youngest of her five brothers; and
another describes a contest between the same ogre and a
-hero.

The latter tale is told, in certain districts, not as a

myth but as a funny story.

A purely gustatory account

of two brothers, who, after a time of starvation, over-ate
to bursting point, provokes much laughter by its entirely
innocent jokes.
Only in one story does the fun turn on defecation: a
man sticks to a tree after he has relieved himself, and
dies as his relatives try to pull him free.

In the tale of

the louse and the butterfly, the joke consists in the louse
emitting a resounding noise from the rectum, by which
explosion he is thrown olf the butterfly’s back and drowned
in the sea.
I will now relate the stories with a sexual motive, giv¬
ing them in order of increasing ribaldry.
The Snake and the Two Women.—Two sisters go in
search of eggs. The younger, in spite of a warning, takes
away the eggs of the snake.

The mother snake chases

the thief through all the villages, and finds her at last
roasting the eggs in her own village of Kwabulo.

To

punish her, the snake enters her body through the vulva,
coiling up inside it with only the tail and the nose stick¬
ing out.

After which, as the natives put it:

ivagi

kirisala,

ikarisaki

matala

it makes

dream response

it induces dream

eye his

Gumwawela
man of Wawela.

In other words, this happening brought about a dream
response, it induced a vision before the eyes of a man of
Wawela.

This man comes to the rescue and, by magic,

induces the snake to creep out, when he kills it.
The Two Brothers and the Chiefs Wife.—A younger
brother goes to a distant chief’s garden, meets the chief’s
wife there and they fornicate under a mango tree.

He

is caught by the outraged husband, who brings him to the
village and places him on a high platform, to await his
death.

However, his brother rescues him by magic, and

makes all the men of that village disappear by the same
means} after which the two marry the women and settle
down.
The Reef Heron and Ilakavetega.—Ilakavetega is an
old woman who lives with her granddaughters.

These

go to the seashore, where they meet a reef heron who
inquires who they are.
Ilakavetega.”
intones:

“We are the granddaughters of

“Tell her then,” answers the bird, and

Kaypwada'u

wila,

Full of sores

cunnus hers,

k ay pill pill

wila,

full of small sores

cunnus hers,

kaypwadahuyala

wilay

sore covered

cunnus hers,

kaykumikumi

wila:

eaten away by sores

cunnus hers:

ihusi

kalu momonay

It flows down

her

discharge,

akanuwasi

yaegu

bo’i.

I lap it up

myself

reef heron.

This somewhat gratuitous insult is repeated in full and
with the same sing-song intonation to the grandmother,
who accompanies her granddaughters to the seashore next
day, meets the reef heron and hears what he has to say
for herself, so that his song is chanted three times in the
course of the narrative.

The heron unfortunately gets

entangled among the coral on the reef, and is caught,
killed, and eaten, but the interests of poetic justice are
served, for a sorcerer kills Ilakavetega and her grand¬
daughters to avenge the death of this amiable and witty
bird.

Also the sorcerer copulates with each of his victims

before killing them.
The Stingaree.—In this story the ribald and dramatic
interest are nicely balanced.

In the village of Okayboma

there lives a woman, mother of five sons, who is endowed
with the anatomical anomaly of five clitorises.1

In the

tidal creek of that village dwells a giant stingaree.

One

day when the boys are out in the taro-garden, the sting¬
aree flops up the mangrove swamp, gets into the village,
and enters the house, intoning a ribald and cruel ditty:
O vavari, vavari,

O vavari, vavari,

Vart to’iy to’i.
Afiasisi,

afaneha,

I cut it sore,

I scarify it,

1 The arithmetical expert will, no doubt, discover that the old lady had
six clitorises.
I reproduce the native story as it was given me.

4-05

magusisiy

magusike’iy

I want to cut it,

I want to cut at it,

oritala

wild

inumwaya’iy

one

cunnus hers

slackens,

bayadi

kala kasesa}

I saw

her

clitoris,

ba’ilituliy

bitotina,

biwokwo.

I cut off,

it snaps,

it is over.

This may be rendered, the onomatopoetic words being
repeated as they occur: “O vavari, vavari, vari to'i, to’i—
I cut it and make a scar of it, I cut it with a will, I like
to cut at it, one part of her vulva has got slack, I shall
saw off one of her clitorises, I saw it off till it snaps and
is gone.”
The stingaree then proceeds to business, copulates with
the old woman and cuts off one of her multiple append¬
ages.

My native informants, in their commentary, af¬

firmed that the va’i had a penis; but it seems more likely
that those who originally contributed to the making of
the story were inspired by the long, saw-edged dart in
the middle of the stingaree’s tail, which, were it used as
a sexual instrument, would certainly have the baleful re¬
sults described in the story.
The sons come back and the mother complains; so the
eldest one offers to protect her next day.

But when the

stingaree flops along into the village, and when he intones
his sadistic ditty, and when this chant, like a magical spell,
produces a portent (kariyala) in the form of lightning
and thunder, the son runs away and the mother is de406

prived of another kasesa (clitoris).

Nor do the second,

third, and fourth brothers behave any better.

Four times

does the stingaree repeat every word of his ditty and

every detail of his behaviour, until the mother is left with
but one clitoris, and only the youngest son to defend it
and to save her life.

For the story assures us that she

could not survive the loss of all the five kasesa.
The youngest son prepares a number of spears made
of strong hardwood, places them all along the road which
the cruel fish has to traverse from the creek-head to the
house, and then waits in ambush.
When the stingaree appears, he sings his ditty for the
last time.

Now, however, he sings: “One only, a solitary

one clitoris remains.

I have come, I shall finish it off; it

will be over with her clitorises, she will die.”

I shall

quote the end of the narrative in free translation.
“The stingaree imagines that he will enter the house.
The son sits high up, on the raised platform in front of
the house.

He grasps the spear, he pierces the stingaree.

This runs away; the man, however, comes down.

He

takes the spear made of se'ulawola wood, which he had
stuck in the areca palm.

He throws it, and the impact

causes the stingaree to stand up.
pierced it also.

The next spear has

The man runs to the natu fruit tree, takes

the spear made of tawaga wood and throws it.

He runs

to the mango tree and takes the spear of hard palm wood,
he pierces the stingaree’s eye.

He takes a strong cudgel

and hammers the stingaree till it dies.”

The story ends

with the return of the elder brothers who disbelieve the
young man’s story, until they are convinced by the sight

of the stingaree’s corpse.

Then the fish is cut up and

distributed among those lagoon villages in which it is not,
as is usual in the Trobriands, considered an abomination.
The Story of Digawina.—The heroine’s name etymo¬
logically defines her anatomical peculiarities and her char¬
acter.

The root diga means “to fill out,” “to pack into”;

wina is the dialectic and archaic form of wila, cunnus.
Digawina is endowed with very large and comprehensive
genitals.

It is her custom to attend the big distributions

of food (sagali) made after a man has died, and to steal
more than her share; packing coco-nuts, yams, taro, areca
nuts, betel pods, large chunks of sugar cane, and whole
bunches of bananas into her vagina.

Thus things mys¬

teriously disappear, to the great annoyance of all others
present, and particularly of those who arrange the feast.
Her practices are discovered at last.

The master of the

next distribution conceals a large black mangrove crab
(kaymagu) among the food, who cuts through her kasesa
(clitoris) and thus kills her.

With this tragic event the

story ends.
The White Cockatoo and the Clitoris.—A woman
named Karawata gave birth to a white cockatoo, who flew
away into the bush.

One day Karawata went to the gar¬

den, telling her kasesa (clitoris) to look after the kumkumuri (earth baking oven).
dently: Kekekeke.

The kasesa replies confi¬

But the white cockatoo has seen

everything from the bush; he swoops down and strikes
the clitoris, who cries out plaintively: Kikikiki, and top¬
ples over, while the cockatoo eats the contents of the oven.
(It is necessary to imagine the big, flat mound-like earth

oven, the tiny clitoris standing on guard, and the cruel
white cockatoo watching sardonically for its chance. The
absurdity of the situation appeals to the natives’ sense of
, the ludicrous.)
Next day, Karawata says again to her kasesa: “Let us
catch pig, get some yams, and bake it all in the earth.”
Again she takes off her kasesa, and leaves it to look after
the oven, and the kasesa says confidently as before:
Kekekeke. Again the white cockatoo descends from the
branch, strikes the kasesa, who, with a plaintive kikikiki,
topples overj and again the cockatoo eats the contents of
the oven. Next day the woman says: “I shall go to gar¬
den and you look properly after the food.” Kekekeke,
answers the kasesa, but all that happened on the two pre¬
vious days is repeated, and Karawata and her kasesa die
of hunger.
Mwoydakema.—This hero sees two women who are
going to fetch salt water from the beach. He hails them:
Wo!
Wo!

tayyu
two
kada
our (dual)

vivila!
women!

Wo!
Wo!

mitakuku
nibbled eyelashes

mitakuku,
nibbled eyelashes,
yoku.
thou.

This, in free translation, means:
“Hullo! two women are coming. Hullo! Sweethearts,
those with whom I would like to exchange nibbling of
eyelashes.”
The women answer:
O gala
O not

ikwani.
it grips.

Which amounts more or less to our colloquial “Nothing
doing.”
Mwoydakema then exclaims:
0/ kimali kadi kimali yoku,
which means: “O thou, erotic scratching”j

in other

words: “You with whom I would like to exchange erotic
scratches.”
The women, however, walk on and leave him to the
polishing of his stone axe.

But he runs ahead of them

to the beach and, by means of a magic ditty, moves the
sea, which covers him and leaves him buried in the sand
with only the penis sticking out.
The women come upon this solitary object on the
beach, and begin to quarrel about to whom it belongs.
Finally, one after the other, they bestride it, pulling each
other off, and each wanting to enjoy it as long as possible.
This to the natives is the most hilarious part of the nar¬
rative.

After they have gone, Mwoydakema shakes off

the sand, runs back to his axe, and hails the women again
(almost in the same words) as they walk back from the
beach.

Next day the same events are repeated, and the

women have three turns each at the “stick” (as they call
it) on the beach.

On the third day the same thing hap¬

pens again, but after the women have enjoyed the “stick,”
they conceive the idea of digging it up and taking it home.
They gradually discover the various parts of Mwoyda¬
kema, till he jumps up and runs away.

And when they

go back to the village they have to pass him once more,
and he teases them with their performances.

Momovala.—Momovala goes with his daughter to the

garden and sends her up a tree.

He looks up and sees

her genitals, and emits the long-drawn katugogova.

This

is produced by giving voice on a high-pitched note, while
the sound is interrupted by the rapid beating of the mouth
with the hand.

It is used to express intense emotional

excitement of a pleasant kind.
screamed.

She asks him why he

“I saw a green lory,” he answers.

The same

sequence is repeated, and he mentions another bird, and
so on several times over.

When she comes down from

the tree, the father has already discarded his pubic leaf
and is in a state of erection.

She is very confused, and

weeps.

He, however, seizes her, and copulates and copu¬

lates.

After all is over, she sings a ditty which may be

rendered: “O Momovala, Momovala!
father my father.

Gut of my gut,

Father by name, he seized me, he

brought me, he wronged me.”

The mother hears her

and guesses what has happened.

“Already he has got

hold of the girl and copulated.

I shall go and see.”

The mother meets them, the girl complains and the
father denies.

The girl goes to the seashore with all her

belongings, and sings to a shark to come and eat up, first
her wooden board for the making of grass skirts, then
her basket, then one arm, then the other arm, and so on,
interminably singing the same ditty for each object.
Finally she sings: “Eat me up altogether,” and the shark
does so.
At home Momovala asks the mother where the girl
has gone, and learns of her tragic death.

His answer is

to ask the mother to take off her grass skirt and to copu-

late with him.

The story describes his horizontal motions,

which are so strong that his wife complains: Yakay, yakay,
an expression of pain.
deeper.

But he only pushes deeper and

She complains again to no purpose.

She dies

after the act.
Next day people ask him in the garden what has
happened.

He says that his wife has been speared.

“Where?”

“In her vagina.”

Momovala then cuts off

his penis and dies.
This is perhaps the cruellest story of my collection.

SEX IN folk-lore: legend and myth

Passing from the purely narrative and entertaining
fairy tales to more serious forms of folk-lore, we find, in
Kwabulo, one of the lagoon villages, a local legend of a
pronouncedly sexual character.

The story is told in a

manner half-way between the serious and the jocular.

It

is, indeed, a significant legend to the inhabitants, for it is
embodied in a famous song, it is associated with the his¬
tory of their village and it is believed to be true, since
certain natural features in the locality witness to its au¬
thenticity.

Also it contains elements of the tragic, espe¬

cially in the self-castration of the hero and in his lyric
yearning for his distant home.

The central theme is

ribald, however} and when telling it or referring to it, as
they often do, the natives are by no means solemn, but
delight to exaggerate and multiply unseemly similes
about the crux of the tale, which is the long penis of the

Women in the Water Collecting Shells

Head Pool of the Tidal Creek of Kwabulo

hero, the legendary headman of Kwabulo.

I shall quote

this story, keeping as closely as possible to the native style
of narrative.
The Legend of Inuvayla’u

In the village of Kwabulo there lived Inuvayla’u the
head of his clan, the Lukuba clan; the head of his vil¬
lage.

He copulated with the wives of his younger

brothers, of his maternal nephews.
When the men went out fishing, he would stand out¬
side a house, and make a hole in the thatch; he then
thrust his penis through the thatch and fornicated.

His

penis was very long ; his penis was like a long snake.
He would go into the garden when the women made
koumwala

(clearing the ground from debris prepara¬

tory to planting); or when they pwakova (weeded the
ground).

He would stand right away behind the fence,

he stood in the uncut bush and his penis wriggled on the
ground like a snake.

The penis crept along all the way.

The penis would approach a woman from behind as she
was bending down to her task.

It would strike her hard

till she fell, and on all fours she would be fornicated with
as the penis entered the vulva.
Or when women went to bathe in the lagoon the penis
would go under the water like an eel and enter the vulva.
Or when they went to collect shells, as women do on the
western shore (pi. 80), wading and feeling for them with
the toes in the mud of the lagoon, Inuvayla’u would for¬
nicate with them.

When the women went to the water-

hole, he would smash their coco-nut shell bottles and

fornicate with them.

The men were then very angry for

they had no water to drink.
women.

They would abuse the

The women would be too ashamed to speak,

for their bottles had been broken.

One day the men

ordered, telling their wives:
“Cook fish, cook taytu, make pudding of taro, so that
our revered old man eats his fill.”

“No,” answered the

women, “we shall not do it; this man does wrong by us;
when you go to fish, and we remain in the village, when
we work in the garden, by the water-hole, in the lagoon,
he does violence to us.”
Then the men watched him.
going to fish.

They said they were

They hid in the weyka (the thick scrub

surrounding the village), they saw: Inuvayla’u stood out¬
side a hut, he made a hole in the thatch; his penis sneaked
on the ground, it crept through the hole, it came in: he
wronged the wife of his younger brother.

The men went

to the garden . . . (here the various conditions under
which the hero plays his foul pranks on the women are
again enumerated, in almost exactly the same words as
before).
When his younger brothers, his maternal nephews, saw
this, they grew very angry.

Next morning they ducked

him; they ducked him in the head pool of the tidal creek,
which comes up to the village of Kwabulo (pi. 81).
He came out of the water.

He returned to his house,

his mind was full of shame and of sorrow.

He spoke to

his mother Lidoya: “Bake some taytu and fish.
in the ground.

Bake it

Pack all our belongings and the food in

your big basket; lift it and put it on your head; we shall
go, we shall leave this place.”
When all was ready, he came out of his house, which
stood on the baku (central place of the village).
wailed aloud, facing the baku.
he cut at his penis.

He

He took his kema (axe),

First he wailed and wailed over it,

holding it in his hands.

Then he cut off the point of his

penis; it came off on the baku in front of his house; it
was turned into stone.

The stone is still there, on the

baku of Kwabulo in front of the headman’s house.

cried and wailed and went on.

He

He stood outside the outer

ring of houses, he looked back, he took his penis and wept
over it.

He struck again with his axe.

fell off and was turned into stone.
outside the village in Kwabulo.
went on.

The second bit

It can be seen still

He cried and wailed and

Half-way between the village and the tidal

pool of the creek he stopped.
the houses.

He looked back towards

He took his penis into the palms of his hands,

he wept over it and cut off another bit.

It turned into

stone, and can be seen there not far from Kwabulo.

He

came to the canoes; he looked back towards the village,
he wept over his genitals.

He took the axe and cut off

the remaining stump of his penis.

It was turned into

stone, and it lies now near where the Kwabulo men moor
their canoes.

He entered his canoe and punted along.

Half-way down the creek he wept once more. He gripped
his axe and cut off his testicles.

Large white coral boul¬

ders (vatu) lie in the creek.

They are the token: they

show where Inuvayla’u cut off his testicles.
Inuvayla’u and Lidoya, his mother, went to Kavataria

(to the north of Kwabulo, a village, from which over¬
seas expeditions are made south).

He stole a large waga

(canoe), a mwasawa (sea-going canoe).
caught him and chased them away.
(a village further north).

But the owner

They went to Ba’u

He took a sea-going canoe;

he told his mother Lidoya: “Put in your basket, we shall
sail.”

They sailed, they came to I’uwaygili (a village on

Kayleula).

He told his mother . . . (here the same

words as above are repeated; then they sail again, arrive
at another village and again he asks her to put in her
basket; and so on, through a monotonous enumeration of
the villages along the lagoon and through the Amphlett
Islands down to the koya, the high mountains on the
D’Entrecasteaux Archipelago). Inuvayla’u arrived in the
koya.

There he settled, there he lived, and with him his

mother, who helped him to make gardens and cooked his
food for him.

He went out to fish with a flying kite, and

with the deep sea net which has to be sunk far under the
water. His mother made gardens on the mountain slope
and she made cooking pots for him.
One day he went high up the mountain slope.
day was clear.

The

Far away among the budibudi (the small

clouds that gather round the horizon in the monsoon sea¬
son), he saw the large flat island of Kiriwina, he saw the
wide lagoon.

On its water he saw a canoe, a canoe of

Kwabulo, his native village.1

His inside grew soft

1 For the strange and impressive contrast between the green waters and
white chalk of the Trobriands and the brown volcanic rock, high moun¬
tains and deep blue sea of the koya, compare Argonauts of ' the IVestern
Pacific, passim.
The reader will also find there accounts of the emo¬
tional attitude of the natives towards the landscape and further expres¬
sions of it in folk-lore.

4l6

(:inokapsi lopo^ula).

He wanted to see his village, he

wanted to punt among the mangroves of Kwabulo.
They sailed.

On the sea they met a boat from Kitava.

He tells his mother: “Beg them for sayaku (aromatic
black paint) j beg them for mulipwa'pwa (ornaments of
shell).”

The mother offered herself to the Kitava men.

They copulated with her on their canoe j they gave her
some sayaku and a few shell ornaments.

He had some

red paint and some red shell ornament.
On the landing-place at the head of the creek he
adorned himself.

He went to the village.

In his fes¬

tival adornment he stood on the baku (central place), he
sang the song which he had composed in the koya (south¬
ern mountains).

He taught the song to the villagers, to

his younger brothers, and maternal nephews.
them the song and the dance.

He gave

For all time this has re¬

mained the dance and song of the people of Kwabulo.
It is danced with the kaydebu (dancing shield) (pi. 82).
The men of Bwaytalu and of Suviyagila have purchased
k and they dance it also.
till he died.

Inuvayla’u lived in his village

This is the end of the story.

I obtained a few variants of this myth by hearing it
told in several villages, and also some comments which
may be added.

The act of expiatory self-castration is

sometimes made to take place on Inuvayla’u’s return
home.

This, however, does not tally with the sequence

of natural relics.

All the stones described in the myth

still exist, though the similarity to their anatomical pro¬
totypes has worn away with time, while their size must
have enormously increased.

I have seen the relics several

4H

times, but unfortunately I was always prevented by
weather or the time of day or high tide from taking a
photograph of the stones.

Making the necessary allow¬

ances for imagination and latitude in exegesis, there can
be no doubt that the testicles are in the creek—large,
round boulders just awash at low tide; while the glans
penis, a pointed helmet-shaped piece of white coral, is in

the central place of the village.
the version given in the text.

This disposition confirms

The etymology of the hero’s name indicates his fail¬
ing; the inu is unquestionably the feminine particle ina,
woman, while the verb vayla’u means actually to rob or
steal; so that his name can be translated “the thief of
woman.”

To those who believe in the existence of an

old-time gerontocracy in Melanesia this myth will be of
special interest; for in it we have the old (male) “matri¬
arch” trespassing on the rights of the younger men of his
clan and, by means of his enormous organ (the symbol
of his greater generative power, a psycho-analyst would
say), claiming all the women of the community.

Some

parts of the story show indisputable signs of greater an¬
tiquity, whereas others have obviously been modernized.
The simple crudity of the first part and its association with
natural features has all the interesting sociological signifi¬
cance of the genuine myth, gradually degenerated into
mere legend.

The second part, on the contrary, with the

song which will be quoted presently, is set in modern
and realistic conditions, and its lyrical narrative character
stamps it as a tale of more recent origin.
It is characteristic also that, in the first part of the

legend, the women are described as especially open to
attack during their specific privileged occupations, when
normally a taboo protects them and not only should a
man never make love to them but he should not even ap¬
proach them (see chapter ii, male and female provinces
-in tribal life).

It must be remembered that, while

engaged in communal weeding, women are entitled in
certain districts to attack any man who approaches them
(ch. ix, sec. 8).

This is certainly an interesting cor¬

relation and might, to an anthropologist endowed with
some imagination and a faculty for hypothetical con¬
struction, serve as a proof of the antiquity of the myth
and furnish a theory as to the custom of yausa.

By

outraging the women when engaged in such occupations
as weeding and filling the water-bottles, Inuvayla’u adds
insult to injury, and in the legend we see the women
more ashamed for the manifest insult to female preroga¬
tives in the broken water-bottles than for their abused
chastity.

Superficially this breaking of the bottles might

appear merely an unpleasant sadistic trait in the otherwise
amiable character of Inuvayla’u.

In reality, however, all

such details are sociologically very significant.
Another slight variant of the legend declares that
Inuvayla’u was not allowed to return to his village, but
was chased away immediately on his appearance.

I prefer

to discard this tragic version, partly because Anglo-Saxons
do not like sad endings in fiction, partly because it does
not harmonize well with the amiable and little vindictive
character of the Trobrianders.
The song which is ascribed to the mutilated hero of

Kwabulo is but loosely connected with the story of the
myth.

The first stanza alludes to his trespasses and their

consequences, and the expiatory resolution to go away.
The coral outcrop or coral ridge mentioned in the first
stanza and the marshy ground through which the hero is
made to wander, are poetical images of that part of the
legend in which the wanderings of the hero and his
mother are described.
The second and third stanza still follow the myth.
The part of the mother, the sorrow of the son, and the
first stages of the journey are common to both song and
legend.

But the song, neglecting completely the coarser

and perhaps more archaic elements of the myth, does not
mention castration. There is only the sorrow for the vil¬
lage left behind and the house abandoned.
To indulge in tentative speculation for another mo¬
ment: may not the first and second parts of the myth be
different stories altogether—the first part, a primitive
myth with several interesting sociological hints and impli¬
cations} the second part and the song, a tale of a real or
imaginary man, who, too amorous to be tolerated in the
community, was banished from it, and, later, offered in
expiation his song and his repentance?

In the course of

time the two were amalgamated in the legend, but not in
the song.
From the fourth stanza on, the song turns on the mo¬
tives of decoration, of dancing, of personal renown, and
of self-glorification} of women admiring the singer’s
ornaments, of his wandering through the villages and his
recurring nostalgia.

In all this the song is typical of its

kind in the Trobriands.

I am giving only the first six

stanzas because I was unable to translate the remaining
ones as fully as these.

The Song of Inuvayla’u

I
One day they ducked Inuvayla’u.
The news of the fornication spread:
He was dipped, he went under, he came out of the water.
He turned and went to the sea—
Through the raybwag 1 and dumia he went to the sea.
II
“Our mother Lidoya, get together the food,
I turn my eyes to Dugubakiki.2
My tears flow at the thought of the bwaulo 3 of my village.
My tears flow at the thought of Kwabulo, of the sweet air of Kwabulo.
III
“O mother Lidoya, put your basket on your head.”
She goes carefully, she stumbles along the creek.
She has left Kwabulo—the house is closed up.
Inuvayla’u will not fornicate any more.
Thy house is locked up—there is no more Inuvayla’u’s house.
IV
“It is put up—the mast at the mouth of the creek.
I seek for my song—I am taking the road—I—Inuvayla’u.
My road is Gulagola which leads to Tuma,
And afterwards the Digidagala road which leads through Teyyava.4 5 6
V
“Women of Kulumata, dance your dance!
Prepare for a round dance with the tubuyavi5 on your faces!
A tile’wa’i 6 for you—go then to my village,
Go to Oysayase—to Oburaku!” 7

1 Rayb'wag—coral outcrop, coral ridge; dumia—swamp marshes.
2 The landing-place of Kwabulo on the lagoon.
3 B’waulo—cloud of smoke, surrounding a village.
4 Both roads lead to the north-west district.
5 Pattern of facial decoration.
6 Flattery-bond (cf. ch. xi, sec. 3).
7 Both southern villages.

VI
“It is the time for the journey, the journey to Kiriwila.1
The children tried to retain me.
I shall go my road and come to Yalumugwa.2
My dala3—the men; my love—the women.
They admire my paya4
When I come to Okaykoda, my friends will greet me.
My mind is sad.
I am a Luba man, my fish is kaysipu.
I have fallen on evil days.”

The Story of Kaytalugi

Besides legends of events in a distant epoch, the natives
tell tales of far-away places. At almost every point of
the compass, if we were to believe the natives, some re¬
markable country is to be found if we travel far enough.
One such place is of interest to us here because of the
peculiarities of its inhabitants.
“Far away, beyond the open sea—walum, as the natives
say—if you were to sail between Sim-sim and Muyuwa
(i.e. in a northerly direction) you would come to a large
island.

It is called Kaytalugi.

Its size is that of Boyowa

(the name of the largest island in the Trobriand group).
There are many villages.
They are all beautiful.

Only women live in them.
They go about naked.

don’t shave their pubic hair.

They

It grows so long that it

makes something like a dob a (grass petticoat) in front of
them.
“These women are very bad, very fierce.
1 North-western district.
2 Village due north of Kwabulo.
3 Sub-clan.
4 Turtle-shell ear-rings.

This is be-

cause of their insatiable desire.

When sailors are stranded

on the beach, the women see the canoes from afar.

They

stand on the beach awaiting them.

The beach is dark with

their bodies, they stand so thick.

The men arrive, the

women run towards them.
•them at once.

The pubic leaf is torn off 5 the women do

violence to the men.
Okayaulo.

They throw themselves upon

It is like the yarn a of the people in

The yausa has its season during the fwakova.

When it is over, it is over.
it all the time.

They never leave the men alone.

are many women there.
comes along.

In Kaytalugi the women do
There

When one has finished, another

When they cannot have intercourse, they

use the man’s nose, his ears, his fingers, his toes—the man
dies.
“Boys are born on the island.

A boy never grows up.

A small one is misused till he dies.
him.

The women abuse

They use his penis, his fingers, his toes, his hands.

He is very tired, he becomes sick and dies.”
Such is the account given by the natives of the island
with the significant name.

Kayta means “to copulate”;

lugi is a suffix denoting complete satiation.

talugi means “the fill of copulation.”

Thus Kay¬

The natives be¬

lieve absolutely in the reality of this island and in the
truth of every detail of their account.

They tell circum¬

stantial stories of how sailors, driven towards the island
by a strong wind, will land on desert reefs rather than
risk making Kaytalugi.

The distance to the island is

about a night and a day’s journey.

If you set sail in the

morning and go obomatu (due north), you will arrive
next morning at the island.

There are also stories, believed to be true, about men
who went there and succeeded in escaping.

Thus, long

ago, some men of Kaulagu were stranded on the island,
driven off their course, according to some versions, dur¬
ing a kula expedition.

But another story has it that they

went there on purpose.

It is a custom in the Trobriands,

when work comes to a dead-lock, for one of the men to
utter a challenge.

Some extraordinary exploit, some di¬

version or festivity is proposed by him, which he always
has to lead, usually to organize, and sometimes to finance.
Those who are challenged have to follow him.

On one

occasion the men of Kaulagu were engaged in planting
yams.

The work was very hard, the yam supports re¬

fused to penetrate the stony soil.
out: Uri yakala Kaytalugi!

The headman cried

“My challenge Kaytalugi!

Let us go and see the women.”

The others agreed.

“They filled their canoe with food, firewood, water bot¬
tles, and green coco-nuts.

They sailed.

One night they

slept on the sea, the second night they slept on the sea,
the third morning they made Kaytalugi.

(This does not

agree with the version of other informants, but perhaps
the wind was not propitious!)

The women assembled on

the beach: (Wa! men are coming to our country!’

They

pulled the canoe to pieces, made a heap of the debris on
the beach and sat on it.

They copulated, copulated, copu¬

lated j one month, month after month.

The men were

distributed, each man was married to one woman.
settled.

They

“They made gardens for months and then they spoke
to their wives.

‘Are there many fish in your sea?’

The

Inuvayla’u Dance

Usikela Bananas in Kaulagu

women answered: ‘Very plentiful.’
canoe,’ said the men.
eat it all of us.’

‘Let us repair our

‘We shall get some fish, we shall

They repaired the canoe, they put leaves

and food in it, they put in water-bottles and they went
away.

They sailed three days and came back to Kaulagu,

their native village.

Their wives, who had mourned them

and then remarried, were glad to see them, and came
back to them again.

They brought home, among other

things, a new kind of banana called usikela.

You can see

itsikela growing in any village now, and eat them.

are very good” (pi. 83).

They

And this is another proof that

the story is true, and that Kaytalugi really exists.
When I asked my informants why it was that the men
of Kaulagu not only survived but escaped, I was told that
they were very strong and that no man allowed sexual
access to more than one woman.

And just as the women

were beginning to get too much for them, they made
their escape.

It is an interesting example of how every

dogmatic version relaxes when elaborated into actual ex¬
amples, even though these are imaginary.
Another story is told about a man of Kaybola, a vil¬
lage on the northern shore.

Fishing for shark, he sailed

far away.

He came to Kaytalugi and was married by one

woman.

Feeling tired of her too persistent embraces, he

made holes in all the local canoes, overhauled his own,
and then suggested to his wife that the fish were very
good that morning.

He put to sea and set sail.

The

women of Kaytalugi pushed their canoes into the water to
pursue him.

But the canoes were swamped and the man

returned safely to Kaybola.

When I expressed my doubt as to the reality of this
island, my informants suggested that it was all very well
to be sceptical, but at the same time I must not try to go
there on pain of never getting away again.

They added

that all gumanuma (white men) would like to go to Kaytalugi, but were afraid to do so.

“Look, not one guma¬

numa has been to Kaytalugi!”—another irrefutable proof

of its existence.
So far we have been discussing the less sacred classes
of folk-lore, and in these we have found the sexual mo¬
tive predominant.

The less the religious or moral sig¬

nificance of a story—the less “real” it is to the native—
the more frivolous it becomes 5 and the more frivolous it
becomes, the more frequently, as in the fairy tales {kukwanebu), does it hinge on sex.

But among legends, there

is only one story which has sex as its principal motive,
that of Inuvayla’u, and only one geographical account,
that of Kaytalugi.

The real myths (lili’u) hardly ever

have a sex motive} the myths of the origins of humanity
and of the social order, for instance, are completely free
of it. Again, in the cycle of stories about the hero Tudava,
the only sexual reference occurs in the incident of the
virgin birth, the mechanism of which is discreetly and
chastely described: the hero’s mother sleeps in a grotto,
and the dripping water (litukwa) from the roof pierces
her hymen, penetrates the vagina and thus “opens her”
(ikaripwala), making it possible for her to conceive (see

ch. vii).
No sexual elements are to be found in the several
myths referring to the circular trade kula; or in those of

the origin of fishing, of canoes, and of diving for the
spondylus shell.

Nor are any to be found in the myth of

old age, death, and the annual visit of the spirits.
Fire, according to legend, was brought forth by the
same woman who produced the sun and the moon.

The

sun and moon wander away into the sky, but the mother
keeps the fire, concealing it in her vagina.

Whenever she

needs it for cooking, she takes it out of its hiding place.
But one day her younger brother discovers where she
keeps it, steals it, and gives it to other people.

This is

the only genuine myth with a distinctly sexual element.
Sex does not play a very important part in beliefs about
supernatural beings.

The only exception to this rule is

the idea that some witches (yoyova) have intercourse with
tauva'u (malignant, anthropomorphic beings who come

from the southern islands and cause epidemics).

Thus

Ipwaygana, a woman of the Malasi clan who was mar¬
ried, against all the rules of exogamy, to Modulabu, the
Malasi headman of Obweria, has a familiar tauva’u, who
visits her sexually and teaches her the arts of evil magic
(she is to be seen on plates 77 an<i 7^)* Bomwaytani of
Kaybola, the headman’s wife and a notorious yoyova, is
also known to have a liaison with such a malignant, super¬
human instructor.
But in the Trobriands such cases are sporadic.

The

belief in a witches’ Sabbath which seems to obtain among
the Southern Massim, is not found in the northern dis¬
trict.

Informants from Normanby Island and from the

islands of the east end told me that witches forgather at
night and meet Ta’ukuripokapoka, a mythological per427

sonality and apparently an expert in evil craft.

Dances

and orgies take place, in which the witches copulate with
male beings and even with Ta’ukuripokapoka himself.

In the Trobriands, as in almost every culture, one of
the most important dogmatic systems or mythologies is
that referring to a future life.
The Trobrianders place the spirit world on a small
island called Tuma lying to the north-west.

There, un¬

seen by mortal eyes, undisturbed by the troubles of the
world, the spirits lead an existence very much like that of
ordinary Trobriand life, only much more pleasant.1

Let

me quote a good description by one of my best informants,
Tomwaya Lakwabulo (pi. 37), a famous seer, a spiritistic
medium of no mean talent and imagination (also of no
small cunning) and a frequent guest of the spirit world:
“In Tuma we are all like chiefs 5 we are beautiful} we
have rich gardens and no work to do—the women do it
all} we have heaps of ornaments and we have many
wives, all of them lovely.”

This summarizes the ideas

and aspirations of the natives with regard to the spirit
world—at least, as long as it remains a matter of remote
speculation, for their attitude towards death and the de¬
sirability of an immediate move to Tuma remains unaf¬
fected by what they think of and hope for in the next
Cf. “Baloma: The Spirits of the Dead in the Trobriand Islands” in
Journ. of the R. Anthrop. Institute, 1916, for a preliminary account based
on my hrst years investigations in the Archipelago.

world.

On this point they are exactly like ourselves.

Many a good Christian will grow enthusiastic about the
joys and consolations of Heaven without showing, how¬
ever, any alacrity to repair thither.
But in distant perspective and as a picture for dogmatic
-fantasy, the home of the spirits in Tuma remains a para¬
dise, and above all an erotic paradise.

When a native

talks about it, when he grows eloquent and relates the
traditional stories, filled out with scraps of information
gathered from recent spiritistic mediums, and elaborates
his personal hopes and anticipations—all other aspects
soon fade into the background and sex comes to the fore;
sex primarily, but set about with its appropriate trappings
of personal vanity, display, luxury, good food, and beau¬
tiful surroundings.
In their anticipations, Tuma is thronged with beautiful
women, all ready to work hard by day and dance by night.
The spirits enjoy a perpetual scented bacchanal of dancing
and chanting on spacious village-places or on beaches of
soft sand, amid a profusion of betel and of green coco¬
nut drinks, of aromatic leaves and magically potent deco¬
rations, of wealth and the insignia of honour.

In Tuma

each one becomes endowed with such beauty, dignity, and
skill that he is the unique, the admired, the pampered
protagonist of a never-ending feast.

By some extraor¬

dinary sociological mechanism, all commoners become
chiefs, while no chief believes that his relative rank is to
be diminished or dimmed by the spirits of his inferiors.
Let us follow the adventures of a spirit as he enters
his future home.

After certain preliminary formalities, the spirit comes
face to face with Topileta, the guardian of the road to
Tuma. This person, who belongs to the Lukuba clan,
looks very much like a man and is essentially human in
his appetites, tastes, and vanities. But he is of the con¬
sistency of a spirit, and his appearance is distinguished by
very large ears which flop like the wings of a flying fox.
He lives with a daughter or several daughters.
The spirit is well advised to address Topileta in a
friendly fashion and to ask the road, at the same time
presenting the valuables which were given to him for the
journey to Tuma by his surviving relatives. These valu¬
ables, be it noted, are not buried with the body nor de¬
stroyed, only pressed and rubbed against it before death
and afterwards placed on the corpse for a time (see ch.
vi, sec. 3). Their spiritual counterparts are supposed to
be taken by the spirit of the deceased on h;s journey to
the next world, and then, according to one version, offered
to Topileta, or, according to another, used to decorate the
spirit’s own person on his entrance into Tuma. No doubt
an intelligent spirit finds a way to do justice to both re¬
quirements.
Topileta, however, is not satisfied with mere gifts. His
lust is equal to his greed, so that if the spirit is a female
he copulates with her, if a male he hands him over to
his daughter for the same purpose. This accomplished,
Topileta puts the stranger on his way, and the spirit pro¬
ceeds.
The spirits know that a newcomer is arriving and
throng to greet him. Then a rite is performed which

deeply affects his mind.
row.

The spirit arrives filled with sor¬

He yearns for those left behind, for his widow,

his sweetheart, his children.

He longs to be surrounded

with his family, and to return to the bosom of his wife
or of his earthly love.

But in Tuma there is an aromatic

herb called bubwayayta.

This is made into a vana (bun¬

dle) and magic is spoken over it by a fair spirit-woman,
immediately before a male spirit appears upon the island.
As he approaches the group who stand awaiting him, the
most passionate, and, no doubt, the loveliest of the spirit
women runs towards him and waves the scented herb be¬
fore his face.

The scent enters his nostrils, carrying with

it the magic of bubwayayta.

As with the first sip of the

water of Lethe, so this scent makes him forget all that
he has left on earth, and from that moment he thinks no
more of his wife, yearns no more for his children, desires
no more the embraces of earthly loves.

His only wish

now is to remain in Tuma and to embrace the beautiful
though unsubstantial forms of spirit women.
His passions will not remain long unsatisfied.

Spirit

women, unfleshly though they appear to us mortals, have
fire and passion to a degree unknown on earth.

They

crowd round the man, they caress him, they pull him by
force, they use violence on him.

Erotically inspired by

the bubwayayta spell, he yields and a scene is enacted,
unseemly to those unused to the ways of a spirit, but ap¬
parently quite the thing in Paradise.

The man submits

to these advances and copulates with the hostess-spirit in
the open, while the others look on, or, stimulated by the
sight, do likewise.

Such promiscuous sexual orgies, in

which male and female mix indiscriminately, congregate,
change partners and reunite again, are frequent among
the spirits.

So at least I was told by several eyewitnesses,

not from the world of spirits, but from that of mediums.
For I luckily had the privilege of discussing these mat¬
ters with a number of seers who had actually been in
Tuma, dwelled among the spirits, and returned to tell the
tale.

Most prominent among my informants was Tom-

waya Lakwabulo, whose name had been mentioned to me
and his exploits recorded with a mixture of respect and
cynicism, before I actually met and worked with him.1
I also had opportunities of speaking with Bwaylagesi, a
woman medium, with Moniga’u, and with one or two
other lesser mediums.

The details of life in Tuma given

so far are common property and form part of general
folk-lore; and my eyewitnesses only confirmed these,
though they were able to add colour and concrete vivid¬
ness to them.
formation.

I shall now proceed to more esoteric in¬

Tomwaya Lakwabulo was married on earth to a woman
called Beyawa, who died about a year before I came to
Oburaku.

He has seen her since in Tuma, and, remark¬

ably enough, she has remained faithful to him, regards
herself as his wife over there, and will have nothing to
do with anyone else.

This is Tomwaya Lakwabulo’s own

1 Cf. “Baloma: The Spirits of the Dead” (Jourtt. R. Anthr. Inst., 1916),
published before my third expedition. During this expedition I lived for
several months in Oburaku, saw Tomwaya Lakwabulo in trances and in
his sober moods, and used him as a medium. I found that in spite of the
unmasking of Tomwaya Lakwabulo, described in the article noted, he
enjoyed an undiminished prestige in his own community and in the Trobriands universally. In this respect also, the Trobrianders do not greatly
differ from ourselves.

version.

He agrees, however, that in this respect the late

Beyawa, or rather her spirit, is an unprecedented excep¬
tion to all other spirit women.

For they all, married and

unmarried alike, are sexually accessible to anybody—to
him, Tomwaya Lakwabulo, in any case.

They all, with

the exception of Beyawa, make katuyausi and receive
ulatile visits.
It was long ago, when Beyawa was young and attrac¬
tive, that Tomwaya Lakwabulo paid his first visit to
Tuma.

He then made the acquaintance of one of the

most beautiful spirit girls, Namyobe’i, a daughter of
Guyona Vabusi, headman of Vabusi, a large village on
the shore of Tuma.

She fell in love with him; and, as

she was so very beautiful and moreover performed bubway ay ta magic upon him, he succumbed to her charms
and married her.

Thus he became, so to speak, a biga¬

mist, or at least a spiritual bigamist, having his wife on
earth in Oburaku and his spiritual wife in Vabusi.

Since

that time, he has regularly frequented the land of spirits
during trances, when he neither eats nor drinks nor moves
for weeks.

(At least, in theory: I visited Tomwaya Lak¬

wabulo in one of these trances, and succeeded in insinu¬
ating a tin of bully beef and some lemon squash into him,
and moved him to accept two sticks of tobacco.)

These

professional visits to Tuma, besides being agreeable on
account of Namyobe’i, are profitable, for he carries rich
presents to the spirits, entrusted to him by their surviving
relatives.

There is no reason to doubt that the spiritual

part of the presents reaches the ghosts in Tuma.
It is to the credit both of Tomwaya Lakwabulo and

of the late Beyawa that she knew and approved of his
spiritual partnership, and even allowed her own daughter
to be called Namyobe’i after the spirit wife.

Now both

wives have met in Tuma, but they inhabit different vil¬
lages.

This is in accordance with a general rule, for each

earthly community has its spirit colony to which the de¬
ceased move after death.

There are also a few villages

sui generis, not recruited from this world and showing
strange characteristics.

One of them is inhabited by

women who live in houses on piles as tall as coco-nut
palms.

No man is ever allowed to enter the village and

no man has ever had intercourse with the women.

They

bring forth children, but exclusively of the female sex.
Such female puritans are, however, happily the exception
in Tuma, where love, enjoyment, and lazy pleasure en¬
fold the happy spirits.
To enjoy life and love it is necessary to be young.
Even in Tuma, old age—that is, wrinkles, grey hair, and
feebleness—creeps upon the spirits.

But in Tuma there

exists a remedy, once accessible to all mankind, but now
lost to this world.
For old age to the Trobrianders is not a natural state—
it is an accident, a misadventure.

Long ago, shortly after

mankind had come upon earth from underground, human
beings could rejuvenate at will by casting off the old with¬
ered skin; just as crabs, snakes, and lizards, and those
creatures that creep and burrow underground, will every
now and then throw off the old covering and start life
with a new and perfect one.

Humanity unfortunately

lost this art—through the folly of an ancestress, according

to legend—but in Tuma the happy spirits have retained
it.1

When they find themselves old, they slough off the

loose, wrinkled skin, and emerge with a smooth body,
dark locks, sound teeth, and full of vigour.

Thus life

with them is an eternal recapitulation of youth with its
accompaniment of love and pleasure.
So their time passes in dancing, singing, and all that
goes with these—festive dressing, decoration, scents of
aromatic oils and herbs.

Every evening, in the cool sea¬

son, when the persistent trade wind abates, or when the
fresh sea breezes quicken the air during the sultry time
of the monsoon, the spirits put on festive attire and re¬
pair to the baku of their village to dance, just as is done
in the Trobriands.

At times, departing from earthly

usage, they will go to the beach and dance on firm cool
sand beaten by breakers.
Many songs are composed by the spirits and some of
these reach the earth, brought thither by mediums.

In

common with most such productions, these songs are a
glorification of the composer.

“The glory of their butia

(flower wreath) they sing; of their dancing; of their
nabwoda’u (ornamented basket); of their facial paintings
and decoration.”

It was quite clear that skill in garden¬

ing or carving, outstanding achievements in war or in the
kula, were no longer objects of ambition to the spirits.
Instead we find dancing and personal beauty celebrated,
and these mainly as a setting and a preliminary to sex
enjoyment.
1 For a fuller account see “Myths of Death and the Recurrent Cycle
of Life,” on pp. 80-106 of Myth in Primitive Psychology.

4 35

I will quote one example of such a song, entitled
Usiyawenuj it was composed by a ghost in Tuma, and
brought to earth by Mitakayyo of Oburaku, a medium
who was already permanently settled in Tuma when I
came to the Trobriands.
I
I shall sing the song of idle enjoyment—
My mind boils over upon my lips—
They range themselves round a circle on the baku,
I shall join them on the baku—
The conch-shell is blown—listen!
Look! The flaming butia wreath,
The butia of my sweetheart.

II
My father weeps, they start the mortuary dance for me.
Come! Let us chew betel-nut, let us throw the bubwayayta.
Let us break the pod of the betel-pepper,
The betel-nut—my mind becomes numb!

III
My friend, standing on the beach—he is full of passion.
He boils over, my friend on the northern shore of Tuma.
The red-haired man dreams of me,
He has an ornamental basket,
His face shines like the moon in its fullness.

IV

The white clouds gather low over the skyline,
I cry silently.

V
On a hill in Tuma, I rock my baby to sleep,
I shall go and look after my sister,
I shall put a bagido’u round my head,
I shall paint my mouth with crushed betel-nut,
I shall adorn myself with armshells on the western shore.

A Trobriand song is always full of omissions and of
allusions to events well known to the listeners, and can
never be quite intelligible to a stranger.

Even my native

informants, however, were not able fully to interpret this
song.

After two introductory lines, the first stanza describes
the preparations for a dance in Tuma.

In the second

stanza we have the sudden abandonment of earthly in¬
terests, brought about by bubwayayta.

In the third, a

woman sings of a man beloved by her.

She is obviously

still on earth, and her husband or sweetheart—the com¬
poser of the song apparently—has passed into Tuma.

She

looks to the north-west where monsoon clouds gather, and
weeps for him (stanza iv).

In the last of the translated

stanzas she herself has entered Tuma and describes her
attire which, as with all spirits, seems to have become her
main concern.

It is to her credit that she has not forgotten

her baby, though how such a sentimental reminiscence fits
into the frivolous atmosphere of Tuma none of my in¬
terpreters could explain.
Chapter 13
The sexual freedom which we find among the Trobriand

Islanders must not be mis-called “immorality,” and placed
in a non-existent category.

“Immorality,” in the sense

of an absence of all restraints, rules, and values, cannot
exist in any culture, however debased or perverted it may
be.

Immorality,” on the other hand, in the sense of

morals different from those which we pretend to practise,
must be anticipated in every society other than our own
or those which are under the influence of Christian and
Western culture.
As a matter of fact, the Trobrianders have as many
rules of decency and decorum as they have liberties and
indulgences.

Among all the customs of sexual liberty

so far described, there is not one warrant of licence which
does not imply definite limits j not one concession to the
sexual impulse but imposes new restrictions; not one re¬
laxation of the usual taboos but exacts compensation in one
way or another.
All Trobriand institutions have their negative as well
as their positive side: they bestow privileges but they also
imply renunciations.

Thus,

marriage

presents

many

legal, economic, and personal advantages, but it also
means the exclusion of extra-matrimonial intercourse,
especially for the wife, and a number of restrictions in
manners and conduct.

The institution of the bukumatula

(bachelors’ house) has its taboos as well as its privileges.
Even such customs as yausa, katuyausi, and ulatile, all of
which are especially constituted for licence, are hedged
round with conditions and limitations.
The reader who, after the perusal of the previous chap¬
ters, still retains a sense of moral superiority over the
Trobrianders, will have to be told in the following pages
directly and explicitly that the Trobriander has just as
clear-cut a feeling for modesty in dress and in behaviour
as we have, and that he would be as shocked by us on
certain occasions, as we are shocked by him on others.
In the matter of excretory functions, for instance, he
shows far more delicacy than most Europeans of the lower
classes, and certain “sanitary” arrangements current in the
south of France and other Mediterranean countries would
horrify and disgust him.

His tolerance is certainly great

as regards the natural forms of sexual intercourse, but to
compensate for this, he is free from many aberrations of
the sexual impulse.

“Unnatural vice,” on which we need

to impose heavy penalties, has no place in his life, except
as a subject for contemptuous amusement.

He is shocked

when he sees or hears about Europeans dancing pressed
against each otherj or when he finds a white man jesting
and unconstrained in his sister’s company, or showing
tenderness to his wife in public.

In fact, his attitude to

his moral rules is very much like our own, whether we
call ourselves Christians or Agnostics: he believes in them
firmly, regards their infringement with disapproval, and
even keeps to them, not perfectly and not without effort,
but with a reasonable amount of earnestness and goodwill.

Many things which we regard as natural, proper, and
moral are anathema to the Trobriander.

And the onus

probandi would rest on anyone who maintained that the
Trobriander’s morality is wrong and ours is right, that
his limitations and barriers are inadequate and artificial
while ours are sufficient and real.

In some respects his

moral regulations are biologically sounder than our own,
in some more refined and subtle, in some a more efficient
safeguard for marriage and the family.

In other matters

again we might reasonably claim to be his moral superiors.
The best way to approach sexual morality in an entirely
different culture is to remember that the sexual impulse
is never entirely free, neither can it ever be completely
enslaved by social imperatives.

The limits of freedom

vary; but there is always a sphere within which it is deter¬
mined by biological and psychological motives only and
also a sphere in which the control of custom and conven¬
tion is paramount.
It was necessary to clear the ground before proceeding
to the subject of this chapter, for there is no greater
source of error in sociology than a false perspective in
sexual morality; and it is an error especially hard to con¬
found, as it is based on ignorance which does not want to
be enlightened and on intolerance which fears the wider
charity of understanding.
i

AND

As we know, the natives not only have definite laws,
stringent in their application and enforced by punish440

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ments, but also a sense of right and wrong and canons of
correct behaviour not devoid of delicacy and refinement.
The forms and customs which are associated with the
conduct of such elementary physiological functions as eat¬
ing and drinking, defecation and micturition are a good
illustration of this, and are also illuminating and relevant
to our immediate subject, sexual manners.
Eating is not regarded as indispensable to life, nor is
the value of food as a utility recognized and formulated
by the natives.

In fact, they have no idea that there is

such a thing as physiological need for alimentation, or
that the body is built up on food.

According to them,

one eats because one has appetite, because one is hungry
or greedy.

The act of eating is very pleasant, and it is

a suitable expression of a joyful mood.

Large accumula¬

tions of food (pi. 84), their formal distribution (sagali)
and, at times, their immediate, though not public, con¬
sumption form the core of all native festivities and cere¬
monies.

“We shall be glad, we shall eat till we vomit,”

say the natives, in anticipation of some tribal ceremony
or festival.

To give food is a virtuous act.

The provider

of food, the organizer of many big sagali (distributions)
is a great man and a good man.

Food is displayed in all

forms and on all occasions, and they show great interest
in new crops, in a rich yield of garden produce, and in a
large catch of fish (see pi. 85).
Yet meals are never taken in public, and eating is alto¬
gether regarded as a rather dangerous and delicate act.
Not only will people never eat in a strange village, but
even within the same community the custom of eating
in common is limited.

After a big distribution, the people

retire to their own fireplaces with their portion, each group
turning its back on the rest.
viviality on a large scale.

There is no actual con¬

Even when the big communal

cooking of taro takes place, small groups of related
people assemble round the pot which has been allotted to
them, and which they have carried away to a secluded
spot. There they eat rapidly, no one else witnessing the
performance (pi. 86).
In fact, eating is rather a means of social division and
discrimination than a way of bringing people together.
To begin with, distinctions of rank are marked by food
taboos.

People of the highest rank are practically con¬

strained to eat within their own circle, and those of a lower
status have to forgo part of their normal diet if they
eat in the presence of their superiors, in order not to
shock them.

Table manners are thus a household affair

and are not very polished.

Food is eaten with the fingers 5

and smacking of lips, noisy expressions of enjoyment and
belching are not considered incorrect.

To be intently con¬

centrated on one’s food and to eat voraciously is, however,
thought to be ugly.
Plenty in the matter of food is good and honourable,
scarcity is shameful and bad.

But opulence in food is a

matter of privilege, to be enjoyed in safety only by chiefs
and people of higher rank.

It is distinctly dangerous for

a commoner to be too good a gardener, to have too big,
too richly decorated and too well-filled yam houses.

The

chief distributes food in the form of gifts, he receives it
in the form of tribute.

He alone should have decorated

yam houses 3 he must surpass everybody in the display

of food during the milamala (the return of the spirits),
at ceremonial distributions and during the harvest.
Psychologically interesting is the magic called vilamalia.

It is directed against the elementary impulse to

eat and takes away appetite, so that the food remains in
the yam houses until it rots.

Malta (plenty) and molu

(scarcity or hunger) are very important categories in
native life.1

Molu is bad and shameful.

It is a terrible

insult to tell a man he is hungryj to say to him: gala kam
(“no food thine”—“thou hast no food”) or togalagala
yoku (“thou art a man of no substance”).

The use of

scarcity and hunger as means of insult is an illustration
of the ways in which shortcomings can be brought home
to the natives.

A man will endure real hunger rather than

expose himself to the sarcastic question: “Is there no food
in thy village?”
To sum up: the act of eating is regarded by the natives
as an expression of a powerful impulse, of a strong pas¬
sion.

As such it is an important part of the ordinary

routine of life 3 the evening meal is as indispensable a
domestic event as rest after work and conversation with
the neighbours.

It also occupies an important place in

every festival and within the realms of the sacred.

Food

is a means of emphasizing social distinctions, whether of
rank or in tribal grouping, and thus indirectly provides a
bond of social union.

What happens in the alimentary

duct after the food has been swallowed is not a matter
of concern to the natives} nor does metabolism influence

Cf. my article, “The Lunar and Seasonal Calendar in the Trobriands,” Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, 1927.

cultural life again until the alimentary process is com¬
plete, when waste matters claim the native’s attention and
demand customs and cultural arrangements for the dis¬
guise of excretory processes.

For, as we pointed out when

describing the care of the body (see ch. x, sec. 4), the
natives have a strong aesthetic feeling against uncleanli¬
ness, whether in their own persons or in their surround¬
ings.

Unpleasant smells and unclean matters disgust

them, especially if they are of an excretory nature.
For this reason the greatest hardship of mourning lies,
not in the covering of the body with soot or charcoal, but
in the taboo on ablutions.

Excretion within the house is

quoted as a very heavy burden on those confined by
mourning or disease and on their relatives who have to
perform the necessary services.

The duty of receiving

the excreta of small children in receptacles, with the lia¬
bility of becoming soiled and the necessity of carrying
the dirty matter into the bush, is often mentioned as one
of the hardships which give to parents, and especially to
the father, a permanent claim on the gratitude of the
child.

It is also quoted as a reason why the child should

look after the parents later on, and incidentally repay
these particular services in kind should they fall ill.
The handling of the corpse and the operations upon
it incidental to certain mortuary practices} the ritual swal¬
lowing of putrid matter which is a duty of some of the
survivors, are obligations which involve heroic devotion
on the part of the performers.
Good care is taken to prevent the accumulation of dirt
in the village, above all to prevent any excretory matter

A Small Group Eating Taro

Typical Lagoon Village

from being deposited near the settlement.

Villages are

always carefully swept, and all refuse placed on the out¬
skirts in large heaps called wawa.

Especially offensive

matters, such as decomposing fish, are usually covered
with earth.
The sanitary arrangements consist of two reserves in
the bush at some distance from the village, the one fre¬
quented by men and the other by women.

These reserves

are scrupulously adhered to, and the surroundings of a
village in the Trobriands, as well as the roads, would
compare favourably with those in most European coun¬
tries, especially the Latin ones.
Natives will never go to these reserves together, nor
will they ever defecate near one another.

At sea, a man

will enter the water and ease himself below the surface,
supported by others in the canoe; for defecation both sexes
squat; for micturition the women squat and men remain
standing.
Certain villages, squeezed in between mangrove swamp
and lagoon, have little dry land outside the settlement,
and find it hard to satisfy the demands of sanitation
(pi. 87).

In such a village each sex repairs to one side

of the beach and tries to choose a spot which will be cov¬
ered by the tide.

But even so they have an evil reputa¬

tion, and often, in passing through one, I have seen my
native companions close their nostrils and spit freely, and
have heard their outspoken comments upon its dirt.

And

yet, in these fishing villages, even the refuse of fish is
carefully disposed of, and after preparing fish for eating

the people always wash their hands carefully and anoint
themselves with coco-nut oil.
After excretion the parts are carefully cleansed with
soft leaves, called in this context poyewesi (po, root of
“excretion”; yewesi, leaves).

Children are taught to

observe strict cleanliness in this respect, and a careless
child is not

infrequently shamed by its parents or

elders:—
iVLayna
popu!
Odour of excrement!

gala
Not

kosiyam
thy remnant of excrement,

kuvaysi
thou wipest

mayna kasukwanise!
odour we (Axel.) smell!

Social distinctions influence considerably the way in
which natives are allowed to speak about the subject.

The

ordinary name for excrement (popu), or the verb to
defecate (popu or pwaya) are never used in the presence
of a guya'u (chief, man of high rank).

A special polite

word, solu or sola (lit.: “descend”), is substituted, or else
such euphemisms as to “go down” (busi), “go and re¬
turn” (bala baka’ita).

A man would never excuse him¬

self from a chief’s presence by saying, “I have to go and
defecate” (bala bapopu)\ he would say instead: bala
basoluy or bala babusi, “I shall go down”;

or bala

bakabita, “I shall go and return.”
The word “excrement” is also used in the typical form
of bad language, “eat thy dirt” (kumkwam popu or
kukome kam popu).

This expression, if used good-

humouredly, might be taken as a joke and condoned, but
it lies on the border-line between chaff and insult, and

must never be said angrily.

Above all, it must never be

said in the presence of a chief, and to use it to him as an
insult is an unpardonable offence.
The following incident, which took place during the
last war between To’uluwa, high chief of Omarakana,
and his traditional foe, the headman of Kabwaku, is a
good illustration of the native attitude towards this insult
when directed against a chief.

During a lull in the fight¬

ing, when the two forces were facing each other, a
Kabwaku man, Si’ulobubu, climbed a tree and addressed
To’uluwa in a loud voice: “Kukome kam popu, To'uluwa .”

Here was the insult delivered with every aggra¬

vating circumstance.

It was addressed to a chief, it was

said aloud and in public, and the personal name was
added, the form in which the insult is deadliest.

After

the war, when peace was concluded and all other enmities
forgotten, Si’ulobubu was openly speared in broad day¬
light by a few men sent by To’uluwa for that purpose.
The victim’s family and clansmen did not even raise a
protest, still less did they ask for “blood money,” or
start a lugwa (vendetta).

Everybody knew that the man

had deserved this punishment and that his death was a
just and adequate mapula (payment, retribution) for his
crime.

It is even an insult to make this remark to a

chief’s pig in his hearing, though it is permitted so to
address his dog.1
The dissociation between sex and excretion, or the
excretory processes, is very pronounced in native sentiment
1 Cf. the myth of the pig and the dog below in sec. 5, and in Myth in
Primitive Psychology, 1926, where its historical importance is discussed.

and idea.

As we know, scrupulous cleanliness is an

essential in the ideal of personal attraction.

Sodomy is

repugnant to natives, and their attitude to it is summed
up in the phrase: matauna ikaye fofu (“this man copu¬
lates excrement”).

Faeces have no place in magic, custom,

or ritual j nor do they even play any part in sorcery.
In my own experience I have always found the natives
very clean and never received any unpleasant olfactory
impression in my various social contacts with them.

Nor,

by the consensus of opinion among white residents, is their
bodily odour unpleasant to the European.
Intestinal gases are never released in the presence of
other people.

Such an act is considered very shameful,

and would dishonour and mortify anyone guilty of it.
Even in a crowd where it can be committed anonymously,
such a breach of etiquette never happens in Melanesia, so
that a native crowd is considerably more pleasant in this
respect than a gathering of European peasants.1

If such

a mishap befalls a man by accident, he feels the disgrace
deeply and his reputation suffers.

Also it will be re¬

membered how quickly an explosive escape of intestinal
gas was visited upon the unfortunate louse in one of the
fireside stories told in the last chapter.
Scents are as much appreciated and sought after as
bad smells are abhorred and avoided.

We have seen

what an important part is played in native toilet by the
variously and exquisitely scented flowers of the Islands:
the long white petals of the pandanus, the butia and a
1 For some interesting sociology on this subject as among European
peasants, cf. Zola’s La Terre.
r

long list of aromatic herbs, in which the mint (sulumwoya) takes the lead} and we have also seen the use made
of oil perfumed with sandal wood.

Pleasant smells are

..closely associated with magical influence} and as we know
already many charms in the magic of kula, of love, of
beauty, and of success are made over mint, over the butia
flower, and over several aromatic herbs used as vcma (tuft
placed in the armlet).

Personal cleanliness is an essen¬

tial in all these forms of magic, and charming the
kaykakaya (washing leaves) is an important part of the
ritual.1
Indeed, the sense of smell is the most important factor
in the laying of spells on people} magic, in order to
achieve its greatest potency, must enter through the nose.
Love charms are borne into the victim on the scent of
some spellbound aromatic substance.

In the second and

very dangerous stage of sorcery, the object or compound
over which black magic has been done is burned, and the
smoke enters through the nostrils into the body against
which it is directed and causes disease (silami).

For this

reason, houses are never built on piles in the Trobriands,
as it would greatly facilitate this stage in the sorcerer s
work.

Thus the idea of magical infection through the

nose exercises a considerable influence on the culture of
the natives.
The malignant witches (mulukwausi) are believed to
emit a smell reminiscent of excrement.

This smell is

much feared, especially by people who are sailing, for
i Cf. chs. viii and xi of this book, and chs. xiii and xvii of Argonauts

of the Western Pacific.

witches are very dangerous on water.

In general the

smell of ordure and decomposing matter is thought to be
noxious to human health.

The natives believe that a

special substance emanates from the corpse of a dead
person.

This, though invisible to the ordinary eye, can

be seen by sorcerers, to whom it appears somewhat like
the cloud of smoke (bwaulo) which hangs over a village.
This emanation, which is also called bwauloy is especially
dangerous to the maternal kinsmen of the deceased, and
because of it they must not approach the corpse, nor per¬
form any of the mortuary duties (see ch. vi, sec. 2).
A few words will suffice to recapitulate here what we
already know (see ch. x, sec. 4) about the conventions,
manners, and morals of dress.

The various functions of

attire in enhancing personal beauty, in marking social dis¬
tinctions, in expressing the character of the occasion on
which they are worn do not concern us here, but a word
must be added about dress in its relation to modesty.
Modesty in the Trobriands requires only that the genitals
and a small part of the adjacent areas should be covered,
but the native has absolutely the same moral and psy¬
chological attitude towards any infringement of these
demands as we have.

It is bad, and shameful, and ludi¬

crous in a degrading sense not to conceal, carefully and
properly, those parts of the human body which should
be covered by dress.

Moreover there is a certain co¬

quettish emphasis in the care and elegance with which
women manipulate their fibre skirts whenever they fear
that dress may fail in its duty, through wind or rapid
movement.

The broad bleached leaf of the pandanus or areca palm
which covers the male genitals is always put in place so
precisely and securely that no instance of disarrangement
has occurred within my knowledge. No person must ever
touch it when it is in position. The word for it, yavigu,
used with the pronoun of nearest possession as if it were
a part of the body, is also an improper word which must
not be uttered save in intimacy. It is interesting, how¬
ever, that when it is necessary for practical reasons for
men to take off the pubic leaf, as during the fishing or
diving activities, this is done without either false shame or
the slightest symptom of improper interest. The natives
convey clearly by behaviour and comment that nakedness
is not shameful when it is necessary, but becomes so when
due to carelessness or lewdness (see ch. iii, sec. i, and
secs. 3 and 4 of this chap.). Though the taboos sur¬
rounding female dress and its name are less stringent, it
is just as carefully used as an instrument of modesty.
I have assembled these facts from certain aspects of
intimate life, from the physiology of eating and excre¬
tion and from the treatment of anatomical aspects of the
body, to illustrate native manners; and to demonstrate
that, in spite of certain things which shock us profoundly,
the natives show a delicacy and restraint in others which
not only is elaborate and well defined, but is expressive
of real moral attitudes: a substantial consideration for the
feelings of others and certain sound biological principles.
We may be shocked at a savage who tears his meat with
his fingers, smacks his lips, grunts and belches in the
enjoyment of his food} while the custom of eating each

other’s lice is to us decidedly unappetizing.

But the

native is equally disgusted when the European gorges
himself on stinking cheese, or consumes undefined abomi¬
nations from tins; or when he unashamedly eats stingaree,
wild pig or any other matters permitted only to people
of the lowest rank.

He is also shocked at the white

man’s habit of making himself temporarily imbecile or
violent with gin and whisky.
man,

Melanesian

dress

If, to an uneducated white

may

appear

inadequate,

the

strange custom prevalent among white women of reducing
instead of adding to their dress for festive occasions is
upsetting and indecorous to the native who meets it on
his travels to European settlements.
Even now, when a more liberal and instructed policy
directs the relations between native and European, it is
well to remember these things; and to keep in mind that
wisdom and good manners alike demand that we respect
those feelings in other people which are dictated by their
own cultural standards.

Before proceeding to a detailed consideration of the
subject of this section, we will assemble and briefly re¬
state the relevant facts already in our possession, so that
they may be presented to the reader in their proper per¬
spective.

For the inter-relation of facts and the pro¬

portions they assume in native life are as important as,
if not more so than, the isolated facts themselves, if we

are to arrive at right conclusions and have a true picture
of Trobriand communal life.
And to see the facts from the native point of view,
sthat is, in their true relation to tribal life, we must again
remind ourselves that sex as such is not tabooed.

That

is to say, the sexual act, provided that it is carried out in
private and within certain sociological limits, is not re¬
garded as reprehensible, even when it is not sanctioned by
the bond of marriage.

The barriers within which sexual

freedom obtains, the methods by which these barriers are
upheld and the penalties which fall upon the transgressor,
can be classified broadly into two groups: the general
taboos, which brand certain forms of sexual activity as
objectionable, indecent, or contemptible; and the socio¬
logical restrictions which debar certain individuals and
groups from sexual access.
A.

I.

Byways and aberrations of the sexual impulse.—

Homosexual intercourse, bestiality, exhibitionism, oral
and anal eroticism—to use psycho-analytic terminology—
are, as we already know, regarded by the natives as inade¬
quate and contemptible substitutes for the proper exer¬
cise of the sexual impulse.

The natives achieve an almost

complete freedom from perversion by means of what
might be called psychological rather than social sanctions.
Sexual aberrations are ridiculed, they are a subject for
invective and comic anecdote, and thus treated, they are
not only branded as improper but are effectively made
undesirable.

2.

Publicity and lack of decorum in sexual matters.—

Public display of the sexual act or of erotic approaches
is almost completely absent from tribal life.

Lack of

care in avoiding publicity, curiosity and any attempt to spy
on other people’s love-making are regarded as unseemly
and contemptible.

There are few occasions in tribal life

when the sexual act could be carried on in public, nor
does the voyeur figure even in their pornographic folk¬
lore.

The only exception from this rule are the erotic

competitive festivals (kayasa), described in chapter ix,
section 5.

From the taboo of publicity only the souls of

the blessed in Tuma are permanently released, while in
the legendary accounts of female assaults on men (in the
custom of yausa, and on the Island of Kaytalugi), the
openness with which copulation takes place is regarded as
an additional outrage on the passive victims.

Thus sexual

intercourse, to be in accordance with tribal sanctions, must
be carried on within the strictest limits of privacy and
decorum.
3.

Sexual excess.—The exhibition of sexual greed, or

an unabashed forwardness in courting the favour of the
other sex, is regarded as bad and despicable in either man
or woman, but more especially in woman.

This moral

attitude should be strictly distinguished from the censure
incurred by those people who are too successful in love,
and who therefore arouse anger and jealousy.
4.

Lack of taste.—We have learned (ch. x, sec. 2)

the forms of ugliness and repulsiveness which are re¬
garded as deterrent to erotic interest and that the natives
will even go so far as to affirm that no one could or

would have intercourse with a person so afflicted.

Behind

this mere statement of fact there is a definite censure of
a mixed moral and aesthetic character which is based on a
real and lively sentiment, even though this fails occa¬
sionally in practice.

It is bad, unbecoming, and worthy of

contempt to have anything to do with a human being
whose body arouses repugnance.

This class of taboo has

already been dealt with (in chap, x, sec. 2), and it will
not be necessary to return to it.
5.

Miscellaneous and minor taboos.—There

are a

number of pursuits which, while in progress, entail absti¬
nence from sexual intercourse and all contact with women 5
such, for example, are war, oversea sailing expeditions,
gardening and one or two magical rites.

Again, in certain

physiological crises, above all pregnancy and lactation, a
woman must not be approached by a man.

The general

principle which such taboos express is that sex is incom¬
patible with certain conditions of the human body and
with the nature and purpose of certain occupations; and
it must not be allowed to interfere with these.
B.

6.

Exogamy.—Sexual intercourse and marriage are

not allowed within the same totemic clan.

They are more

emphatically forbidden within a sub-division of the clan,
common membership in which means real kinship.

And

the taboo is stricter yet between two people who can trace
a common descent genealogically.

Yet the natives have

only one word, suvasova, to designate all these degrees
of exogamous taboo.

Also, in legal and formal fiction,

the natives would maintain that all exogamous taboos,
whether of clan, sub-clan or proven kinship, were equally
binding.

Thus, while an ethnographer would get one

impression through conversation, he would get an entirely
different one by observing the behaviour of the natives.
In the more detailed examination of the subject which
follows, we shall set practice and legal fiction side by side,
and show how these work in together.
7.

Taboos within the family and household.—The

father is not a kinsman of his children, and therefore is
not included in exogamous prohibitions.

Nevertheless,

intercourse between father and daughter is definitely and
strongly forbidden.

There is no doubt that the taboo

which separates members of the same household is, in the
reality of tribal life though not in legal theory, a distinct
force which is superadded to the exogamous taboo.

Not

only do we find its influence in the separation of father
and daughter, but also in the fact that incest with the
own mother and with the own sister arouses incomparably
greater moral indignation than incest with a cousin; not
to speak of incest with a “classificatory” mother or a
“classificatory” sister, which is easily condoned.

8.

The taboo of adultery.—This safeguard to the

institution of marriage need only be mentioned here, as it
has been fully dealt with in chapter v.

9*

The

taboos

of

relationship

m

law.—Although

there is no formal avoidance, sexual intercourse between
a man and his mother-in-law is definitely wrong.

Neither

must a man have erotic relations with the sisters of his
wife or with the wife of his brother.

Marriage with a

deceased wife’s sister, though not forbidden, is regarded
with disfavour.
10.

Rules safeguarding the 'privileges of the chief.—

This type of restriction and those which follow are not of
the same stringency as the foregoing taboos.

They are

rather vague rules of conduct, enforced by a general
feeling for what is expedient and by somewhat diffuse
social sanctions. It is unsafe to interfere with any woman
in whom a man of high rank is interested.

The ordinary

prohibition of adultery becomes much more stringent
when the woman concerned is married to a chief.

The

chief’s wife, giyovila, is the subject of a special reverence
and of a general taboo, which, however, is honoured as
much in the breach as in the observance.

For she is more

desirable and generally no less willing to be desired; and
there is a touch of irony and mock respect in certain
sayings and turns of speech in which the word giyovila
figures.
11.

Barriers of rank.—The distinction between high

and low birth, which divides one sub-clan from another,
applies to women as well as to men.

It is a general prin¬

ciple that people of high rank (guy ad u) shall not mate
with commoners (tokay).

In marriage, this rule is strictly

kept only with regard to the pariah communities of
Bwaytalu and Ba’u, which have had perforce to become
endogamous, since no man or woman from another village
likes to enter into permanent union with any of the in¬
habitants.

The members of the highest sub-clan, the

Tabalu of Omarakana (of the Malasi clan), find their

most fitting consorts among two or three other data (sub¬
clans) in the north-western district.
In prenuptial intercourse, also, there would be some
show of discrimination.

A girl of high rank would be

ashamed of owning to an intrigue with a low-class com¬
moner.

But the distinctions in rank are many and their

interpretation not too rigid; and the rule is certainly not
followed strictly where intrigues are concerned.

Girls of

high-rank villages, such as Omarakana, Liluta, Osapola,
or Kwaybwaga, do not visit the “impure” villages, Ba’u
and Bwoytalu, on katuyausi expeditions.
12.

Restrictions as to number in intrigues.—As we

have already said, too open and too insistent an interest
in sex, especially when exhibited by a woman, and too
obvious and too general a success in love are both cen¬
sured j but the kind of censure is entirely different in the
two cases.

In the latter, it is the male who incurs the

disapproval of his less fortunate rivals.

The great

dancer, the famous love magician or charmer of his own
beauty, is exposed to intense distrust and hatred, and to
the dangers of sorcery.

His conduct is considered “bad,”

not as “shameful,” but rather as enviable and, at the same
time, injurious to the interests of others.
This concludes the list of restrictions placed upon free¬
dom in sexual intercourse.

It is clear that moral indigna¬

tion varies in kind and degree with the categories trans¬
gressed—whether these be perversion or incest, breach
of exogamy or the infringement of matrimonial and other
prerogatives.

The last four categories—adultery, tres458

pass on the chief’s preserves, intercourse with social in¬
feriors, and numerical excess of intrigues—embrace of¬
fences which arouse neither contempt nor moral indignas

tionj they are enforced according to the power of the
aggrieved party, backed by the passive support of com' munal opinion.

An adulterer caught in flagrante may

be killed, and this will be recognized as legal retribution,
and not be followed up by a vendetta, especially if the
adultery be with a chief’s wife (see ch. v, sec. 2).

The

pre-eminently successful man—especially if of low rank
and distinguished only by personal qualities—would be
exposed to the danger of sorcery rather than to that of
direct violence.

And sorcery also would be used against

a man suspected of adultery but not caught in the act.
An interesting ethnological document, which throws
some light on the retributive use of sorcery, is provided
by the specific signs found on a corpse at exhumation indi¬
cating the habit, the quality, or the misdeeds for which
the man was killed by sorcery.

The natives—in common

with most primitive races—do not understand “death
from natural causes.”

When not the result of an obvious

physical lesion, death is caused by black magic, practised
by a sorcerer on his own account, or on behalf of some
notable who pays him to bring about his enemy’s death.
On the body of the victim, when it is ritually taken out
of the grave, are found signs (kola wabu) which show
why he was killed and thus indicate on whose behalf it
was done.

Such signs may point to sexual jealousy, per¬

sonal antagonism, political or economic envy as the
motive 5 and of frequent occurrence is the sign indicating

that the victim’s too pronounced erotic propensities were
his undoing.
Thus marks are sometimes found on a corpse which
resemble the erotic scratches (kimali) so characteristic of
native love-making.

Or the body when exhumed is

found doubled up with the legs apart, an attitude taken
during copulation by man as well as by woman.

Or the

mouth is pursed, as if to produce the loud smacking of the
lips by which one sex invites the other into the darkness
beyond the light of village fires.

Or again the body

swarms with lice, and, as we know, lousing each other
and eating the catch is a tender occupation of lovers.

All

these signs indicate that the man was done to death by
sorcery because he was too much addicted to sexual
pleasures, or could boast of too many conquests and such
as gave special offence to some powerful rival.

There

are also a number of standardized patterns which may be
found on a corpse suggestive of dancing decoration.
These indicate that jealousy of his personal appearance,
of his renown as a dancer and as a seducer by the dance
was the cause of his death.1
Such signs have to be noted by the deceased’s own
relatives, they are discussed freely—generally, however,
without any mention of the suspected sorcerer’s name or
of his employer’s—and no special shame attaches to them.
This is noteworthy in connection with the native’s attitude
to the last few taboos, that is those which safeguard the
rights of the husband, of the lover, and of the com1 Compare the writer’s Crime and Custom, pp. 87-94, for a full list of
sorcery signs and their significance in tribal law.

munity.

Success in love, personal beauty, and surpassing

accomplishments are reprehensible because they appeal
especially to women and always encroach upon the rights
of someone who, if he can, will avenge the wrong by
means of sorcery.

But, unlike other sexual offences,

adultery and success with women are not felt to be shame¬
ful or morally wrong.

On the contrary, they are envi¬

able, and surround the sinner with a halo of almost tragic
glory.1
Perhaps the most important linguistic distinction which
throws light upon the native psychology as regards taboos
is furnished by the use of the word bomala (taboo).

This

noun takes the pronominal suffixes of nearest possession—
boma-gu (my taboo), boma-m (thy taboo), boma-la (his

taboo)—which signifies that a man’s taboo, the things
which he must not eat or touch or do, is linguistically
classed with those objects most intimately bound up with
his person: parts of his body, his kindred, and such per¬
sonal qualities as his mind (nanola), his will (magila),
and his inside (lo-poula).

Thus bomala, those things

from which a man must keep away, is an integral part
of his personality, something which enters into his moral
make-up.
Not all the restrictions and prohibitions on our list can
be called by this name.

And when it is correctly used,

1 It was necessary to classify taboos in some way, in order to present
the material in a form in which it could be easily surveyed. Obviously
my fundamentum divisionis—the type of action forbidden—is not the only
possible basis for such a classification. The taboos could, for instance,
be regrouped according to sanction, intensity of moral feeling, or the vary¬
ing degree of general interest taken in the prohibition. These differen¬
tiating qualities, already indicated, will emerge even more clearly in the
course of the descriptions which follow.

its meaning is subject to many subtle variations, indicated
by tone and context, according to its application.

In its

full and correct meaning, the word bomala applies to all
the acts which are specifically called by the natives
suvasova—that is, to incest within the family and breach

of exogamy.

In this context, the word bomala denotes an

act which must not be committed because it is contrary
to the traditional constitution of clan and family; and
to all the inviolable laws which have been laid down in
old times

(tokunabogwo ayguri, “of old it was or¬

dained”).

Besides this general sanction, which is felt to

be rooted in the primeval nature of things, the breach of
the suvasova taboo entails a supernatural penalty: an ill¬
ness which covers the skin with sores and produces pains
and discomfort throughout the body.

(This supernatural

penalty can, however, be evaded by the performance of
a specific magic which removes the bad effects of endogamous intercourse.)

In the case of incest between

brother and sister, a very strong emotional tone enters
into the attitude of the natives, that is, into the significance
of the word bomala, endowing it with an unmistakable
phonetic colouring of horror and moral repugnance.
Thus even in their narrowest and most exclusive sense,
the words bomala and suvasova have various shades of
meaning and imply a complex system of traditional law
and of social mechanism.1
The word bomala is also used in its legitimate sense
of “taboo” for the several minor prohibitions, such as are
* Compare the detailed account of the various contraventions and eva¬
sions of traditional law given in Crime end. Custom.

inherent in a man’s office, situation or activity, and in this
application it still carries something of the idea of a
peremptory traditional rule, maintained by supernatural
sanctions.

But though the only correct description for

such taboos is the word bomalay it implies in this context
a different emotional attitude, milder sanctions and a
different type of rule.
In a less rigid sense bomala is used to denote the taboos
of adultery, the inexpediency of meddling with what is
sexually claimed by a chief, and the undesirability of
mating outside one’s own rank.

In these contexts, how¬

ever, the word covers only the idea and feeling of a
definite rule.

It entails neither supernatural sanctions

nor the emotion of pronounced moral disapproval, nor
even the feeling of a strong obligation.

This application

of the word is, in fact, not quite correct: the word
bubunela, “custom, the things which are done,” used with

a negative, would be more accurate here.
Bomala could not be correctly used of actions felt to

be shameful and unnatural, actions of which no sane and
self-respecting person would be guilty.

Neither does it

apply to “lack of dignity and decorum,” nor to actions
of hazardous enjoyment, nor to pre-eminent sexual suc¬
cess.
Thus, by the rules of usage, this word yields a native
classification of taboos into three groups: the genuine
taboos with supernatural sanction, the clear prohibitions
without supernatural sanction, and prohibitions of acts
which must not be done because they are shameful, dis¬
gusting, or else dangerous.

The widest linguistic instrument serving to express the
distinction between lawful and forbidden, and applicable
to all the restrictions of our twelve classes, is given by the
pair of words bwoyna and gaga (good and bad).

Such

general terms are naturally of loose application, cover a
wide range of meanings, and gain some precision only
from the context in which they are used.

Thus, acts as

repugnant and unspeakable as brother-sister incest, and
as desirably dangerous as adultery with a chief’s wife,
would be called gaga indiscriminately.

Gaga means, in

one context, “morally unpardonable and only to be atoned
by suicide”; in another, “against the law, against cus¬
tom”; in others, “indecorous,” “unpleasant,” “ugly,”
“disgusting,” “shameful,” “dangerous,” “dangerously
daring,” “dangerous and thus admirable.”
Analogously, the word bwoyna means everything from
“palatable,” “pleasant,” “seductive,” “attractive because
naughty” to “morally commendable because of the in¬
herent hardships.”

An action which is strongly flavoured

with the tempting taste of forbidden fruit might, there¬
fore, be plausibly labelled either bwoyna or gagay accord¬
ing to the mood, context, situation, and emotional twist
of the sentence.

So that these words—taken as isolated

fragments of vocabulary—afford only a vague index to
the moral statements, and do not give us even as much
help in defining native views and values as the word
bomala.

There is, perhaps, no more dangerous instrument than
a native vocabulary for the unwary ethnographer to
handle, if he is not assisted by a thorough working knowl464

edge of the native language, which alone enables him
to control the meaning of his terms through their ex¬
tensive usage in various contexts.

To note down isolated

terms with their translations into pidgin, and to parade
such crude translations as “native categories of thought”
is directly misleading.

There has been no greater source

of error in Anthropology than the use of misunderstood
and misinterpreted fragments of a native vocabulary by
observers not thoroughly conversant with native tongues
and ignorant of the sociological nature of language.

The

misleading effects of this are most harmful in the faulty
collection, in the field, of so-called systems of classificatory kinship terms, and in the reckless speculative use
of such fragmentary linguistic material.1
To one who uses native speech freely, a clear indica¬
tion of the shades of meaning implicit in the words
bwoyna and gaga is given by their phonetic feeling-tone

in actual utterance.

This, together with the emotional

inflexion of the whole sentence, the facial expression, the
accompanying gestures and significant behaviour, gives a
number of clearly marked distinctions in meaning.

Thus,

to repeat, gaga can express genuine moral indignation
amounting to real horror, or serious considerations of a
purely utilitarian nature, or, spoken with a smirk, a
pleasant veniality.

Such observations, however, though

of the greatest value to the ethnographer for his own
guidance, could be made into an unambiguous record only
by means of a phonograph and cinematograph, which,
1 This thesis will be developed in my forthcoming work on Psychology
of Kinship, announced in the International Library of Psychology (Kegan
Paul).

again, by the nature of the subject, it would be difficult
if not impossible to use.
Fortunately, once put on his guard and instructed by
direct observation of expressive tone and gesture, the
ethnographer can substantiate his results from other
material more easily framed into convincing documents.
There exist a number of circumlocutions and more ex¬
plicit phrases, which the natives volunteer in elaborating
the meaning of bwoyna and gaga.

Such elaborations recur

independently in the statements of different men from
different villages and districts.

They constitute a body of

linguistic evidence coinciding with emotional distinctions,
and expressing these in a more communicable manner.
When speaking of the most serious

offences—the

brother-sister incest, forbidden fornication within the
household, or open indecency between husband and wife
the natives say the word gaga very seriously, at times
with real horror in their inflexion.

Then an informant

would be more explicit; bayse sene gaga (“this is very
bad”); or gaga, gaga, a repetition which intensifies the
sense of the word; or gaga mokita (“truly bad”), and
add: sene mwa'u bayse, gala tavagi (“this is very heavy,
we do not do it ).

Or, again, when pressed to say what

a man would feel or do if he committed such a crime,
the native would usually answer: gala!—gala tavagi—
taytala ta’u ivagi—nanola bigaga, binagowa, imamata,
ilo'u: “No, we don’t do it.

If a man did it, his mind

having turned wrong and silly, he would wake up (i.e.
become sober and realize his crime) and commit suicide.”
Or he might say more negatively: gala tavagi—tanum4 66

way lava, or gala tavagi

tamwasawa, bigagabile: “We

don’t do it and then forget,” or “We don’t do it and then
play round and remain light-hearted.”

Sometimes an

s ordinary informant might refuse to discuss such matters
at all: bayse gaga, gala talivala, biga gaga: “This is bad,
we don’t speak about it, it is bad talk.”

All these stock

phrases spoken seriously, or with disgust and anger, ex¬
press the strongest disapproval.

Experience and tact

teach the observer that such subjects must never be ap¬
proached with direct reference to the informant, to his
sister or to his wife.

Even the friendliest native, if acci¬

dentally hurt by a tactless remark of this kind, immedi¬
ately departs and remains away for days.

All such sen¬

tences and types of behaviour define the first meaning of
the word gaga.
Gaga in some contexts can, therefore, mean repugnant,
horrible, unspeakable} in others it refers to the naturally
unpalatable and to contemptible actions which shock the
natives’ normal sexual impulse.

Here the feeling-tone

ranges from simple disgust to half-amused malice.

The

circumlocutions run as follows: gala tavagi; iminayna
nanogu; balagoba: “We don’t do it} my mind turns sick
(if I did it)} I would vomit.”

Tonagowa bayse si

vavagi: “These are the acts of a mentally deficient per¬
son.”

Gala tavagi, kada mwasila: “We don’t do it, be¬

cause we are ashamed.”

Senegaga—makawala mayna

.popu: “Very bad—smells like excrement.”

Makawala

ka'ukwa—tomwota gala: “In the fashion of a dog—not
of a man.”

That is, actions worthy of a dirty animal

and not of a human being.

They can give definite reasons why sexual aberrations
are bad: in sodomy, the disgusting nature of excrement 5
in exhibitionism, a contemptible lack of shame and dig¬
nity ; in oral perversions, the unpleasant taste and smell.
All these sayings express the second meaning of the word
gaga, “unnatural, disgusting, not worthy of a sound

human being.”

So used, it implies an aesthetic attitude

as well as a jaioral—one, and there is less feeling that
a traditional commandment has been broken than that a
natural law has been flouted.
Another class of sayings defines the word gaga as
meaning “dangerous.”

Gaga—igiburtda matauna: tako-

, kidama igisayda, sene mwahv—boge bika-

kola bwaga’u

tumate: “Bad—because that man (the aggrieved man) is

angry; we are afraid of the sorcerer, if they see us
(doing it), the punishment would be heavy—already we
would be killed.”

Or again, gala tavagi pela guya’u, or

pela la mwala: “We don’t do it because of the chief,” or

“because of the husband.”

Here bad means “dangerous,

exposing to revenge, that which provokes the anger of
the injured.”
Finally, speaking of minor taboos we would be told:
Gaga pela bomala bagula: “Bad because of the taboo of

the garden.”

Gaga pela kabilia: tavagi—boge iyousi

kayala: “Bad, because of war: if we do it—already the

spear hits us.”

Here the word gaga qualifies a number of

actions as undesirable and to be avoided, because of their
specific consequences.
From this it can be seen that the classification of moral
values indicated in the use of the words bwoyna and gaga

roughly corresponds to that derived from the word
bomala.

We will now give such details concerning the taboos
s on our list as have not been mentioned in this and the
foregoing chapters, taking them in the following order:
in the next two sections, the first group of our classifi¬
cation, general sexual prohibitions; in sections five and
six, sociological restrictions on sexual freedom.

The widest class of sexual activity excluded from native
life is that comprising aberrations of the sexual impulse
(No. i of the list in sec. 2). C-The natives regard such
practices as bestiality, homosexual love and intercourse,
fetishism, exhibitionism, and masturbation as but poor
substitutes for the natural act, and therefore as bad and
only worthy of fools.

Such practices are a subject for

derision, tolerant or scathing according to mood, for
ribald jokes and for funny stories.

Transgressions are

rather whipped by public contempt than controlled by
definite legal sanctions.

No penalties are attached to

them, nor are they believed to have any ill results on
health.

Nor would a native ever use the word taboo

{bomala) when speaking of them, for it would be an

insult thus to assume that any sane person would like to
commit them!

To ask a man seriously whether he had

indulged in such practices would deeply wound his vanity
and self-regard, as well as shock his natural inclination.

Vanity would be especially wounded, by the implication
that he must be unable to procure the full natural enjoy¬
ment of his impulse if he has to resort to such substitutes.
The Trobriander’s contempt for any perversion is similar
to his contempt for the man who eats inferior or impure
things in place of good, clean food, or for one who suffers
hunger because there is nothing in his yamhouse.
The following are typical remarks on the subject of
perversions: “No man or woman in our village does it.”
“No one likes to penetrate excrement.”
a dog better than a woman.”
could do it.”

“No one likes

“Only a tonagowa (idiot)

“Only a tonagowa masturbates.

It is a

great shame 5 we know then that no woman wants to copu¬
late with him; a man who does it, we know, cannot get
hold of a woman.”

In all native statements the unsatis¬

factory nature of a substitute or makeshift is emphasized,
and the implication is of poverty as well as of mental
and sexual deficiency.

The natives would also quote in¬

stances such as that of Orato’u, the village clown of
Omarakana, deformed and defective in speech 5 the sev¬
eral albinos and a few specially ugly women; and say that
such people, but not an ordinary man or woman, might
practise one perversion or another.
Of course, we know that such statements of a general
and absolute rule express a figment, an ideal, which, in
reality, is only imperfectly satisfied.

Most of these aber¬

rations are practised, though to a very limited extent, just
as the deficient and ugly are not entirely excluded from
the normal exercise of their sexual functions (see also
ch. x, sec. 2).

Let us now consider different types of perversion.

Homosexuality.—This orientation of the sexual im¬
pulse, if it exists at all among the Trobrianders, can be
found only in its more spiritual manifestation, that is, in
emotional and Platonic friendships.

It is allowed by

custom, and is, indeed, usual, for boy friends to embrace
one another, to sleep together on the same couch, to walk
enlaced or arm-in-arm.

In the personal friendships which

to the natives naturally express themselves by such bodily
contacts, strong preferences are displayed. Boys are often
seen in couples: Monakewo and Toviyamata, Mekala’i
and Tobutusawa, Dipapa and Burayama, most of whom
are now familiar to my readers, were constantly to be
seen together.

Sometimes such a friendship is just a

passing whim, but it may survive and mature into a
permanent relationship of mutual affection and assistance,
as did that between Bagido’u and Yobukwa’u, and, I was
told, between Mitakata and Namwana Guya’u before
these

two

became

implacable

enemies.

The

word

lubaygUy “my friend,” is used for such close alliances
between man and man, and it is remarkable that this word
also designates the love relation between man and woman.
But it would be as erroneous to consider this identity in
language as implying an identity in emotional content as
it would be to assume that every time a Frenchman uses
the word ami, a homosexual relation is implied, simply
because of its connotation when used by one sex of an¬
other.

In France, as in the Trobriands, context and situ¬

ation distinguish the two uses of the word ami (lubaygu)
and makes them into two semantically different words.

Difficult as it is exactly to draw the line between pure
“friendship” and “homosexual relation” in any society—
both because of laxity in definition and because of the diffi¬
culty of ascertaining the facts—it becomes almost impos¬
sible in a community such as the Trobriands.

Personally,

I find it misleading to use the term “homosexuality” in the
vague and almost intentionally all-embracing sense that is
now fashionable under the influence of psycho-analysis
and the apostles of “Urning” love.

If inversion be de¬

fined as a relationship in which detumescence is regularly
achieved by contact with a body of the same sex, then the
male friendships in the Trobriands are not homosexual,
nor is inversion extensively practised in the islands.

For,

as we know, the practice is really felt to be bad and
unclean because it is associated with excreta, for which
the natives feel a genuine disgust.

And while the ordi¬

nary caresses of affection are approved as between mem¬
bers of the same sex, any erotic caresses, scratching, nib¬
bling at eyelashes, or labial contact would be regarded
as revolting.
As we have said, there is always some discrepancy be¬
tween theory and practice 5 but in estimating the impor¬
tance of exceptions, we must allow for unnatural condi¬
tions of life and the influence of other civilizations.
Many natives are, under the present rule of whites,
cooped up in gaol, on mission stations, and in plantation
barracks.

Sexes are separated and normal intercourse

made impossible, yet an impulse trained to function regu¬
larly cannot be thwarted.

The white man’s influence

and his morality, stupidly misapplied where there is no

place for it, creates a setting favourable to homosexuality.
The natives are perfectly well aware that venereal disease
and homosexuality are among the benefits bestowed on
them by Western culture.
Although it is impossible for me to quote any wellauthenticated instance of this perversion from the old
times, I have no doubt that sporadic cases have always
occurred.

Indeed, the existence of such expressions as

ikaye popu: “he copulates excrement,” ikaye pwala-; “he

penetrates rectum,” and the well-defined moral attitude
towards it, are sufficient evidence of this.

Some inform¬

ants would go so far as to admit that homosexuality had
been practised formerly, but they would always insist that
it was only by mentally deficient people.

On the whole,

therefore, it is clear that this prohibition is not imposed
upon an unwilling moral acceptance, but is well en¬
trenched in the feeling and natural impulse of the natives.
How far this attitude is correlated with the wide and
varied opportunities for normal intercourse} how far it
is true that homosexuality is more efficiently eradicated by
derision than by heavy penalties, are questions which can
only be submitted as a subject for further observations
in the field.1
Bestiality.—This is derided as an unclean and unsatis¬
factory makeshift, even more incongruous and comical
than inversion.

It is remarkable that among a totemic

people—who claim affinity with animals, and treat the pig
as a member of the household—animal sodomy should
1 Cf. the writer’s Sex and Repression in Savage Societies, 1927, where
the problem has been discussed at length in part ii.

still be regarded as a dirty and unnatural practice.

The

natives see no continuity or relation between totemic mar¬
riage and intercourse, on the one hand, as these took place
in mythological times, and, on the other, what might be
called totemic fornication at the present day.
A well-documented case of bestiality is on record, how¬
ever, concerning a man who copulated with a dog.

It is

noteworthy that the case is famous throughout the dis¬
trict,-that the name of the man, all the circumstances, and
even the name of the dog “Jack” are household words in
every village.

It is also interesting that, while it is always

described or alluded to with considerable amusement,
there are clear indications that the matter would not be in
the least amusing if it concerned oneself or a kinsman
or friend.

“If I did it, or any one of my maternal kins¬

men or friends, I would commit suicide.”
Moniyala, has lived down his shame.

Yet the culprit,

He leads a happy

existence in Sinaketa, where I had the pleasure of meeting
him, and having a long conversation with him.

The sub¬

ject of his past lapse, however, must never be mentioned
in his presence, for, the natives say, if he heard anyone
speaking about it he would commit lo'u (suicide by jump¬
ing from a tree).
The circumstances of this case were as follows: Moni¬
yala was serving with a trader who owned a male dog
called Jack.

The two became friendly and, one day,

a girl saw Moniyala sodomizing the dog on the beach.
A scandal broke out, the native missionary preacher
brought the matter before the white resident magistrate
who placed Moniyala in gaol for six months.

After his

release Moniyala signed on for plantation work abroad
and stayed on the mainland of New Guinea for several
years.

When he came back he was able to brazen it out;

s but everybody seems to think that, in old days, he would
have committed suicide.

The natives agree that a dog

is worse than a pig, the former being the uncleaner animal.
Sadism and masochism.—Whether these complemen¬

tary perversions play a large part in the sexual life of the
natives I am unable to say.

The cruel forms of caress—

scratching, biting, spitting—to which a man has to submit
to a greater extent even than the woman, show that, as
elements in eroticism, they are not absent from native lovemaking.

On the other hand, flagellation as an erotic

practice is entirely unknown; and the idea that cruelty,
actively given or passively accepted, could lead, of itself
alone, to pleasant detumescence is incomprehensible, nay
ludicrous, to the natives.

I should say, therefore, that

these perversions do not exist in a crystallized form.
Fellatio.—This is probably practised in the intimacy
of love-making (see above, ch. x, sec. 12).

Receiving my

information exclusively from men, I was told that no
male would touch the female genitals in this manner, but,
at the same time, I was assured that penilinctus was ex¬
tensively practised.

I do not feel convinced, however, of

the truth of this masculine version.

The expression,

ikanumwasi kalu momonay “lapping up the sexual dis¬

charges,” designates both forms of fellatio.
Masturbation (ikivayni kwila: “he manipulates penis,”
isulumomoni: “he makes semen boil over”) is a recog¬

nized practice often referred to in jokes.

The natives

maintain, however, that it would be done only by an idiot
(tonagowa) or one of the unfortunate albinos, or one
defective in speech 3 in other words, only by those who
cannot obtain favours from women. The practice is
therefore regarded as undignified and unworthy of a man,
but in a rather amused and entirely indulgent manner.
Exactly the same attitude is adopted towards female
masturbation (ikivayni wila: “she manipulates cunnus”;
ibasi wila o yamala: “she pierces vagina with her hand”).
Nocturnal pollutions and dreams have already been
mentioned (see ch. xii, sec. 1). They are regarded, as
we know, as the result of magic and a proof of its effec¬
tiveness.
Exhibitionism is regarded by the natives with genuine
contempt and disgust: this has already been made clear
in the above description of the manner of dressing and
the careful adjustment of the male pubic leaf and femi¬
nine grass skirt.
In the treatment of these deviations of the sexual im¬
pulse, it is impossible to draw a rigid line between the use
of certain practices—such as fellatio, passionate and
exuberant caresses, interest in the genitals—when they are
used as preliminary and preparatory sexual approaches
on the one hand, and as definite perversions on the other.
The best criterion is whether they function as a part of
courting, leading up to normal copulation, or whether
they are sufficient by themselves for the production of
detumescence. It is well to remember in this context that
the nervous excitability of the natives is much less than
ours, and their sexual imagination is relatively very

sluggish;

that excitation and tumescence are usually

achieved only by the direct visual, olfactory, or tactual
stimulus of the sexual organs; and that orgasm, in man or
„ woman, requires more bodily contact, erotic preliminaries,
and, above all, direct friction of the mucous membranes
for its production.

It is, therefore, plausible to assume

that preparatory erotic approaches with the natives would
have less tendency to pass into autonomous acts, that is
to develop into perversions, than is the case among ner¬
vously more excitable races.

On the subject of general decorum (No. 2 of the list
in sec. 2) in sexual matters, there is little to add to the
information given in previous chapters; and a brief sum¬
mary will suffice to bring the facts to mind.

Decency in

speech and behaviour varies according to the relation in
which the members of any company stand to each other.
The presence of a sister and brother imposes a rigid pro¬
priety in social tone and conversation; and, to a lesser
extent, so does that of maternal cousins and members of
the same clan.

Again, when a woman is accompanied by

her husband, a strict etiquette must be observed.

The

wife’s sister is also an embarrassing companion; and in a
lesser degree so is the wife’s mother or any of her near
maternal relatives.

In the presence of a chief, commoners

may not joke or use obscene expressions.

The degree of

verbal freedom permitted is determined by the degree

of intimacy and length of acquaintance.

Many a time

have I seen my most ribald friends sit demure, polite, and
dignified, discussing such subjects as weather, health, the
amenities of travel, the welfare of mutual friends and
other universal subjects of small talk, because of the
presence of strangers from overseas or from some distant
inland district.

When these had gone away the conver¬

sation was apt to assume a specially hilarious tone to com¬
pensate for this polite reticence.
But though licence in speech is allowed and enjoyed
in the right company, great restraint is always observed in
public as regards action.

In vain would one look in the

Trobriands for traces and survivals of the untrammelled
licence and lust alleged to have existed in primeval times.
With the one possible exception of the Southern kayasa
(ch. ix, sec. 5) there are no public orgies in which men
and women would copulate in the sight of all present,
orgies which have been reported from other parts of
Melanesia.

The myths and legendary customs which we

have described are, of course, irrelevant, and even these
are not really concerned with public orgies for the sat¬
isfaction of lust.

To the natives sexual

definitely objectionable.

publicity is

They will say that they are

“ashamed to do or even to speak about such things,” that
“such things are like those of a dog.”

In the bachelors’

house (see ch. iii, sec. 4) considerable attention is devoted
to the maintenance of an exclusive privacy.

All this is in

harmony with the natives’ strict attention to modesty in
dress.
Even courting is conducted most decorously.

Scenes

of frequent occurrence in any public park in Europe, after
dark or even before, would never be seen in a Trobriand
village.

Holding hands, leaning against each other, em-

s bracing—gestures which, as we know, are not considered
objectionable as between boys and are frequently seen
between girls—are not permitted to lovers in public.

I

observed once or twice that Yobukwa’u and his betrothed
used to lie together on a mat in broad daylight, deco¬
rously, but unmistakably leaning against each other and
holding hands, in a manner which we would find perfectly
natural in a pair of lovers soon to be married.

But when

I mentioned this in discussing the whole subject with
some natives, I was told at once that it was a new fashion
and not correct according to old custom.

Tokolibeba,

once a famous Don Juan, now a peppery old conservative
and stickler for proprieties, insisted that this was misinari
si bubunela, “missionary fashion,” one of those novel im¬

moralities introduced by Christianity.

He spoke with as

much feeling and righteous indignation as the late Rev.
C. M. Hyde of Honolulu might have used against
heathen pruriency.
We can now understand better the value of erotic
games to the native.

The bodily contacts afforded by

them are appreciated just because, under ordinary cir¬
cumstances, they cannot be indulged.

All preliminary

erotic approaches must be carried out under cover of dark¬
ness.

And since much of the love magic, with which they

are so often fortified, requires close bodily contact (see
chs. x and xi) the games are there to provide it.

Nipples

are touched with a magic-covered palm, a charmed finger

is inserted into the vagina, or an enchanted perfume held
below the nostrils, discreetly in the dark, as the game
gives opportunity.

It is always suspected but never seen;

even when quarrels and litigations arise because some such
attempt to wile away affection is alleged, it is difficult
to find a witness of the act.
This by-way of native practice gives incidentally a
good illustration of the dangers which beset the eth¬
nologist.

In the early days of my field-work, my cook,

Ubi’ubi, whom I had imported from the South Coast of
New Guinea, was accused of digital insertion by the local
natives.

At this time I did most of my work in pidgin

English, and I find in my notes that my interpreter in¬
formed me that his action had a special native name:
“Boy he call him kaynobasi wila” that is to say: “The
custom is named by the native the piercing through the
vulva.”

I could not understand why among these easy¬

going people this action should arouse such strong moral
feeling, and I made an entry in my notes: “The custom
of inserting a finger into the vagina is morally very rep¬
rehensible to the natives.”

Thus, ignorance of the lan¬

guage and a superficial acquaintance with the natives led
me completely astray.

To put the whole incident in its

proper perspective, it was necessary to understand the
native attitude towards decorum in general and, in par¬
ticular, their beliefs about erotic enchantment by magic.
It was not so much that my cook-boy allowed himself a
somewhat unseemly gesture, but rather that he was sus¬
pected of exercising a powerful form of magic to alienate
the girl’s affections from her usual lover.

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Ancestral Emergence Spot in a Small Village on the Island of Vakuta

Thus behaviour between the sexes conforms to a defi¬
nite standard of decorum, which, needless to say, is not
the same as morality.

Speech, on the other hand, is given

s a much more generous margin of freedom.

Relative

latitudes in speech and behaviour would make an interest¬
ing investigation for comparative ethnology, for they do
not seem to develop along parallel lines.

Indeed, greater

freedom of speech, acting as a safety valve, may be asso¬
ciated with greater restraint in behaviour, and vice versa.1
In an appropriate social setting, sex is quite a favourite
topic of conversation.

Ribald jokes, indecent gossip and

anecdotes are a recognized form of entertainment, as we
saw in connection with sexual folk-lore.

In this, as in

everything else, I found considerable individual differ¬
ences.

Some natives were sober in speech and not much

interested in sexual ribaldry; others specialized, so to
speak, in obscene speech and doubtful jokes.

The sense

of humour, also, varied greatly from man to man, from
the morose and unsmiling churl or the naive goodnatured simpleton, to the man with real wit and humour,
always ready for a joke, able to tell a good story, and sel¬
dom taking offence unless it was meant.

With Paluwa

and his son Monakewo, with Tokulubakiki and Kayla’i,
I could indulge in a considerable amount of mutual “rag¬
ging”; they would never misunderstand an allusion or a
joke, and often they made me laugh with an apt obser¬
vation, turned against myself and not always devoid of
malice.

Again there are the chartered village clowns,

some of whom like Orato’u, the idiot of Omarakana,
i Cf. Sex and Repression, part ii.

turn their speech impediment to advantage, while others,
whose humour is of the crude and impudent kind, play
practical jokes, shout out their witticisms, take liberties
even with men of high rank, or imitate, sometimes quite
cleverly, peculiarities of well-known persons.
But in all grades of humour, sexual jokes and allusions
play an important part.

When no people of the forbid¬

den degrees are present, sexual matters are discussed
without circumlocution 5 anatomical and physiological ex¬
pressions, phrases denoting perversions and peculiarities
are freely used.
I shall quote only a few typical sayings to indicate how
this type of remark enters into daily conversation.

In

the excitement of games or of communal work, the native
will express intense general enjoyment by exclaiming:
agudeydes, akay kwim! “hullo, fornicate thy penis!” or,

if addressing a female, wim, kasesam! “thy cunnus, thy
clitoris!”

A humorous expression is: yakay, puwagul

“oo, my testicles!”

Exclamatory phrases referring to

private parts with embellishments are often jocularly ex¬
changed between friends, much as we might say: “damn
your eyes!”
We have already met several such typical jesting allu¬
sions in the fairy tales, especially in the song of the reef
heron to the old woman, Ilakavetega (see ch. xii, sec. 3).
The interest taken in malformations of the private parts
is to be found also in the story about the man with the
long penis, the woman who stows away food in her vagina,
and the old mother endowed with five clitorises.

In

actual life a native will say jocularly: kwaypwase wimy

“decomposed thy cunnus”3 or wim ipwase, “thy cunnus
is decomposed” 5 or kwaybulabola wim, “enormously en¬
larged is thy cunnus”3 or, for a change, kwaypatu wimy
“contracted is thy cunnus.”

And to a man: kaykukupi

kwim} “very small is thy penis”3 kaygatu kwimy “dirty

is thy penis” 3 kalu nau’u kwim, “covered with stale dis¬
charge is thy penis” 3 kaypaki kwimy “sore-covered is thy
penis.”

Apart from jokes, the natives take a great in¬

terest in supposed malformations or advantageous incre¬
ments and developments of the sexual organs.

Thus, to

a man of high rank and of great reputation will be at¬
tributed an extraordinarily long and stout organ.

The

late paramount chief, Numakala, was credited with a penis
which used to grow in length during copulation and be¬
come swollen and round like a ball at the end.

This was

counted to his credit and treated seriously as an enviable
erotic asset.
Incongruity in sexual matters is a frequent subject for
jokes.

Thus possible or imputed copulation with women

famed for their repulsiveness, such as Tilapo’i or Kurayana, is, as we know, a frequent form of jocular address.
Kwoy Tilapo’i! “copulate with Tilapo’i!” is a very mild

form of abuse 3 or a friend coming from the direction of
her village might be hailed, Boge kukaye Tilapo’i? “Hast
thou already copulated with Tilapo’i?”

The slightest

inaccuracy or imagined inaccuracy in the set of the pubic
leaf is immediately seized upon: Yavim boge ipwase—
tagise puwamy “thy pubic leaf is out of order—let us see

thy testicles.”

Similar jokes are made about insufficiently

shaven pubic hair and about alleged fornication with some

old woman or a chief’s wife.

Taunts implying intensity

or illicitness of copulation are frequent: tokakayta yoku,
tokaylasi yokuy tosuvasova yokuy “Thou fornicator, thou

adulterer, thou incest-committer.”
All these remarks, however, are primarily used in
friendly banter from which serious and offensive forms
of abuse must be distinguished.

Swearing is used in the

Trobriands, as with us, as a substitute reaction to minor
annoyances, and is so used against things or people with¬
out giving serious offence.

The strongest forms of abu¬

sive language would not, however, be used on such trivial
occasions.

Swearing in anger may lead to serious conse¬

quences when the temper of those concerned is not under
control.

It may lead to a more or less prolonged breach

of personal relations, to a fight, or even to a communal
feud.

Or, again, abuse can be used deliberately to shame

or to startle people by putting their misdeeds before them
in strong language.

This is done when a grievance is

real and serious enough to be brought up against the of¬
fender to check him, but not so grave and shameful as to
entail such tragic consequences as a broken relationship or
suicide.

Thus a wife might shame a husband suspected

of misconduct by using against him in public the various
circumlocutions and direct expressions for adultery.

She

would do so only in a narrow circle of friends, breaking,
for this moral purpose, the usual restraint which a woman
has to observe with regard to her husband.

Or, again, a

matrilineal uncle might use this method to reprimand his
nephew for minor cases of exogamous breachj or a father
might reprove his daughter for too indiscriminate or too

aggressive fornication.

Such reprimands would not be

administered in the presence of many people, but, in their
appropriate setting of friends or relatives, they play an
important part in the regulation of tribal life. Kakayuwa,
“to shame,” “to startle,” “to shake up,” and yakaiay “to
have it out with someone,” are the words used to describe
such proceedings.1
In such admonitory accusations certain abusive terms
are used, such as adulterer (t okay Iasi), breaker of incest
(tosuvasova) j or, to a woman, wanton (nakakayta) or

drab (nakaytabwa).

The same terms can be used, not in

well-meant and deliberate reprimand, but as abuse meant
to hurt and to hurt only; and if, thus used, they happen
really to apply, the insult is doubly serious.

For the

truth, in the Trobriands as elsewhere, is the cruelest and
most fatal instrument of malice.
Bad language is also used in certain expressions of spe¬
cific abuse meant only to offend and not, as a rule, bearing
any relation to fact, as they often refer to acts almost im¬
practicable.

Most such expressions begin with the char¬

acteristic imperative so widespread throughout swearing
humanity: in this case, “Copulate with . . .

followed

by various unsuitable persons as putative objects for
erotic approach—sometimes a repulsive person, sometimes
a dog, sometimes an unattractive part of the body.

This

is the most innocuous form of this kind of abuse, and is
only offensive if offence is intended.

It becomes really

1 Compare Crime and Custom, ch. xii, for further data referring to
and the part played by verbal accusation in the regulation of
tribal life, and Sex and Repression, part ii, ch. iv, on the subject of bad
language.

yakala

serious when a sociologically forbidden person is inserted
as object.

The two incestuous imperatives kwoy inam,

“copulate with thy mother,” and kwoy lumuta} “copulate
with thy sister,” with kwoy um kwavay “copulate with
thy wife,” form the fundamental trio of this category.
The first invitation can be merely a joke and is often used
in good-natured abuse or at times sharply and with annoy¬
ance, but never implies serious offence.

It is also a

common impersonal expletive, such as our “bloody” or
“damn.”
Used with reference to the sister, it is an unpardonable
offence when addressed to a person, and is felt to be so
pregnant with dangerous consequences that it is never
used impersonally as a mere expletive.

And when the

real name of the sister or brother is inserted—for the
word lumuta means thy sister when a man speaks and thy
brother when a woman speaks—it is the second worst of¬
fence imaginable to a Trobriander.

Remarkably enough,

even stronger is the expression: “Copulate with thy wife.”
This is so unmentionable to the natives that, in spite of
my scientific interest in bad language, I was very long
without knowing that it existed and, even in telling me
this expression, my informants were serious, subdued, and
unwilling to dwell on the subject.

Their attitude to this

phrase is correlated with the rule that the erotic life of
husband and wife should always remain completely con¬
cealed, and it has a special indecency in that it refers to
an action which does as a matter of fact take place.
Another form of typical abuse is “Eat your excre¬
ment,

with several variants which we have already men-

tioned in this chapter.

A third category, also familiar to

us (see ch. vii, sec. 6), is the assertion of physical simi¬
larity to any maternal relative, and worst of all, of course,
** to the sister.

Migim lumuta, “Thy face thy sister’s,” is

one of the worst insults possible.
Blasphemy, strictly speaking, does not exist, although
the natives say that they would not use indecent expres¬
sions with regard to ancestral spirits and that, both in this
world and after they have left it, they would use very
guarded language about Topileta (see ch. xii, sec. 5).
The native words for swearing or abuse are kamtoki
and kayluki used with reflective personal plurals.

Thus

ikaylukzvaygu or ikamtokaygu means “he is abusing me.”

Another expression ikavitagi yagagu means literally, “He
has fouled my name,” or, when similarity with a maternal
relative has been referred to, ikavitagi migigu, “he has
befouled my face.”

In all swearing the addition of the

name of the person abused, and, when it is a sociological
insult, of the sister, wife or mother, adds considerably to
the strength of the insult.
In this and in other contexts we find that whenever the
natives touch on something that has really happened,
greater restraint is necessary and allusions and abuse be¬
come much more poignant.

A man will talk freely about

himself and his own erotic affairs—in fact the confidences
of my various friends have furnished the best material
for the present book—but even in this there were limits}
and of the incestuous or adulterous or tabooed intrigues of
many of my acquaintances I had to learn, not from them,
but from their best friends.

Here again, though such

gossip would be retailed freely behind the man’s back, it
would never be spoken of, to his face.

The incestuous

affairs of the chief’s sons in Omarakana, the hopeless
matrimonial prospects of Monakewo or Mekala’i were
never spoken about in their presence.

Delicacy in touch¬

ing upon the intimate concerns of those present is as great
among the Trobrianders as among well-bred people in
Europe.
We now pass to No. 3 in our classification of taboos,
disapproval of sexual greed and lechery (see list in sec. 2).
Inability to master desire, leading to insistent and aggres¬
sive sexuality, is regarded with contempt both in man
and in woman, though it is felt to be really repugnant
only in women. Thus Yakalusa, a daughter of a chief of
Kasana’i, was accused of spontaneously approaching men,
talking to them, and inviting them to have intercourse
with her.

A similar reputation attached to several girls

in Omarakana.

Again there are clear cases on record of

nymphomaniacs, who could not be satisfied with moderate
sexual intercourse and required a number of men every
night.

There was a girl of Kitava who actually made the

round of the main island in search of erotic diversion.
While I was staying in Sinaketa she also was a visitor
there and gossip was very active though not specially
antagonistic.

It was said that she would go out into the

jungle with a group of boys and withdraw with one after
another, spending days and nights in this occupation.
It must be made clear, exactly what it is that the na¬
tives find reprehensible about sexual greed in a woman.
It is certainly not her interest in fornication, nor is it the

fact that she initiates the intrigue3 they object to direct
invitation in place of the more seemly method of seduc¬
tion by magic, and to the unsuccess and small sense of
s personal worth that such urgent solicitation implies.
The native term for such women is nakaytabwa (drab),
which was thus elaborated to me: sene bidubadu tomwota
ikakayta; gala ilukwali kalu bulabola—sene nakaytabwa.

This might be rendered: “Very many men she copulates
with 3 not satisfied is ever her large orifice—such a one
we call a drab.”

Here we get a direct mention of sexual

insatiability 3 in other words, an expression of the idea of
nymphomania.
Two alternative expressions for nakaytabwa are nakakayta (literally, “female copulator”), and the expression
naka'ulatile (“wanton”) which was explained to me as

follows:
Kidama

tayta vivila

gala imaymaysi tauyayuy

Supposing one

woman no

ilolo

titolela imwayki

wala

they come men,
tayu—

she goes indeed herself she comes to man
yagala

nakayulatile.

her name wanton.
Or freely: “When a woman has no men who come to her,
and takes the initiative and goes herself to a man, we call
her a wanton.”

It is clear that the moral censure incurred

by such women is founded on the shame that attaches to
erotic unsuccess.
Censure of lechery in a man has the same foundation.
Tokokolosi is the word used to denote a man who pursues

women and inflicts his attentions on them.

An interest¬

ing instance occurred in my own experience.

After about

eighteen months’ absence, I returned to Omarakana and
resumed my old acquaintance with Namwana Guya’u.
He, as we know, had been worsted by Mitakata and hated
him impotently, therefore he sought to blacken him in
my eyes, and brought the most venomous possible charge
against him:
Tokokolosi matauna

ibia

A rutter

he pulls women:

this man

ipakayse

iyousi,

boge

already
ipayki,

kumaydona. bZLinana

they refuse all.
matauna

vivila:

This woman refuses,
ibia.

this man catches, pulls.
To make the picture really sinister Namwana Guya’u
added a touch of exhibitionism to it:
yavila,

Iliku

bitotona

He undoes pubic leaf his,
iluki

vivila:

kwila;

it stands up penis his 3

(<Kuma

he tells (to a) woman: “Come

kwabukwani

get hold (of)

kwigu.”

Boge

ipakayse

vivila,

penis mine.”

Already

they refuse

women,

pela

tokokolosi

vivila.

because satyr (towards) women.
In free translation: “He undoes his pubic leaf, and
allows his penis to become erect.

He then tells a woman:

‘Come and caress my penis.’

Women already are dis¬

gusted with him because he is such a satyr.”
In this one text we find an expression of the native
contempt for exhibitionism, insistent pursuit of women,
and unsuccess in love; and women’s dislike of too eager
attentions.

We have, also, the interesting association be¬

tween the removal of the pubic leaf and erection.
The whole attitude of the Trobriander towards sexual
excess displays an appreciation of restraint and dignity,
and an admiration for success; not only for what it gives
to a man, but because it means that he is above any need
for active aggression.

The moral command not to vio¬

late, solicit, or touch is founded on a strong conviction
that it is shameful; and shameful because real worth lies
in being coveted, in conquering by charm, by beauty and
by magic.

Thus all the threads of our account weave into

one complex pattern; manners, morals, and aesthetic judg¬
ment fit into the psychology of love-making and of con¬
quest by magic.
If I were allowed to go beyond the scope of the present
study, I should like to demonstrate that the same pattern
is also found in the psychology of economic and cere¬
monial give-and-take, and in the native views concerning
reciprocity in legal obligation.

Everywhere we find dis¬

approval of direct solicitation, of covetousness and cupid¬
ity, and, above all, the dishonour attaching to real need
and dearth.

Plenty, on the other hand, and wealth, com¬

bined with a careless generosity in giving, are glorious.1
1 Cf. the analysis of economic psychology in Argonauts of the JVestern
Pacific, ch. vi, and passim, and of the principle of reciprocity in Crime
and Custom.

The only category of taboos in our general list which
now remains is No. 5 of our list in section 2, that com¬
prising miscellaneous prohibitions arising out of special
occasions in tribal life.

When engaged in warfare, men

must abstain from sexual intercourse whether with wife
or paramour.

The taboo becomes operative from the day

when, with a special ceremony called vatula bulami, the
forces are mustered and war magic is set in motion.

Not

only must a man abstain from any sexual intercourse, but
he is not allowed to sleep on the same mat or on the
same bedstead with a woman.

Certain houses are re¬

served for men, while the women and children congregate
in others.

Any amorous dalliance at such a time would

be regarded as dangerous to the community’s chances of
winning the war, and therefore as shameful and unseemly.
Further, there are definite penalties which would fall on
the individual transgressor.

Should he indulge in inter¬

course, a hostile spear would pierce his penis or his tes¬
ticles.

Should he sleep nose to nose with his sweetheart,

he would be hit on the nose or thereabouts.

Were he to

sit even on the same mat with a girl, his buttocks would
not be safe from attack.

I had the impression from the

way in which my informants spoke about the matter, that
the war taboos were fully and rigorously observed.

No

doubt the men were far too engrossed in the excitement
of the fighting to turn any attention to the more usual and
therefore, perhaps, less absorbing sport of love.
The gardens should not be in any way associated with
amorous advances.

Neither within the enclosure proper

nor anywhere near it, should a man and a woman be
found love-making.

In the phrase for describing illicit

love-making the belt

of bush

adjoining the garden

(,lokeda) is specified (see pi. 88).

To have intercourse

in or near the gardens is called by the natives isikayse
tokeda, “they sit down upon the belt of bush adjoining

the garden.”

Particularly objectionable are any advances

on the part of men during the garden work which is espe¬
cially done by women: the pwakova (“weeding”) and the
koumwali (“clearing of the ground before planting”).

It will be remembered that the legendary fornicator,
Inuvayla’u, was wont to approach the women when en¬
gaged on this and other specifically feminine occupations
and that this was one of the worst traits in his character.
It is improper for a man even to be present during any
of these occupations: communal weeding or clearing, col¬
lecting shells, fetching water, gathering firewood from
the bush, the ceremonial making of fibre petticoats.

In¬

tercourse in the gardens is punished by a special visitation:
the bush pigs are attracted by the smell of seminal fluid,
they break through the fences and destroy the gardens.
A special taboo enjoins chastity on women who remain
at home while their husbands and lovers are away on a
kula expedition.

Any infidelity affects the speed of their

husbands’ canoes and causes them to move very slowly
(see also above, ch. v, sec. 2).

The taboos imposed dur¬

ing pregnancy and after childbirth have already been
described in detail (see ch. viii), as well as the aversion
(not fortified by supernatural penalties) from intercourse

during menstruation.

This concludes our survey of the

general taboos, and we now proceed to special prohibitions
associated with kinship and relationship by marriage.

The sociological regulations which divide persons of
the opposite sex into lawful and unlawful in relation to
one another 5 which restrain intercourse in virtue of the
legal act of marriage and which discriminate between cer¬
tain unions in respect of their desirability, have to be dis¬
tinguished from the taboos of a general nature already
described.

In these we found expressions of disapproval,

ranging from horror to distaste, of certain sexual acts and
approaches, defined physiologically or by the occasion on
which they occur.

The rules to which we now proceed

can be stated only with reference to social organization,
and above all to the institution of family and the division
into totemic'^clans.1
The totemic organization of the natives is simple and
symmetrical in its general outline.
into four clans (kumilu').

Humanity is divided

Totemic nature is conceived

to be as deeply ingrained in the substance of the indi¬
vidual as sex, colour, and stature.

It can never be

changed, and it transcends individual life, for it is car¬
ried over into the next world, and brought back unchanged
1 The institution of marriage is inseparable from the family and will
therefore, be mentioned incidentally in what follows. It has already been
treated in some detail with the taboos and regulations which it entails
(cf. chs. iv, v, and vi, and the penultimate section of this chapter).

into this one when the spirit returns by reincarnation.
This fourfold totemic division is thought to be universal,
embracing every section of mankind.

When a European

arrives in the Trobriands, the natives simply and sincerely
ask to which of the four classes he belongs, and it is not
easy to explain to the most intelligent among them that
the totemic fourfold division is not universal and rooted
in the nature of man.

The natives of neighbouring areas,

where there are more than four clans, are invariably and
readily made to conform to the fourfold scheme by allo¬
cating several of the alien clans to each one of the four
Trobriand divisions.

For such subordination of minor

groups to the larger divisions there is a pattern in Tro¬
briand culture, since each of their big totemic clans com¬
prises smaller groups called dala, or, as we shall call
them, “sub-clans.”
The sub-clans are at least as important as the clans, for
the members of the same sub-clan regard themselves as
real kindred, claim the same rank, and form the local unit
in Trobriand society.

Each local community is composed

of people belonging to one sub-clan, and to one sub-clan
only, who have joint rights to the village site, to the sur¬
rounding garden-lands, and to a number of local privi¬
leges.

Large villages are compounded of several minor

local units, but each unit has its own compact site within
the village and owns a large contiguous area of gardenland.

There are even different terms to denote member¬

ship within the sub-clan and membership in the clan.
People of the same sub-clan are real kinsmen, and call
one another veyogUy my kinsman.

But a man will only

apply this term loosely and metaphorically to one who,
though a member of the same clan, belongs to a different
sub-clan, and will, if questioned directly, inform you that
the other man is only pseudo-kindred, using the depre¬
catory term kakaveyogu (my spurious kinsman).
Each of the four clans has its own name: Malasi,
Lukuba, Lukwasisiga, Lukulabuta.

Such a clan name is

used by a man or a woman as a definition of his or of
her social identity: “My name is so-and-so, and I am a
Malasi.”

There are special combinations of the clan

names with formative roots, to describe men and women
and the mixed plurality belonging to the same clan:
Tomalasi—a Malasi man; Immalasi—a Malasi woman;
Memalasi—the Malasi people; Tolukuba—a Lukuba
man; Imkuba—a Lukuba woman; Milukuba—the Lu¬
kuba people, and so on.

When a man says Tomalasi

yaygu, he gives a sociological definition of his place within

the universal fourfold division of mankind, and he also
thereby settles his associations in any community to which
he has recently arrived.

To a native this statement indi¬

cates a number of personal characteristics as well, or at
least potentialities: such as magical knowledge, citizenship
(when the sub-clan is also mentioned), moral and intel¬
lectual propensities, historical antecedents, relation to cer¬
tain animals and plants and also an indication of rank.
Thus the Malasi claim primacy among other totemic di¬
visions, though this is only very grudgingly granted by
members of other clans.
The Malasi have, however, a good piece of heraldic
evidence in their favour.

Near the village of Laba’i, on

the northern shore of the main island, there is a spot
called Obukula, which is marked by a coral outcrop.
Obukula is, in fact, a “hole” (dubwadebula), or “house”
(bwala) 5 that is to say, one of the points from which the
first ancestors of a lineage emerged.

For before they

appeared on this earth, human beings led a subterranean
existence similar in all respects to life in surface Trobriand villages and organized on the same social pattern.
They dwelt in identical local communities, were divided
into clans and sub-clans, were grouped into districts, and
lived as good a family life as do present-day natives.
They also owned property—that is gugu’a, the workaday
implements and chattels, and vaygu’a, “valuables,” and
houses, canoes, and land.

They practised arts and crafts

and possessed specific magic.
Now, when they decided to come up to the surface of
the earth, they collected all their belongings and emerged
in the locality of which they wanted to take possession.
The spot of their emergence is usually marked by a
grotto, a large boulder, a pool, the head of a tidal creek,
or merely a large stone in the village centre or street (see
pi. 89).

In this way they established the traditional

claim to ownership of the “hole” and its surroundings;
that is, of the village site, which often lies immediately
round the hole, of the adjoining lands, and of the eco¬
nomic privileges and pursuits associated with the locality.
It is the rule in Trobriand mythology that, originally,
only one couple emerged from each such “hole,” a brother
and a sister; she to start the lineage, he to protect her and
look after her affairs.

Thus the rule is: one clan, one

village, one portion of garden-land, one system of gar¬
dening and fishing magic, one pair of brother and sister
ancestors, one rank and one pedigree.

This latter can

never be really traced, but it is firmly believed to go back
to the original woman who came out of the hole.
To this “one-hole-one-line-one-sub-clan” rule there is
only one exception, the hole of Obukula already men¬
tioned.

In this case we have one hole for the four main

clans

we have ancestors who are defined not by sub-clan

but by their clan identity j and we have an act of emer¬
gence which established not a special form of citizenship
and ownership, not privileges for one sub-clan, but the
respective position of the four clans in the scale of rank.
The myth of the hole of Obukula runs thus.

First the

representative of the Lukulabuta, its totemic animal the
Kay lav a si (iguana or giant lizard), came to the surface,

scratching away the earth as these animals wilj. do.

He

ran up a tree and from this point of vantage waited for
what should follow.

Nor did he have to wait long.

Through the hole he had made scrambled the dog, the
animal of the Lukuba clan, who, the second on the scene,
obtained the highest rank for the time being.

fTs glory

was short-lived, however, for soon afterwards came the
pig: that noble animal, very close to man himself in rank,
and representative of the Malasi.

The last to appear was

the animal of the Lukwasisiga clan, variously described as
the snake, the opossum, or the crocodile.

The myths dis¬

agree as to its identity and indeed this ambiguous animal
plays the least important part in the story and in Trobriand totemism.

The pig and the dog played together; and the dog,
running through the bush, saw the fruit of a plant called
noku. This is considered by the natives a very inferior
form of nourishment, and although it is not specifically
forbidden to any clan or person, it is eaten only in times
of greatest dearth and famine. The dog smelt it, licked
it, and ate it. The pig seized his opportunity, and then
and there laid down the charter of his rank, saying: “Thou
eatest noku, thou eatest excrement; thou art a low-bred
commoner. Henceforth I shall be the guyaku, the chief.”
From this incident dates the Malasi claim to rank higher
than the other clans, and one of their sub-clans, the
Tabalu, have, indeed, the highest position; they are the
real chiefs, acknowledged to be of supreme rank, not by
the Trobriands only, but by the adjoining areas as well.
Thus do the natives account for the difference in rank.
The partaking of unclean food—the most important cri¬
terion of social inferiority—caused the downfall of the
Lukuba, and the rise of the Malasi. But it must be re¬
membered that this latter clan includes besides the highest
sub-clan (the Tabalu), that one which is most despised,
associated with the village of Bwaytalu. No respectable
Lukuba man would marry a Malasi woman from that vil¬
lage j no Tabalu would claim kinship with any one of its
inhabitants, and he takes it very badly when it is pointed
out that they are his kakaveyola (pseudo-kindred). The
natives of the several local communities in the compound
village of Bwaytalu, Ba’u, and Suviyagila form, as we
have already mentioned, a practically endogamous dis¬
trict in which the members of the various clans have to

observe exogamy within their circle of villages, since they
cannot mate outside it.

We have thus an endogamous

district within which totemic exogamy is observed.
Thus in respect of rank, it is the sub-clan rather than
the clan that matters, and this holds good with regard to
local rights and privileges.

In a village community which

belongs to the Lukwasisiga of the Kwaynama sub-clan,
only members of the latter are citizens.

Others of the

Lukwasisiga clan, who do not belong to that sub-clan are
no more at home there than the Malasi or the Lukuba
would be.

The clan, therefore, is primarily a social cate¬

gory rather than a group, a category in which a number
of animals, plants, and other natural objects are placed.
But the totemic nature of a clan is not of great impor¬
tance, and its religious significance is very much over¬
shadowed by its social functions.

The clan as a whole is

to be seen at work only in certain big ceremonies, when
all the sub-clans of the Malasi or Lukuba or Lukwasisiga
or Lukulabuta act together and support one another.
It was necessary to give a somewhat detailed and con¬
crete account of clan and sub-clan, of their organization,
mythology, and social functions, in order to present them
as living and effective units rather than as a mere numeri¬
cal scheme ornamented by native names.

The aspect of

clan organization, however, which interests us here pri¬
marily, is exogamy, that is the prohibition of sexual inter¬
course within the clan.

All members of the same large

group designate themselves, as we know, by the same
name, and this, especially in the simpler cultures, is not
merely a label but an indication of nature.

A common

name means, to a certain extent, an identity of personal
substance, and kinship implies a bodily sameness.
The real importance of the clan in native imagination
and society is illustrated by an interesting linguistic dis¬
tinction.

The native word for “friend” is lubayguy sig¬

nifying “the man with whom I associate from choice,
because I like him.”

A European who is learning the

language invariably makes mistakes in using this word.
Wherever he sees two men closely associated, getting on
well together, and obviously on friendly terms, he de¬
scribes their relationship by the word lubayla (his friend),
without first finding out whether they are kindred.

But

this word may only be applied to a man’s friend from
another clan, and it is not only incorrect, but even im¬
proper, to use it of a kinsman.

Whenever I used the ex¬

pression lubaym (thy friend) to denote a man’s close
companion from the same clan, I was rather sharply cor¬
rected.

Gala!

Veyogu matauna, veyoda—kumila tay-

tanidesi! (“No! this man is my kinsman; we’re kinsmen

—the clan is the same!”)

Thus a twofold scheme in the

relations between men is clearly defined linguistically by
the two words for friend, one meaning “friend within the
barrier,” the other “friend across the barrier.”

This dis¬

tinction shows how strong is the idea of clanship; it also
corresponds to the classificatory use of kinship terms, and
to the whole scheme of native relationship.
Needless to say, the same distinction is made when
speaking or thinking of the relation between a man and
a woman.

T he word lubayguy meaning here

sweetheart

or lover,” can never be applied to a woman of the same

clan.

In this context it is even more incompatible with

the concept of veyola (kinship, that is the sameness of
substance) than in the relation between two men. Women
of the same clan can only be described as sisters (ludaytasi,
our sisters ; luguta, my sister; lumuta, thy sister; luleta,
his sister).

Women of other clans are described by the

generic term tabu- (with affixed pronouns: tubudayasi}
our cousins; tabugu, my cousin; tabum, thy cousin, etc.).
The primary meaning of this word is “father’s sister.”
It also embraces “father’s sister’s daughter” or “paternal
cross-cousin,” or, by extension, “all the women of the
father’s clan”; and, in its widest sense, “all the women
not of the same clan.”
In this, its most extensive application, the word stands
for “lawful woman,” “woman with whom intercourse is
possible.

For such a woman the term lubaygu (“my

sweetheart”) may be correctly used; but this term is ab¬
solutely incompatible with the kinship designation, luguta,
my sister.

This linguistic use embodies, therefore, the

rule of exogamy, and to a large extent it expresses the
ideas underlying this.

Two people of the opposite sex

and standing in the relation of brother and sister in the
widest sense, that is belonging to the same clan, must
neither marry nor cohabit, nor even show any sexual in¬
terest in one another.

The native word for clan incest or

breach of exogamy is, as we know already, suvasova.
As we know, the expressions tosuvasova yoku (thou
incest committer), kay suvasova kvoiyyi (thou incestuous
penis), kwaysuvasova wim (thou incestuous cunnus) fall
into the category of insults or accusations.

They can,

however, be used either lightly and without offence, or
seriously as statements of fact with even tragic conse¬
quences.

This double use of the expression corresponds

to a deep-lying moral distinction between degrees of
exogamous breach: a distinction which is not easily
grasped save after prolonged field-work, as it is overlaid
by an official and indoctrinated theory which the natives
invariably retail to the unwary ethnographer.

Let me

first state this native theory of suvasova (as obtained by
the question-and-answer method) which gives only the
first approach to the true attitude of the natives.
If you inquire from intelligent and bona fide inform¬
ants into the various aspects of exogamy and clan or¬
ganization point by point, and make a composite picture
from their various statements, you will necessarily arrive
at the conclusion that marriage and sex intercourse within
the clan are neither allowed nor ever practised and that
they do not even constitute a serious temptation to the
natives.

Marriage, anyone will tell you, is quite impos¬

sible between men and women of the same clan; nor does
it ever happen.

As to intercourse, this would be most

improper and would be censured by an indignant public
opinion.

A couple guilty of such an act would, if discov¬

ered, incur the anger of the whole community; they
would be deeply mortified and terribly ashamed.

And to

the question “Wffat would they do on discovery?

the

invariable answer is that they would commit suicide by
jumping from a coco-nut palm. This well-known method
of escaping from an unpleasant situation is called lo u.
“What would happen if they were not discovered?”

To this the usual answer is that a breach of exogamy en¬
tails by itself an unpleasant though not necessarily fatal
disease.

A swelling of the belly heralds the oncoming

of this retributive ailment.

Soon the skin becomes white,

and then breaks out into small sores which grow gradually
bigger, while the man fades away in a wasting sickness.
A little insect, somewhat like a small spider or a fly, is
to be found in such a diseased organism.

This insect is

spontaneously generated by the actual breach of exogamy.
As the natives put it: “We find maggots in a corpse. How
do they come?

I vagi wala—it just makes them.

In the

same way the insect is made in the body of the tosuvasova
(exogamy breaker).

This insect wriggles round like a

small snake} it goes round and round} it makes the eyes
swollen, the face swollen, the belly swollen, as in popoma
(dropsy, or any other pronounced bodily swelling), or in
kavatokulo (wasting disease).” And examples are readily
given of people who have had or are going through a
similar disease.
Thus the native statements supply us with a consistent
theory of incest and exogamy, which could be summarized
so far by a conscientious ethnographer somewhat as fol¬
lows: “Exogamy is an absolute taboo for the natives, both
as regards marriage and as regards sexual intercourse}
there is a strong moral disapproval of it which would
provoke the anger of the community against delinquents
and drive them, on discovery, to suicide.

There is also

a supernatural sanction against it, a dreadful disease cul¬
minating in death. Hence exogamy is strictly kept and
breaches never occur.”

To substantiate this statement an ethnographer would
adduce linguistic testimony: there is only one word for
the breach of exogamy, suvasova, whether this be incest
with the nearest relative or merely intercourse with a
woman of the same clan.

The linguistic usage is, more¬

over, the typical expression of clan solidarity, of the
so-called spontaneous obedience to law and custom.

Clan

solidarity is also expressed in the unity of names, in the
unity of totemic animals, and in the many other forms of
totemic identification.

And, as an additional proof of its

reality, there is the classificatory use of kinship terms.
And yet we have already had indications that neither
the solidarity of clanship, nor the classificatory nature of
kinship, nor the completeness of the exogamous taboo are
absolutely maintained in real life.

Not only does there

exist a long scale of penalties and blame inflicted for the
various degrees of exogamous breach, but marriages
within the same clan are not unknown and even the most
flagrant transgressions of the taboo allow of customary
evasions and adjustments.
What I wish to make clear, by confronting the gist of
native statements with the results of direct observation, is
that there is a serious discrepancy between the two.

The

statements contain the ideal of tribal morality j observa¬
tion shows us how far real behaviour conforms to it.

The

statements show us the polished surface of custom which
is invariably presented to the inquisitive stranger} direct
knowledge of native life reveals the underlying strata of
human conduct, moulded, it is true, by the rigid surface
of custom, but still more deeply influenced by the smoul-

dering fires of human nature.

The smoothness and uni¬

formity, which the mere verbal statements suggest as the
only shape of human conduct, disappears with a better
knowledge of cultural reality.
Since in this divergence between the hearsay method
of collecting evidence and first-hand experience of sav¬
age life, we have a very important source of ethno¬
graphic error, it must be made clear that blame cannot
be laid on native informants, but rather on the ethnog¬
rapher’s whole-hearted reliance
answer method.

on the question-and-

In laying down the moral rule, in dis¬

playing its stringency and perfection, the native is not
trying really to deceive the stranger.

He simply does

what any self-respecting and conventional member of a
well-ordered society would do: he ignores the seamy and
ugly sides of human life, he overlooks his own shortcom¬
ings and even those of his neighbours, he shuts his eyes
to that which he does not want to see.

No gentleman

wants to acknowledge the existence of what is “not done,”
what is universally considered bad, and what is improper.
The conventional mind ignores such things, above all
when speaking to a stranger—since dirty linen should not
be washed in public.
The Melanesian is as sensitive to indelicacy and as con¬
ventional in matters of decorum and propriety as any
mid-Victorian middle-aged gentleman or spinster.

Im¬

agine an ethnographer from Mars inquiring of our re¬
spectable gentleman

(or spinster)

about matrimonial'

morals in England.

He would be told that monogamy

is the one and only form of marriage, that chastity is re506

quired of both parties before marriage and that adultery
is strictly forbidden by law, morals, manners, and our
code of honour.

All this is, in a way, quite true: it em¬

bodies the authorized ideal of religion and morality.
And if the Martian went on to inquire whether adultery
occurs in practice, our gentleman (or spinster) would re¬
sent the question as an implied insult and would grow
cold or hot over it.

(For you must remember that he is

no more accustomed to being used as an informant than
is the Melanesian gentleman to whom you give a stick of
tobacco for information received.)
If the Martian, versed in the modern method of field¬
work, as recommended by some schools of Anthropology,
should proceed to the “concrete manner of questioning,”
he might really get into trouble.

To the concrete inquiry:

“How many times have you slept with your friend’s wife,
and how often has your wife slept with another man?”—
the answer would not be verbal but behaviouristic.

And

the Martian, if in a position to do so, would enter in his
note-book: “The natives of the terrestrial planet never
commit adultery; there is a powerful group sentiment, if
not group instinct, preventing them from this crime; even
the hypothetical mention of a possible transgression of
this sacred law puts them into a singular mental state,
accompanied by emotional discharges, explosive expres¬
sions, and those violent actions which make the term
Ravage’ so appropriate to the rude natives of the Earth.”
This statement would be obviously one-sided, and yet
the terrestrial informant was in no way trying to deceive
the inquirer.

In the case of our own society we know the

answer to the riddle.

The informant, though aware of

possible breaches of marital fidelity, not only does not
want to parade them before a stranger but is always ready
to forget them himself under the influence of strong emo¬
tional attachment to an ideal.

Now to a Melanesian the

subject of possible incest with a near matrilineal relative
is shocking in the highest degree; while breach of exog¬
amy is one of those subjects which are to be discussed
only in confidence and among friends.

A gentleman in

the Trobriand Islands is as ready as we are to deceive
himself, when he feels that tribal honour requires it. He
is offered a few sticks of tobacco, and told to speak about
intimate and delicate matters.

The anthropologist with

his rapid and at times penetrating questions, with his in¬
sistence on fact and on concrete detail, arouses the same
reactions as would the hypothetical inquirer from Mars
among us.

The native may feel hurt and refuse to dis¬

cuss the matter, as happens time after time to a fieldworker in the earlier stages of his ethnographic explora¬
tion.

Or else he states such ideal conditions as are de¬

manded by his sense of propriety, as do credit to himself
and to his fellow-tribesmen, and as do not compromise
anybody or any aspect of his communal life.
For besides the feeling of dignity and conventional
subservience to tribal honour, there is another grave rea¬
son why the native does not want to introduce any hap¬
hazard European talker to the seamy side of his com¬
munal life.

He is accustomed to find white men nosing

about his sexual affairs, some in order to interfere with
his women, others, and worse, to moralize and to improve

him j and, most dangerous of all, others to issue laws and
regulations which introduce difficulties, at times insur¬
mountable, into his tribal organization.

Elementary cau¬

tion, then, tells him not to go beyond the most obvious
generalities and to state merely the bald outline of his
moral rules and regulations, such as seem unassailable even
by the most interfering missionary or government official.
The upshot of all this is that the hasty field-worker,
who

relies completely upon the

question-and-answer

method, obtains at best that lifeless body of laws, regu¬
lations, morals, and conventionalities which ought to be
obeyed, but in reality are often only evaded.

For in ac¬

tual life rules are never entirely conformed to, and it re¬
mains, as the most difficult but indispensable part of the
ethnographer’s work, to ascertain the extent and mech¬
anism of the deviations.
In order, however, to penetrate to the exception, to the
deviation, to the breach of custom, it is necessary to be¬
come acquainted directly with the behaviour of the native j
and this can be done only through a knowledge of the
language and through a prolonged residence among the
people.

But most modern scientific field-work has been

accomplished by the rapid and precise, sometimes overprecise, methods built upon the technique of question-andanswer, and it suffers from over-simplifying and over¬
standardizing the legal constitution of native culture.
Such material again has led unfortunately to the anthro¬
pological doctrine of the impeccability of native races, of
1 This point has been elaborated as the main thesis in Crime and Cus¬
tom in Savage Society, which should be read in connection with the above
argument.

their immanent legality, and inherent and automatic sub¬
servience to custom.
Returning now to our special problem of incest and
exogamy and applying to it the methodological principles
just discussed, we can ask what more there is to learn
about these taboos and in what way it is possible to learn
it. The same informant who at first supplied the roundedoff official version of them, who even indignantly repudi¬
ated any indiscreet suggestions, begins to know you better
or finds that you have become acquainted with the real
facts in some concrete incident.

Then you can confront

him with the contradiction, and he himself will very often
put you on the scent of the truth and give you a correct
account of the exceptions and contraventions which recur
with regard to the rule.
A very capable and useful informant of mine, Gomaya,
who has appeared several times in these pages, was at first
very touchy on the subject of incest and resented any sug¬
gestions as to its possibility.

He was a valuable informant

because of certain shortcomings in his character.

Proud

and sensitive on points of tribal honour, he was also very
vain and inclined to boast.

Moreover, he soon found that

he could not conceal his own affairs from me as they were
notorious through the district.

His intrigue with Ilam-

weria, a girl of the same clan, was a subject for general
gossip.

So, combining necessity with the satisfaction of

his amour propre, Gomaya explained to me that a breach
of clan exogamy—he and his sweetheart belonged to dif¬
ferent sub-clans of the Malasi—is rather a desirable and
interesting form of erotic experience.

He told me also that he would have married the girl,
such marriages being possible though viewed with dis¬
favour, had she not become pregnant, and he succumbed
to the disease which follows upon breach of exogamous
taboo.

He then went off to his native village of Sinaketa

where he grew worse and worse, until he was helped by
an old man, a friend of his father’s, who knew a very
powerful

magic against such

disease.

The

old man

chanted spells over some herbs and some water, and after
the application of this remedy, Gomaya got gradually
better.

The old man then taught him how to perform

the magic j and ever after, Gomaya proudly added, he
preferred to sleep with girls of the same clan, always
using the prophylactic magic.
All his statements made it clear to me that breach of
exogamy is rather an enviable achievement, because a
man thus proves the strength of his love magic in that he
is able to overcome, not merely the natural resistance of
women but also their tribal morality.

Thus even from

one personal history it was possible to gather the main
lines of practice and to understand certain complications
and apparent contradictions of exogamous prohibitions.
In further discussions with other natives, and above all
by the collection of concrete material, I was able to sup¬
plement these earlier statements and to correct them.
For Gomaya naturally exaggerated certain points in order
to satisfy his vanity, and he thus put facts into a wrong
perspective.

He represented himself, for instance, as the

one glorious exception to the rule 3 gave me to understand
that few people only knew the magic of incest, and that

breach of exogamy was a singularly daring achievement.
All of which was not true.
The fact is that the breach'of exogamy within the clan,
intrigue with what the natives call kakaveyola (kindredin-clan or pseudo-kindred), though officially forbidden,
ruled to be improper, and surrounded by supernatural
sanctions, is yet everywhere committed.

To use a some¬

what loose comparison, it figures in the tribal life of the
Trobrianders much in the same way as that in which adul¬
tery figures in French novels.

There is no moral indig¬

nation or horror about it, but the transgression encroaches
upon an important institution, and cannot be officially re¬
garded as permissible.

Marriages—as distinct from intrigues—within the clan
are definitely regarded as a serious breach of the rule.
The one or two cases on record (see e.g. above, ch. xii,
sec. 4) show that natives will not actively interfere with
them, once they are contracted.

But I found that it was

not proper to mention the incestuousness of a marriage to
any of the people concerned nor yet speak about it in the
presence of their near relatives.

Even general allusions

to incest and exogamy have to be carefully avoided in the
presence of such transgressors.

As to the supernatural

sanctions, the prophylactic magic already mentioned, per¬
formed over wild ginger root wrapped up in leaves, over
water warmed by heated stones, and over dry banana leaf,
is well-nigh universally known and is used very freely.
Thus the rule of exogamy, far from being uniform
and wholesale in its application, works differently with
regard to marriage and to sexual intercourse j is allowed

Mother and Child

Father and Child

certain latitudes by public opinion and permits of evasions
of the supernatural sanctions.

All this had to be stated

in detail to give a clear idea of the mechanism of exogamy.
There is also an interesting difference in stringency
according to the clans in which it happens.

Of the four

totemic divisions, the Malasi have the reputation of being
the most persistent exogamy breakers and committers of
incest.

All the incestuous marriages on record have hap¬

pened within this clan; and I was told that this was not
an accident but that only the Malasi and no other clan
will tolerate such marriages.

The myth of incest, which

will be described in the next chapter, is associated with
the Malasi, and so also is the magic of love and the magic
to frustrate incest disease.
Far more stringently are the rules of exogamy obeyed
when the two people concerned belong, not only to the
same clan, but to the same sub-clan (data).

Such people

are called real kinsmen (veyola mokita, or simply veyola)
in contradistinction to kakaveyola.

Between such people

a much greater secrecy is observed when incest is com¬
mitted ; there is no jauntiness or covert boasting, and mar¬
riage is impossible.
A still higher degree of stringency obtains when we
come to kinship traceable in actual genealogy.

Incest

with a mother’s sister’s daughter is a real crime, and it
may lead to consequences as serious as suicide.

A case of

suicide described elsewhere illustrates the manner in which
a man guilty of such incest might have to inflict punish¬
ment upon himself.1

Incest with the own sister is, as we

i Cf. Crime and Custom, pp. 77 and 78, and below, ch. xiv, sec. 3.

know already, a dreadful crime to the natives.

Yet even

here it would not be correct to assume an absolutely
smooth and secure working of tribal law, because cases of
breach of the rule occur in reality as well as in folk-lore.
But of this we shall have to speak presently.
Thus the uniformity of the rules and the simplicity of
the sanctions by which they are enforced is shown to be
a surface phenomenon, below which run the complex cur¬
rents and undercurrents which form the true course of
tribal life.

On the surface we have one word, suvasova,

one clan kinship, one punishment, one sense of right and
wrong.

In reality we have the distinction between mar¬

riage and mere intercourse, between clan and sub-clan

(kakaveyola and veyola), between genealogical kinship
and mere community of sub-clan, between the own sister
and the classificatory sisters.

We have also to distinguish

between direct enforcement by public opinion and by su¬
pernatural sanctions, neither of which works in a simple
or infallible manner.

Any attempt to understand this

complex state of affairs leads us to the fundamental factor
in social organization, that is, kinship, and this again can¬
not be properly understood without a knowledge of fam¬
ily life, and the constitution of the family.

All the sociological divisions, local communities, clans,
sub-clans, and classificatory kinship groups of the Trobrianders are rooted in the family.

5H

Only by studying the

formation of the earliest bonds between parent and child,
by following the gradual growth and development of
these, and their ever-widening extension into bonds of
local grouping and clanship, can we grasp the kinship sys¬
tem of the natives.
The fundamental principles of mother-right had to be
stated at the beginning of this book, since without a
knowledge of it and of the relationship between father
and child no description can be given of any native cus¬
tom.

We know therefore that, according to tribal law,

kinship, the identity of blood and body, runs only in
mother line.

We also know that father and child are re¬

lated, in the eyes of the native, merely by a system of
obligations and reciprocal duties, but that this does not
exclude a strong bond of an emotional nature between
them.

It will be necessary for us at this juncture to be¬

come acquainted with an outline of native kinship termi¬
nology, though full statement on the subject will have to
be deferred to a future publication.1
Table of Relationship Terms

A.

Kinship Terms

1.

Tabu(gu).—Grandparept, grandchild; father’s sister, father’s sister’s

2.
3.

daughter.
Ina(gu).—Mother, mother’s sister; mother’s clanswoman.
Tama(gu).—Father, father’s brother; father’s clansman;

4.

sister’s son.
Kada(gu).—Mother’s brother and, reciprocally, sister’s son and sis¬

5.

father’s

ter’s daughter.
Lu(gu)ta.—Sister
(man speaking), brother
(woman speaking);
woman of same clan and generation (man speaking), man of same
clan and generation (woman speaking).

1 Psychology of Kinship announced to appear in the International Li¬
brary of Psychology.

6.

7.

8.

Tuwa(gu).—Elder brother (man speaking), elder sister (woman
speaking) ; clansman of same generation but older (man speak¬
ing), clanswoman of same generation but older (woman speaking).
Bwada(gu).—Younger brother
(man
speaking),
younger
sister
(woman speaking) ; clansman of same generation but younger
(man speaking), clanswoman of same generation but younger
(woman speaking).
Latu(gu).—Child, male or female.
B.

Marriage Relationships

9. (Ulo)mwala.—Husband.
10. (Ulo)kwava.—Wife.
C.
n.
12.
13.
14.
15.

Relationships-in-law

Yawa(gu).—Father-in-law, mother-in-law.
Lubou(gu).—Wife’s brother, sister’s husband.
Iva(gu)ta.—Husband’s sister, brother’s wife.
Tuwa(gu).—Wife’s elder sister, husband’s elder brother.
Bwada(gu).—Wife’s younger sister, husband’s younger brother.

In the annexed genealogical diagram we find, printed
in capital letters, the few words which furnish the key to
the whole terminology of kinship and form the founda¬
tion both of the sociological system within the native cul¬
ture and of its linguistic expression.

These are the words

used to designate the inmates of the household, the words
which convey the dominant interests and emotions of
childhood.

They denote those relationships which are the

starting point of all the social bonds of later life.
Take, to begin with, the word inagu, my mother, which
is the first to be uttered by a child in the Trobriands as
everywhere else.1

The term correlated to it is latugu, by

1 In the genealogical Diagram the terms are given, without possessive
pronouns; in the Table with the affixed particle of the first person (gu)
This particle is usually suffixed to the end of the root {inagu “my
mother,” tamagu, “my father,” etc.), but it is infixed in two terriis lugu-ta and iva-gu-ta. The second person is designated by the particle
m or mu; tamam, “thy father,” lumuta, “thy sister”; the third pers sing
by the particle la, and so on. In actual speech the root is never used
alone.
The abstract meaning is conveyed by using the word with the

Tuwa

(ulo) mwala = ego

bwada

iva{gu)ta

which the mother designates her own child.

These are

the two terms of the mother-to-child relationship on
which the whole system of native kinship organization
rests.

(In our diagram, Ego is addressed by his mother,

latugu, and, later, he in turn uses this word to his own
offspring as indicated there.)

Apart from the intense

emotional interest taken by the mother in her child, and
the response of the infant to the maternal organism—
both these elements being physiological and universal in
all human societies—the relation in the Trobriands is
sociologically defined by a number of ritual observances,
beginning with pregnancy and leading the woman into
those various duties and taboos of early maternity which
isolate mother and child into a small group of two, inti¬
mately bound up in each other (see ch. viii).

The father,

tamo,, not regarded as of the same bodily substance,
stands, nevertheless, in a close emotional, legal, and eco¬
nomic relation to the child (see ch. vii).

On the pis. 90

and 91 we see typical illustrations of maternal and pa¬
ternal attitudes expressing tenderness and pride.
When the child grows up, it gains a gradual independ¬
ence.

But in certain respects this progress is slower and

lasts longer in Melanesia than among ourselves.

Wean¬

ing takes place at a later stage, and the child is surrounded
by the tender cares of the mother and father, constantly
carried and watched over, until it passes to freedom and
independence almost at a single stride.

We know already

(see ch. iii) that children suffer very little interference
third person singular suffix.
Inala means “mother” as well as “his
mother.” All male terms are in roman types; the female in italic. Terms
for the nearest family relationship are printed in capitals.

from their parents in the matter of sexual freedom, and
that in this respect the interests of the child are naturallydirected away from home and find an easy outlet among
his playmates of the same age.
The removal of a child out of his family is due to yet
another factor, which becomes increasingly prominent and
which will colour the future sexual life of the individual.
This is the supreme taboo of the Trobriander; the pro¬
hibition of any erotic or even of any tender dealings be¬
tween brother and sister.

This taboo is the prototype of

all that is ethically wrong and horrible to the native.

It

is the first moral rule seriously impressed in the indi¬
vidual’s life, and the only one which is enforced to the
full by all the machinery of social and moral sanctions.
It is so deeply engrained in the structure of native tradi¬
tion that every individual is kept permanently alive to it.
The relation between brother and sister is denoted by
the term luguta (No. 5 of our table).

This term means

usister” when uttered by a male, and “brother” when
spoken by a female.

In its wider meaning it designates

a person of the opposite sex and of the forbidden class,
that is, of the same sub-clan or clan as Ego.

In its widest

and metaphorical sense it is used for any tabooed person
or thing.

As a metaphor the word “sister” (luguta) is

frequently used in magical formulas when such things as
a blight or a disease are to be exorcized.
The term luguta is used only with regard to the tabooed
relationship, since children of the same parents and of
the same sex use different kinship designations (tuwagu,

bwadagu) to describe each other; tuwagu meaning “my

elder brother” (man speaking) and “my elder sister”
(woman speaking) 5 and bwadagu “my younger brother”
(man speaking) and “my younger sister” (woman speak¬
ing).
Round the word luguta a new order of ideas and moral
rules begins to grow up at an early stage of the indi¬
vidual’s life history.

The child, accustomed to little or

no interference with most of its whims or wishes, receives
a real shock when suddenly it is roughly handled, seri¬
ously reprimanded and punished whenever it makes any
friendly, affectionate, or even playful advances to the
other small being constantly about in the same household.
Above all, the child experiences an emotional shock when
it becomes aware of the expression of horror and anguish
on the faces of its elders when they correct it.

This emo¬

tional contagion, this perception of moral reactions in the
social environment is perhaps the most powerful factor in
a native community by which norms and values are im¬
posed on an individual’s character.
The circumstantial arrangements and set customs which
preclude

any

possibility

of

intimate

contact

between

brother and sister are also, of course, very important.
Brother and sister are definitely forbidden to take part at
the same time in any childish sexual games, or even in any
form of play.

And this is not only a rule laid down by

elders, but it is also a convention rigorously observed by
the children themselves.
We know already (see ch. iii) that when a boy grows
up and when there is a sister of his living in the parental
house, he has to sleep in the bachelors’ hut (^bukumutulu).

In her love affairs, the girl must most rigorously avoid
any possibility of being seen by the brother.

When, on

certain occasions, brother and sister have to appear in the
same company—when they travel in the same canoe, for
instance, or participate in a domestic meeting—a rigidity
of behaviour and a sobriety in conversation falls upon all
those present.

No cheerful company, no festive enter¬

tainment, therefore, is allowed to include brother and
sister, since their simultaneous presence would throw a
blight on pleasure and would chill gaiety.
Although, in a matrilineal society, the brother is the
guardian of his sister, although she has to bend down
when he approaches, to obey his commands and to regard
him as the head of the family, he never has any concern
in his sister’s love affairs, nor in her prospective marriage.
After she is married, however, he becomes the head of
her family in more than a metaphorical sense.
called by

his

sister’s

children

kadagu

(my

He is

maternal

uncle), and as such exercises great influence, especially
over the boys.1
The careful avoidance by a man of any knowledge
about his sister’s amorous prospects is, I am certain, not
only an ideal but also a fact.

I was over and over again

assured that no man has the slightest inkling as to whom
his sister is going to marry, although this is the common
knowledge of everyone else.

And I know that nothing

remotely touching upon the subject would be uttered

Compare the analysis of this relation in Sex and Repression, pt. ii,
chs. vi and ix; Crime and Custom, pt. ii, ch. iii; and in this book, ch. i,
sec. i.

within earshot of him. I was told that if a man came by
chance upon his sister and her sweetheart while they were
making love, all three would have to commit lo’u (sui¬
cide by jumping from a coco-nut palm). This is obvi¬
ously an exaggeration which expresses the ideal and not
the reality: if such a mishap occurred the brother would
most likely pretend to himself, and to them, that he had
seen nothing, and would discreetly disappear. But I
know that considerable care is taken to preclude any such
possibility, and no one would dream of mentioning the
subject in the presence of the brother.
Brother and sister thus grow up in a strange sort of
domestic proximity: in close contact, and yet without any
personal or intimate communication} near to each other in
space, near by rules of kinship and common interest} and
yet, as regards personality, always hidden and mysterious.
They must not even look at each other, they must never
exchange any light remarks, never share their feelings
and ideas. And as age advances and the other sex be¬
comes more and more associated with love-making, the
brother and sister taboo becomes increasingly stringent.
Thus, to repeat, the sister remains for her brother the
centre of all that is sexually forbidden—its very symbol}
the prototype of all unlawful sexual tendencies within the
same generation and the foundation of prohibited degrees
of kinship and -relationship, though the taboo loses force
as its application is extended.
The nearest female of the previous generation, the
mother, is also surrounded by a taboo, which is coloured,
however, by a somewhat different emotional reaction.

Incest with her is regarded with real horror, but both the
mechanism by which this taboo is brought home and the
way in which it is regarded are essentially distinct from
the brother-sister taboo.

The mother stands in a close

bodily relation to her child in its earliest years, and from
this position she recedes, though only gradually, as he
grows up.

As we know, weaning takes place late, and

children, both male and female, are allowed to cuddle in
their mother’s arms and to embrace her whenever they
like.
; When a small boy begins his playful sexual approaches
to small girls, this does not in any way disturb his rela¬
tionship to the mother, nor has he to keep any special
secrecy on the subject.

He does not, by preference, dis¬

cuss these matters with his parents, but there is no taboo
against his doing so.

When he is older and carries on

more serious intrigues, he might, in certain circumstances,
even be allowed to sleep with his sweetheart in his par¬
ents’ house.

Thus the relation to the mother and the

sexual relation are kept distinct and allowed to run side
by side.

The ideas and feelings centering round sex on

the one hand, and maternal tenderness on the other, are
differentiated naturally and easily, without being sepa¬
rated by a rigid taboo.
Again, since normal erotic impulses find an easy outlet,
tenderness towards the mother and bodily attachment to
her are naturally drained of their stronger sensuous ele¬
ments.

Incestuous inclinations towards the mother are

regarded as highly reprehensible, as unnatural and im¬
moral, but there is not the same feeling of horror and fear

as towards brother-and-sister incest. When speaking with
the natives of maternal incest, the inquirer finds neither
the rigid suspense nor the emotional reactions which are
always evoked by any allusion to brother and sister rela¬
tions.

They would discuss the possibility without being

shocked, but it was clear that they regarded incest with the
mother as almost impossible.

I would not affirm that such

incest has never occurred, but certainly I have obtained no
concrete data, and the very fact that no case survives in
memory or in tradition shows that the natives take rela¬
tively little interest in it.1
The maternal grandmother and her grandson are also
sexually forbidden to each other, but there is no horror
about this relationship, such incest appearing as a merely
ridiculous possibility.

As we know, sexual intercourse

with an old woman is regarded as something indecorous,
ludicrous, and unasstheticj and this is the light in which
any suggestion of grandson-grandmother incest is looked
upon.

But such a lapse from good morals and manners

does not loom largely in fantasies, folk-lore or tribal
morals.

These two call each other by the reciprocal term

tubugUy

which also has the wider meaning of ^grand¬

parent,” “grandchild,” and wider yet, “ancestor,” “de¬
scendant.”
So far we have discussed individual kinship in the fe¬
male line and within the household: between mother and
child, brother and sister, and, going beyond the house1 For a comparison of the two attitudes towards incest with the mother
and the sister respectively, and for the correlation of this phenomenon
with the matrilineal system of kinship and with the natives’ treatment of
infantile sexuality, see the writer’s Sex and Repression.

hold, the relation with the grandmother.

I have inten¬

tionally and carefully distinguished this from so-called
classificatory kinship ties j for the mixing up of the indi¬
vidual and the “classificatory” relation, kept apart by the
natives in law, custom, and idea, has been a most mis¬
leading and dangerous cause of error in anthropology,
vitiating both observation and theory on social organiza¬
tion and kinship.

Looking back to our diagram, and

carrying the genealogy beyond the family circle, we can
see that certain terms from within the circle are repeated
outside it.

In the life history of the individual most peo¬

ple who come into contact with the growing child are, in
one way or another, partially assimilated or compared to
the child’s primary relatives within the household, and the
terms used for parents, brothers, and sisters are gradually
extended.

The first person from the larger world to

enter into the circle of kinsmen is the mother’s sister,
who, although she is called by the same term as the own
mother, inagu, is very definitely distinguished from her.
The word inagu extended to the mother’s sister is, from
the outset, given an entirely different meaning—some¬
thing like “second mother” or “subsidiary mother.”
When the mother’s sister is a member of the same vil¬
lage community, she is a very frequent visitor within the
household} she replaces the mother in certain functions or
at certain times, she tends the child, and shows it a con¬
siderable amount of devotion.

The child is taught by its

elders to extend the term inagu to her, and this extension
is made natural and plausible to the child by the consid-

erable similarity between its relations to mother and
mother’s sister.
But there can be no doubt that the new use of the word
remains always what it is, an extension and a metaphor.
In its second sense inagu is used with a different feelingtone ; and there are circumlocutions, grammatical usages,
and lexicographical indices which differentiate the sec¬
ondary from the primary meaning.

Only to a linguis¬

tically untrained European observer, especially if he is not
conversant with the native language, can the word inagu
(2) (mother’s sister) appear identical with inagu (1)
(own mother).

On this point any intelligent native, if

properly questioned, could correct the ethnographer’s
error.
The same gradual extension, and corresponding change
in emotional content, takes place with regard to other
terms, and the word luguta, used to the mother’s sister’s
daughter, conveys to the boy only an attenuated and di¬
luted idea of sisterhood.

The own sister remains a pro¬

totype of the new relation, and the taboo observed towards
the own sister has also to be kept with regard to the sec¬
ondary sister 5 but the distinction between the two taboos
and the two relations is well marked.

The real sister

lives in the same house j for her the boy, as her future
guardian, feels a direct responsibility j she remains the
object on which the first and only serious prohibition has
been brought home to him.

The secondary sister lives in

another house or even village} there are no duties or re¬
sponsibilities towards her and the prohibition with regard
to her is a weakened extension of the primary taboo. Thus

the own sister and the first maternal cousin appear in an
entirely different light, not only as regards the degree,
but as regards the fundamental quality of the relation.
Incest with the first maternal cousin is regarded as wrong,
but not horrible; as daring and dangerous, but not abomi¬
nable.

The early feeling for this distinction becomes,

later on, crystallized in the doctrine of tribal law.

The

man knows and recognizes that luguta (i) is a person to
whom he owes a great many duties, whom he has partly
to support after her marriage, and with regard to whom
he has to observe the supreme taboo.

Luguta (2) has no

specific claims on him, he is not her real guardian nor head
of her household after marriage, and the sexual taboo
does not operate with anything like the same stringency.
When we pass from the “secondary” relations, denoted
by the terms Inagu (2) and luguta (2) to more distant
relatives, the intimacy of the bond and the stringency of
the taboo falls off rapidly.

To take the relation of luguta

as an example: if a boy and girl can be traced to a common
great-grandmother in the mother line, they are luguta.
But the taboo would be much weaker.

Beyond this it

would be difficult even to index the term, as the relation¬
ship ceases to be traceable by pedigree.

It would be just

that of real kinship within the same sub-clan: luguta,
veyogu mokita—dalemasi taytanidesi (“sister mine, kins¬
woman mine truly—sub-clan our identical).”
When we go beyond the sub-clan to the clan (kumila),
the relation becomes less intimate once more and the taboo
less stringent: luguta walay kakaveyogu—kama kumila
taytanidesi (“just my sister, my pseudo-kinswoman—

mine and her clan identical).”

This defines the word

luguta in its fully extended, that is truly classificatory
sense.

It means, as we know already, one of those women

with whom sex intercourse is legally forbidden, but with
whom it may be indulged.

The widest meaning of the

word luguta is thus profoundly different from luguta (i),
the carrier of the supreme taboo.
Thus, starting from the individual relationships within
the household and following the kinship extensions in the
life history of the individual, we have arrived at the same
results as in our discussion of clanship and the general
prohibitions of exogamy and incest.

The word luguta is

one term of a dichotomy separating women into “for¬
bidden” and “lawful.”
The other term tabugu (“lawful woman”) also origi¬
nates within the family and is extended thence.

To fol¬

low this process we must turn to the other side of the
pedigree and examine the paternal relations.
The most important person on the father’s side is ob¬
viously the father himself.

Here we meet the second

fundamental fact in household morality: though the
father is not a kinsman of his children, sexual intercourse
between father and daughter, though it occurs, is not only
illegal and improper, but is viewed with definite moral
repugnance.

Marriage between father and daughter is

not allowed nor even imaginable to the native.
Perhaps the most important case on record of the vio¬
lation of this taboo is that of Kumatala, of the sub-clan
next in rank to the Tabalu (the Mwauri of the Lubuka

clan), who is headman of the village of Liluta.

He is

known to live with his beautiful eldest daughter Bodogupo’u.

Another recorded case is that of the famous sor¬

cerer Piribomatu, also of very high rank, who “comes to”
or “approaches,” as the natives put it, his daughter
Bokaylola.

It is consistent with native theory that,

morally, the natives do not distinguish between a man’s
real daughter and his stepdaughter, and have no special
term for the latter relationship.

For since his relation to

the child is determined through the mother and since
incest is prohibited because of her, it is equally wrong to
have intercourse with any of her offspring, whether of
the present or of a previous marriage.
Thus Budiya, headman of Kabululo, married a widow
who had a daughter named Bodulela:
Matauna

imwoyki

Bodulela, sene

gaga bayse}

This man comes to Bodulela, very bad

this,

boge

latula

minana.

Isuvi

wabwala,

already

child his

this female.

He enters

in house,

minana

boge

iliku

dabela

this (female)

already

undoes

skirt her;

ikanufvoagegay

igise

matauna

she reclines with legs apart,

he sees

this (male)

noil a—

ikaya.

cunnus— he copulates.
This means: The man happened to enter the hut when
his stepdaughter had taken off her fibre petticoat for the
night and was lying, perhaps already half asleep, in a

tempting position.

Stirred by this, Budiya succumbed and

committed the reprehensible act.
In this version, the cause of incest is ascribed to an un¬
toward accident, but other accounts maintain that Budiya
had long desired his stepdaughter, that she refused him,
and that he seduced her by love magic.

Love magic also

is said to have been used by Gumabudi, headman of
Yalumugwa, who used to cohabit regularly with his real
daughter.

The latter, Bulubwaloga, we have already

met, for she was the wife of Gilayviyaka, one of the sons
of the paramount chief, and she left her husband after
he had committed adultery with one of his father’s wives.
As we have said, the reasons given for the moral reprehensibility of intercourse between father and daughter
are all connected with his marriage to the mother and his
position in the household. Sene gaga pela boge iva’i mala,
boge iyousi vilakuria—“very bad, because already he mar¬
ried her mother.

Already he caught hold of the first

marriage present” (see ch. iv, sec. 3).

Again, a man

should not sleep with his daughter, since it was his duty
to be tender to her when she was a child, to take her in his
arms.

Gala tamasisi d-eli latuday pela tamala iyobwayliy

ikopo’i—“We do not sleep with children ours (daugh¬
ters), because her father (the father) fondles, takes into
his arms.”

Or the natives point out that, as the father

has control of his daughter’s marriage and love affairs, he
must not sleep with her.
The cases of father-and-daughter incest just mentioned
were universally known, but they were spoken of with
great discretion and never before the people concerned.

Should a man guilty of such a crime be publicly told about
it, he would have to commit suicide by jumping from a
tree, say the natives.
It must be clearly understood that, although father-todaughter incest is regarded as bad, it is not described by
the word suvasova (clan exogamy or incest), nor does
any disease follow upon it 5 and, as we know, the whole
ideology underlying this taboo is different from that of
suvasova.
The anomalous extension of the word for father (tama)
to the father’s sister’s son is important, for it demonstrates
the influence which language has upon customs and ideas.
Marriage and intercourse with the male paternal first
cousin is not strictly forbidden, but it is regarded some¬
what askance.

It is perhaps least censured among the

Malasi of Kiriwina; and natives from other districts, who
lose no opportunity of slandering their neighbours when
a difference in custom allows of it, speak derisively of the
people of Kiriwina “who marry their fathers and sleep
with them.”

An ethnographer, ignorant of language and

superficially acquainted with native customs and ideas,
might speak about the natives’ “horror of marriage and
intercourse with a father in the classificatory sense”; and
thus imply that they do not distinguish between father as
“mother’s husband” and father as “father’s sister’s son.”
Such a statement would be quite incorrect.
A man is not allowed to have intercourse with his
daughter because she is his wife’s nearest kinswoman;
therefore we might expect to find that the wife’s other
near female kindred are also tabooed.

53i

This is actually

the case.

A strong taboo is placed on a wife’s sisters,

whom, strangely enough, the man calls by the same two
names (according to age) which he applies to his elder
and younger brothers and which a woman uses to her
elder and younger sisters: tuwagu and bwadagu.

Thus

here a man uses towards persons of the opposite sex
names which indicate identity of sex.

Analogously a

woman addresses these same two terms to her husband’s
elder and younger brothers, with whom sexual inter¬
course is forbidden.

There are a few recorded cases of

this rule’s transgression, the most notorious being that of
Manimuwa and Dakiya already quoted (ch. vi, sec. i).
Here, again, although the word suvasova is not applied
to the taboo, the natives feel strongly against intercourse
with a wife’s sister, who, after marriage, becomes to him
somewhat like his own sister.

A man must also abstain

from intercourse with his wife’s mother, but otherwise no
taboo of avoidance exists.
By careful inquiry of several informants and by direct
observation, I have compiled the following table of sex
taboos in order of stringency.

It is meant rather to facili¬

tate a survey of the whole subject than to establish any
rigid gradations.
1.

By far the most stringent is the prohibition on

brother-sister incest} it is the core of the suvasova taboo,
and is of very rare occurrence either in reality or legend.

2. Incest with the mother is regarded as unnatural and
unthinkable} there are no cases on record} it is an impor¬
tant form of suvasova; it is not spoken of with the same
abhorrence as brother-sister incest.

3.

Sexual intercourse with the own daughter is not

called suvasova; it is not sanctioned by supernatural pen¬
alties} it is felt to be extremely bad} there are several
cases on record.
4.

Intercourse with the mother’s sister’s daughter is a

form of suvasova; it is of rare occurrence} it is regarded
as very bad and always kept secret} on discovery it is
severely penalized.
5.

Intercourse with the wife’s sister is not a form of

suvasova, but it is considered bad} marriage, whether in
the form of polygamy or with a deceased wife’s sister, is
strongly disapproved of, but it does occur, while intrigues
are not infrequent.
6.

Intercourse with the mother-in-law or with the

brother’s wife is not proper, though it is not suvasova,
and it probably occurs but infrequently.
7.

Intercourse with the “classifkatory” luguta (my

sister) is suvasova: it is prohibited by legal doctrine and
sanctioned by supernatural penalties} it is, however, fre¬
quently practised, and is, so to speak, at a premium.
An interesting commentary upon such gradations is
contained in the following statement: latugu tatougu—
sene agu mwasila; tuwagu, bwadagu—ulo kwava tuwala,
bwadala—agu mwasila.

Tabuda, kadada, latuda o fayo-

mili gala tamwasila; which may be freely translated:
“My child truly mine—very much my shame} ‘elder
brother,’ ‘younger brother’ (as I call them)—that is my
wife’s elder sister, her younger sister—my shame. Grand¬
children, maternal nieces, children—all these in the classificatory sense, we are not ashamed of.”

Here we have

certain gradations recognized and expressed by the na¬
tives, and it is characteristic that, in such a volunteered
statement, my informant would not mention the classificatory sister.

That would not have been quite proper.

Another commentary is contained in the fact that, whereas
a man would swear at his mother, kwoy inam “have inter¬
course with thy mother” (sic), or might invite her to have
intercourse with her father (kwoy tamam), he would
never swear at his sister, and he would never swear at his
daughter.

Yet, as I have no doubt that incest between

mother and son is far rarer than that between father and
daughter, I have put it in the second and not in the third
place.
One important relationship still remains, that called
tabugu, father’s sister, or father’s sister’s daughter, which
has already been mentioned as the opposite category cor¬
related with that of luguta, sister (man speaking).

The

father’s sister is the prototype of the lawful, and even
sexually recommended woman; that is, in the theory of
native tradition, for, in reality, it is her daughter that
really plays this part.
To the father’s sister exactly the opposite attitude with
regard to sexual behaviour is sanctioned and approved, to
that which must be adopted towards the sister.

Sexual

intercourse with the father’s own sister is emphatically
right and proper.

“It is very well when the boy copu¬

lates with his father’s sister.”

The natives are never tired

of repeating this moral maxim, and they use, in this con¬
text, the coarse term kuytu, instead of the polite circum¬
locution mastsi deli (sleep together), or tnwoyki (come to,

visit).

Her presence always carries with it the suggestion

of licence, of indecent jokes and improper stories.

In

bawdy ditties, the refrain: deli sidayase, deli tabumayase
(with our companions, with our paternal aunts) is of fre¬
quent occurrence.

The paternal aunt and the sister must

never be in the same company, since the first relaxes the
bonds of propriety and the second constrains them.
Sexual intercourse, however, between a man and his
paternal aunt, is important theoretically, symbolically and
verbally rather than in actual life.

She represents to him

the class of lawful women and sexual freedom in general.
She might be used to advise or even to procure for him;
with herself, however, sexual intercourse is not frequently
practised.

She belongs to a previous generation, and, as

a rule, what remains of her sexual endowment is not at¬
tractive.

But whenever she and her nephews desire it,

they are allowed to sleep together, preserving only a cer¬
tain decorum when she is married.

Marriage with the

paternal aunt, though permissible and even desirable,
seems never to occur: it was impossible for me to find a
single instance of it among living people or in historical
tradition.
The real practical substitute for his paternal aunt, the
boy finds in her daughter.

The two are regarded by tra¬

dition as specially suited for intercourse and for marriage.
They are often engaged to each other by infant betrothal
(see ch. iv, sec. 4).

The natives will say that the paternal

cross-cousin should be the first person, if age allows, with
whom a boy should copulate.
The term, however, soon becomes extended to other

girls belonging to the same sub-clan and clan.

Finally

by an extension which goes beyond the usual limits of
classificatory terminology, it becomes synonymous with
“all women not of the same clan as the sister.”

It should

be realized that the ordinary extensions of classificatory
terminology go only to the limits of the clan.

The widest

sense in which the word for mother is used embraces all
the women of the mother’s clan.

But the word tabugu,

in its meaning of “lawful woman,” extends over three
clans, and embraces roughly three-quarters of female hu¬
manity, in contrast to the one-quarter which is forbidden.
But this subject—the intricacies of the kinship system and
of the kinship nomenclature—leads us beyond the limits
of the present inquiry, and will have to be deferred to the
future publication already mentioned.
The keynote to sexual morality and sexual freedom
lies, as we have found, in the opposition between the
two classes designated by luguta and tabugu (“sister” and
“paternal cross-cousin”) respectively.

The taboo against

incest between brother and sister is the most important
and most dramatic feature of the Trobriand social organi¬
zation j the more so because of a singular rift in traditional
doctrine, a dogmatic inconsistency, which makes love and
the magic of love derive from brother and sister incest.
To the account of this important myth we shall now pro¬
ceed in the last chapter.
Chapter 14
The so-called savage has always been a plaything to
civilized man—in practice a convenient instrument of ex¬
ploitation, in theory a provider of sensational thrills.
Savagery has been, for the reading public of the last
three centuries, a reservoir of unexpected possibilities in
human nature; and the savage has had to adorn this or
that a priori hypothesis by becoming cruel or noble, licen¬
tious or chaste, cannibalistic or humane according to what
suited the observer or the theory.
As a matter of fact, the savage with whom we became
acquainted in Melanesia does not conform to any picture
in black and white, in deep shadow or vivid light.

His

life is socially hedged round on all sides, his morality
more or less on a level with that of the average European
—that is if the customs of the latter were as frankly de¬
scribed as those of the Trobriander.

The institutions

which allow of some prenuptial intercourse and even
favour it, show little to suggest any previous conditions
of unbridled promiscuity or of an institution such as
“group-marriage,” so difficult to conceive in terms of any
known social facts.
Such forms of licence as we find in the Trobriands fit
so well into the scheme of individual marriage, the fam¬
ily, the clan, and the local group—and they fulfil certain

functions so adequately that there remains nothing serious
or incomprehensible to explain away by reference to some
hypothetical earlier stage.

They exist to-day because

they work well side by side with marriage and family ;
nay, for the benefit of marriage and family; and there is
no need to assume any other causes for their past than
those which maintain them at present.

They existed

probably always for the same reason—in a slightly dif¬
ferent form, no doubt, but built on the same funda¬
mental pattern.

This, at least, is my theoretical attitude

towards these facts.
It is as important to bear in mind, however, that the
limitations, taboos, and moral rules are by no means abso¬
lutely rigid, slavishly obeyed or automatic in their action.
As we have seen again and again the rules of sex are fol¬
lowed only in an approximate manner, leaving a generous
margin for infringements; and the forces which make for
law and order show a great deal of elasticity.

Thus the

savage, measured by standards of aesthetics, morality, and
manners, displays the same human frailties, imperfections,
and strivings as a member of any civilized community.
He does not lend himself either to the straightforward
descriptive shocker, or to use as a clue for a detective story
on the sexual past of the promiscuous pithecanthropus.
In fact, as I see him, he will in no way lend himself to
quench our thirst for reconstructive sexual sensationalism.
Nevertheless, the story of Trobriand sexual life does
not lack altogether certain dramatic elements; certain con¬
trasts and contradictions which might almost excite hopes
of finding something really “inexplicable,” something

which might justify plunging into frank hypotheses, into
phantastic visions of past evolution or cultural history.
Perhaps the most dramatic element in the tradition of the
natives is the myth about brother-and-sister incest, asso¬
ciated with the power of the magic of love.
As we know, among all rules and taboos there is one
which has a really strong hold over native imagination
and moral sense 3 and yet this unmentionable crime is the
subject of one of their sacred stories and the basis of love
magic, and thus is directed, so to speak, into the full cur¬
rent of tribal life.

Here, at first sight, is an almost in¬

credible inconsistency in belief and in moral tradition, one
which might allow us to brand the natives as deprived of
moral sense, or prove them to be in the “prelogical stage
of mental development”; or else might be used to dem¬
onstrate the survival of marriage between brother and
sister, or the co-existence of two cultural strata, one in
which brother-and-sister unions are approved and the
other in which they are tabooed.

Unfortunately, the bet¬

ter we learn to understand the facts about the myth of
incest and its cultural context, the less sensational, in¬
credible, and immoral appear this and similar contradic¬
tions in custom and tradition; the less do they clamour for
explanation in hypotheses about the “savage soul,” pithe¬
canthropi or “Kulturkreise”; and we find ourselves able
instead to account for them in terms of contemporary and
observable fact.

But I have indulged long enough in

reflections of a theoretical, not to say philosophic and
moral nature; and now I must return to my humbler and
soberer task of faithful and dispassionate chronicler.

I

Love, the power of attraction, the mysterious charm
that comes forth from a woman to a man or from a man
to a woman and produces the obsession of a single desire,
is, as we know, attributed by the natives to one main
source: the magic of love.
In the Trobriands, most important systems of magic
are founded on myth.

The origin of man’s power over

rain and wind} of his ability to control the fertility of the
soil and the movements of fish} of the sorcerer’s destruc¬
tive or healing powers—all these are traced back to cer¬
tain primeval occurrences which, to the natives, account
for man’s capacity to wield magic.

Myth does not fur¬

nish an explanation in terms of logical or empirical cau¬
sality.

It moves in a special order of reality peculiar to

dogmatic thought, and it contains rather a warrant of
magical efficiency, a charter of its secret and traditional
nature than an intellectual answer to the scientific why.
The facts narrated in myth and the ideas which underlie
it, colour and influence native belief and behaviour.

The

events of a remote past are re-lived in actual experience.1
This is especially important in the myth we are discussing,
since its basic idea is that magic is so powerful that it can
even break down the barrier of the strongest moral taboo.
This influence of the past over the present is so strong
1 A fuller analysis of this functional view of myth will be found in the
writer’s Myth, in Primitive Psychology, in Argonauts of the Western
Pacific, ch. xn; and in Sex and Repression, pt. ii.

that the myth generates its own replicas and is often
used to excuse and explain certain otherwise inexcusable
breaches of tribal law.
We have already spoken about the several systems of
love magic, and pointed out that the two most important
ones are associated with two local centres, Iwa and Kumilabwaga, which are united by a myth of the origin of their
magic.
This is the story of the myth as I obtained it from in¬
formants of Kumilabwaga, the locality where the tragic
events took place.1
I shall first give the narrative in a free but faithful
translation, and then give the commentary as received
from my informant.

The numbers will allow the reader

to compare this rendering with the native text, and with
the word for word translation, which together form the
substance of the next section.
The

Myth

(i) The source (of love and magic) is Kumilabwaga.
(2) A woman there brought forth two children, a girl and
a boy. (3) The mother came (and settled down) to cut
her fibre skirt; the boy cooked magical herbs (for the
magic of love). (4) He cooked aromatic leaves in coco¬
nut oil. (5) He hung the vessel with the fluid (on a
batten of the roof near the door) and went away to bathe.
(6) The sister arrived from her firewood breaking expe1 In another place, Sex and Repression, I have published a condensed
and somewhat simplified version of the myth which, as I find, suffered
slightly in the process. The version here given, with its full native text
and two English translations, must be regarded as the full and correct
statement.

dition; she put down the firewood; she asked the mother:
“Fetch me some water, which my brother has put in the
house.” (7) The mother answered: “You go and fetch
it yourself, my legs are burdened with the board on which
I cut the skirt.”
(8 ) The girl entered the hut, she saw the water-bottles
lying there; with her head she brushed against the vessel
with the magic fluid} the coco-nut oil dripped} it trickled
into her hair; she passed her hands over it, wiped it off,
and smelt it. (9) Then the power of magic struck her,
it entered her inside, it turned her mind. (10) She went
and fetched the water, she brought it back and put it
down. (11) She asked her mother: “And what about my
brother?
(Where has the man gone?)”—The mother
gave voice: “O my children, they have become mad! He
has gone to the open seashore.”
(12) ThQ girl ran out, she sped towards the eastern
shore, to the open sea. (13) She came to where the road
abuts on the sea beach. There she untied her fibre skirt
and flung it down. (14) She ran along the beach naked;
she ran to the Bokaraywata beach (the place where the
Kumilabwaga people usually bathe, and where they beach
their canoes). (15) She came upon her brother there—
he bathed in the Kadi’usawasa passage in the fringing
reef. (16) She saw him bathing, she entered the water
and went towards him, she gave him chase. (17) She
chased him towards the rock of Kadilawolu. There he
turned and ran back. (18) She chased him back and he
went to the Olakawo rock. There he turned round and
came back running. (19) He came back and went again
to the Kadi’usawasa passage (i.e. where he was bathing
first). There she caught him, there they lay down in the
shallow water.
(20) They lay there (and copulated), then they went

ashore and they copulated again. They climbed the slope,
they went to the grotto of Bokaraywata, there they lay
down again and copulated. (21) They remained there
together and slept. (22) They did not eat, they did not
drink—this is the reason why they died (because of shame,
because of remorse).
(23) That night a man of Iwa had a dream. He
dreamt the dream of their sulumwoya (the mint plant
which they used in their love magic).
(24) “O my
dream! Two people, brother and sister are together} I
see in my mind} they lie by each other in the grotto of
Bokaraywata.” (25) He paddled over the sea arm of
Galeya} he paddled to Kitava, and moored his canoe—he
searched all over—but nothing was to be found. (26)
He paddled over the sea arm of Da’uya, he came to
Kumilabwaga, he paddled towards the shore, he landed.
He saw a bird, a frigate-bird with its companions—they
soared.
(27) He went and climbed the slope} he went and saw
them dead. (28) And lo! a mint flower had sprouted
through their breasts. He sat by their prostrate bodies,
then he went along the shore. (29) He looked for the
road, he searched and found it, he went to the village.
(30) He entered the village—there was the mother sit¬
ting and cutting her fibre skirt. He spoke: “Do you
know what has happened by the sea?” “My children
went there and copulated and shame overcame them.
(31) He spoke and said: “Come, recite the magic, so that
I may hear it.” (32) She recited, she went on reciting,
he listened, he heard till he had learnt it completely. He
learnt it right through to the end. (33) He came again,
and asked: “What is the magical song of the coco-nut
oil?” (34) He inquired, that man from Iwa. “Come
now, tell me the song of the coco-nut oil.”

(35) She recited it to the end. Then he said: “Remain
here, I shall go. Part of the magic, the opening part, let
it remain here. The eye of the magic, the finishing part,
I shall take, and let it be called Kayro’iwa.” (36) He
went off, he came to the grotto, to the sulumwoya plant
which sprouted and grew out of their breasts. (37) He
broke off a sprig of the herb, he put it into his canoe, he
sailed, he brought it to Kitava. (38) He went ashore in
Kitava and rested there. He then sailed and landed in
Iwa.
(39) These are his words (which he spoke in Iwa): “I
have brought here the point of the magic, its eye (the
sharpest, that is, the most efficient part of the magic). Let
us call it the Kayro’iwa. The foundation, or the lower
part (the less important part) the Kaylakawa remains in
Kumilabwaga.” (Henceforth the words of the speaker
refer not to Iwa, but to Kumilabwaga. This is obviously
an inconsistency, because in the myth he is speaking in
Iwa. This probably was due to the faulty recital of the
myth.) (40) The water of this magic is Bokaraywata;
its sea passage Kadi’usawasa. There (on the beach) stands
its silasila bush, there stands its givagavela bush. (41) If
people from the lagoon villages would come to bathe (in
the waterhole or in the sea passage), then the bushes
would bleed.
(42) This water is taboo to them—the
youth of our village only should come and bathe in it.
(43) But a fish caught in these waters is taboo to them
(the young people of our village). When such a fish is
caught in the nets, they should cut off its tail, then the
old people might eat it. (44) Of a bunch of coco-nuts
washed on the beach, they (the young people) must not
eat a single one—it is a taboo. Only old men and old
women may eat them.
(45) When they come and bathe in the Bokaraywata
and then return to the beach, they make a hole in the sand

and say some magic. (46) Later on in their sleep they
dream of the fish. They dream that the fish spring (out
of the sea) and come into that pool. (47) Nose to nose
the fish swim. If there is only one fish they would throw
it out into the sea. (48) When there are two, one female,
one male, the youth would wash in this water. Going to
the village, he would get hold of a woman and sleep with
her. (49) He would go on sleeping with her and make
arrangements with her family so that they might marry.
This is the happy end, they would live together and make
their gardens.
(50) If an outsider would come here for the sake of
the magic, he would bring a magical payment in the form
of a valuable. (51) He would bring it and give it to
you, you might give him the charm: (52) the spells of
the isika’i leaves, of the betel pod, of the washing charm,
of the smoking charm, of the stroking charm j you might
give him also the charm of the obsidian blade, of the coco¬
nut, of the silasila, of the buresi leaves, of the coco-nut
husk fibre, of the gimgwam leaves, of the yototu leaves,
of the comb—and for all this, they ought to pay the sub¬
stantial payment of laga.
(53) For this is the erotic payment of your magic.
Then let them return home, and eat pigs, yams, ripe
betel-nut, yellow betel-nut, red bananas, sugar cane.
(54) For they have brought you valuables, food, betelnut as a present. (55) For you are the masters of this
magic, and you may distribute it. You remain here, they
may carry it away 5 and you, the owners, remain here, for
you are the foundation of this magic.
5jc

sfc

H5

This myth really accounts, not for the origin of love
magic, but for its transfer from Kitava to Iwa.

Its most

important cultural function, however, is that, being be545

lieved, it establishes a valid precedent for the efficiency
of love magic; it proves that the spells and rites of Iwa
and of Kumilabwaga are so powerful that they can even
break down the terrible barriers which separate brother
and sister and persuade them to commit incest.
Let us now retrace the narrative and insert a few com¬
ments upon certain obscure points.

The additions to the

text obtained from the narrator are indicated by numbers
referring to the subsequent native text.
With reference to the relative age of the two children,
my informant said: (56) “The man was the eldest child,
and the woman followed.”

The family belonged to the

Malasi clan, which, as we know already, is reputed to
have a special propensity for breaking exogamous and
incestuous prohibitions.

To quote my native commen¬

tator: (57) “See, the Malasi marry their kinsfolk.

There

was one man in Wawela, a man by the name of Bigayuwo,
who married Nabwayera (a kinswoman of his); one man
in Vakuta; one man in Khava, by name of Pwaygasi, who
married Bosilasila.”

These names, which I have heard

only from this informant, might be added to the other
case previously recorded (ch. xii, sec. 4), in which a
Malasi man married a Malasi woman.
To return to the myth, it is clear that the natives take
it for granted that the Malasi of Kumilabwaga knew the
magic already.

As a matter of fact, most magic is im¬

agined to have existed from the beginning of time, and
to have been brought by each sub-clan from underground.
The story of the accidental smelling of the charmed oil

ffctc///a wo/u

Fig. 4.—The Beach of Kumilabwaca

receives dramatic piquancy from the part played by the
mother. Had she gone into the house herself and brought
water to her daughter, the tragedy would never have oc¬
curred. She, the very source of the matrilineal kinship
bond, she from whose womb the two children sprang, she
is also the involuntary cause of the tragedy. It is inter¬
esting to note that here, as in most mythological and leg¬
endary incidents, the man remains passive and the woman
is the aggressor. We find analogies to this in the stories
about Kaytalugi, in the behaviour of the women during
the Yausa, and in the reception given by female spirits to
newcomers in the next world. Eve also gives the apple
to Adam, and Isolde holds out the drink to Tristan.
The description of the actual fall is given in clear but
somewhat sober terms. To the natives, however, who
know well the beautiful setting of open sea, steep white
coral cliffs festooned with tropical foliage, and the dark,
mysterious grotto hidden among old overhanging trees,
this part of the narrative means more than is contained
in the mere words. The myth speaks to them in terms
of a familiar landscape and of many love experiences
which have taken place in just such surroundings.
The narrative lacks, as usual, any explicit allusion to
the psychology of the actors. I was able to obtain
the following commentary: (58) “The man saw her: she
had no skirt on5 he was frightened, he ran: the woman
chased him. (59) But then the desire was born inside
him; it upset his mind, and they copulated.” And again:
(61) “Already his passion was kindled inside; he desired
her with his whole body; (62) they copulated; they ca-

ressed, they erotically scratched each other.”

Thus when

the man found himself pursued, he succumbed to passion
and then he felt the pangs of love as strongly as did his
sister.
The description of the pursuit and fall will be more
easily understood with the help of the sketch (Fig. IV),
in which the main topographical features of the beach are
shown.

The brother bathes in the narrow canoe passage

facing the centre of the beach.

On seeing his sister ap¬

proach naked, he makes for the shore and then runs along
the water-line from one of the enclosing rocks to the other.
After the fall, they move to the grotto, and there remain
until their sad and romantic death.

On this map are also

indicated the two wells of which we shall hear presently.
After the two have copulated, they remain, consumed
by passion, and yet bowed down with shame, until death
ends their love and brings them freedom.

(63) “They

did not eat anything, they did not drink at all, since they
had no desire.

Shame has come over them, because they

have committed incest, brother with sister.”

The motive

of love and death is juxtaposed here, crudely and clumsily,
and yet as dramatically as native language and imagina¬
tion permit.

The picture of the two enlaced in death with

the symbol of love, the aromatic mint, springing from
their bodies is full of primitive beauty.
With the death of the lovers the real drama comes to
an end, and what follows has only a dogmatic and didactic
connection with the first act.

But the somewhat pedantic

account of the adventures and doings of the man from
Iwa—above all, of how he learnt the magic and how he

laid down the rules for its practice, is of great sociological
interest, because the pragmatic value of myth and its
normative importance for native belief and behaviour are
largely contained therein.
Who the man of Iwa was, whether of the same clan
as the brother and sister, whether their friend or a magi¬
cian, none of my informants could say: and unfortunately
I was not able to discuss the matter with anyone from the
island of Iwa itself.
Why the frigate-birds enter into the myth also remains
somewhat mysterious, for they are not associated with the
Malasi clan or with love-making.

I was told: (64) “They

go where they smell human beings.”

With regard to the

somewhat cryptic insistence (verse 33) of the Iwa man
to obtain the spell or charm (called in the text wosi,
“song,” and not by the usual word yopa, “spell”), I was
told by my informant that there is a magic of coco-nut oil
somewhat different from the one performed while the oil
is being boiled out of the coco-nut.

This spell is not in¬

dispensable to the system of love magic, and it must not
be confused with that chanted over the aromatic herbs
boiled in the already made coco-nut oil.

This spell will

be found in the next section, in verses 65 and 66.

I have

already indicated in the narrative that the last verses of
the myth (from 40 on) should be taken as addressed to
the community of Kumilabwaga and not to that of Iwa;
and that this inconsistency was probably due to my nar¬
rator’s clumsy way of telling the tale.

He was perfectly

well aware, when questioned, that the details as to what
people in Kumilabwaga should do were of no great im-

portance on the distant island of Iwa.

But he was not

prepared to change his narrative in any way.
It may be noted that, in these days, Iwa is far more
famous for love magic than the parent community, and
that the myth still tries to claim certain ancient rites of the
magic for Kumilabwaga, to which it belongs.

In the last

paragraph we have incidentally a description of certain
elements essential in this magic; we learn that it is asso¬
ciated in a mystic and mythological manner with the pas¬
sage in the fringing reef, with the sea-water of the beach
and with the wells upon it.

In fact, bathing in the surf

on that shore improves the personal appearance.

(69)

“In the reef passage of Kadi’usawasa, we, the male and
female youth of Kumilabwaga, bathe and our counte¬
nances clear up and become beautiful.”

A similar effect

is produced by bathing in the two wells of brackish water
which lie at the foot of the cliffs, under the grotto of
Bokaraywata.

But here there is a division of sexes.

(70) “Bokaraywata is the man’s water; the woman’s
water is called Momkitava.

(71) Should we

(boys)

drink of that (that is, the woman’s water) our hair would
become grey.”

In fact, if either sex bathe in the other’s

pool or drink the water, their looks will be impaired.
The story of the two small fish (verses 46-48) is not
quite clear, and the comment which I received from my
informant was practically a repetition of his original state¬
ment, and does not make it any more intelligible (see
below, verses 72 and 73 in the native text).

An interesting point in the last few verses of the myth
is the insistence on the economic side of the transaction in
love magic.

It is a further example of the natives’ in¬

terest in repayment and reciprocity.

It must be noted,

however, that it has more than a merely economic impor¬
tance ; it symbolizes also the prestige of the community
as masters in magic, and is rather a tribute to their im¬
portance, than a mere reward for services rendered.

A

careful comparison of the free rendering with the wordfor-word translation given below the native text will show
that certain commentaries have been implicitly introduced
into the former.

I cannot enter into a justification of

every one of such implicit comments, for this would lead
to too elaborate linguistic discussion.

U’ula

mala

Kumilabwaga.

Base

just

Kumilabwaga.

Le'une

latulay

tayta

v'w'ila,

tayta

She quicken with

child,

one

woman,

one

(i)

(2)

Imwa,

itata’i

doba

man.

She come,

she cut

fibre skirt

inasi;

isulusulu

kcdi

matauna.

mother their;

he cook

leaves

this man.

ta'u.

(3)

(4)

Isulubuyala

makwoyne

kwoywaga.

He cook coco- nut oil

this

kwoywaga leaves.

(5)

(6)

Isouya,

ila

matauna

ikakaya.

He hang,

he go

this man

he bathe.

Imaga

luletay

iwota-

ka'ir

She come however

sister his,

she break

wood,

it ay a,

inasi

ilukwo:

she dumps,

mother their

she tell:

“Kuwoki

kala

sopi

luguta.”

“Thou bring there

his

water

brother mine.”

(7) Ikaybiga:
She speak:
ikanaki

‘ 'Kuwokiy

wala

boge

“Thou bring there,

just

already

kaykegu.”

kaydawaga

it lie at trimming board
(8) Isuvi
She come out

leg mine.”

minana

vivilay

ikanamwo

this

woman,

it lie here

soft;

iwori

kululay

ibusi

bulamiy

water j

it flick

hair her,

it drop

coco-nut oil,

ibwika

kululay

ivagi

yamala,

iwaysa,

it drop on

hair her,

she do

arm her,

she wipe,

isukwani.

(9) B°ge

iwoyey

boge

layla

it strike.

already

it went

she smell.

Already

olopoulay

ivagt

nanola.

in inside her,

it do

mind her.

ikasopiy

imaye,

iseyeli.

she get water,

she bring,

she put down.

(10)

Ila

She go
(11)

IkatupwoH

inala:

“Mtage luguta?”

She ask

mother her:

“Indeed brother mine?”

Kawalaga:

((/O latugwa

boge

Speech her:

“O children mine

already

inagowasi!

Boge

layla

waluma.”

they are mad!

Already

he went

in open sea

(12) Ivabusiy
She come out,

(13)

ilokeya

waluma.

she go to

in open sea.

Ivabusi

okaduyuyulay

ilikwo

dabelay

She come out

end of road,

she untie

fibre skirt her,

(14) Ivayayri

iseyemwo.

she put down it.

namwaduy

She follow the shore

ila

Bokaraywata.

she go to

Bokaraywata.

(15) Hoki
She go to

ikakaya

Kadiyusawasa.

he bathe

Kadi’usawasa.

naked,

luletay

brother her,

(16)

Ikikakaya}

He bathe,

ivabusiy

layla,

ibokavili.

she come out,

he went,

she chase.

(17) Ibokavili,
She chase,

ilalo

Kadilawolu

pa-papa;

itoyewoy

she make go

to

Kadilawolu

rock;

he reverse,

(18) Ibokaviliy
She chase,

ila.

he go.

Olakawo,

ila

to

he go

itoyewoy

ikaymala.

he reverse,

he bring back.

Olakawo,

(19) Ikaymala,
He bring back,

ila

Kadiyusawasay

iyousi,

ikanarise

he go

in

Kadi’usawasa,

she take hold,

they lie down

wala

obwarita.

just

in sea.

(20) Ikanukwenusi,

ikammaynagwasi,

They lie,

they go to shore,

ivino’asi

imwoynasiy

ilousi

Bokaraywata

they finish

they climb,

they go to

Bokaraywata

o

dubwadebula

ikenusi.

in

grotto

they lie.

(21)

lkanukwenusiy

They remain lying,

(22) Gala

imasisisi.

they sleep.

No

idula

ikarigasi.

reason

they die.

ikamkwamsi,

gala

imomomsi,

they eat,

no

they drink,

(23) Aybogi
Night time

kirisalaga

iloki

magical effect

it approach

guma’lwa;

imimi

kirisala

kasi

inhabitant of Iwaj

he dream

magical effect

their

sulumwoya.

(24) “O!

mint plant.

“O!

gumimi,

tayyu

my dream,

two people

tomwota,

kasitayyu

luleta,

nanogu

humans,

they two together

sister his,

mind mine

odubwadebula

Bokaraywata

ikenusi.”

in grotto

Bokaraywata

they lie.”

(25)

Iwola

Galeya,

Pulawola;

Kitava.

ikota

He paddle

Galeya,

he paddle;

on Kitava,

he anchor

wagay

ine’iy

inenei

—gala.

canoe,

he search,

he go on searching

—no.

(26) Iwola
He paddle

Da?uyay

ima

Da’uya,

he come here

Kumilabwagay

iyulawolay

italaguway

Kumilabwaga,

he paddle on,

he disembark,

iginaga

maunay

dauta

deli

he see however

bird,

frigate-bird

together with

sola

ikokwoylubayse.

comrades his

they soar.

(27) Imway
He come here,

imwoynay

ilay

igise,

he climb,

he go,

he see,

ikatuvili,

igise,

boge

ikarigeyavisi.

he overturn,

he see,

already

they die.

(28)

U!

laysusmaga

sulumwoya

ovatikosi;

Lo!

he sprouted however

mint-plant

in chest theirs j

isisu,

ikanukwenusi,

ivayariga.

he sit,

they lie,

he skirt shore however.

Inene’i

keda,

ine*i

ibani,

ikammaynagwa

He search

road,

he search

he find,

he go to

o

valu.

in

village.

(30) Ikasobusi,
He drop out,

(29)

mmana

isisu

this woman

she sit

itata’i

dob a;

ikaybiga:

“Avaka okwadewo?”

she cut

fibre skirt;

he speak:

“What in sea-shore?”

“Latugwa

ay 10 si,

ikaytasi,

ivagi

“Children mine

they went,

they copulate,

he do

kasi

mwasila.”

their

shame.”

(31) Ilivala,

ikaybiga:

He say,

he speak:

“Kuma,

kukwa’u

megwa,

alaga.”

“Thou come here,

thou recite

magic,

I hear.”

ikikawo,

ilaga,

isisawo,

she re-recites,

he hear,

he learn,

(32) Ikawo,
She recites,
ivtnau,

isawo;

isisawo,

ivinaku,

he finish,

he learn j

he learn thoroughly,

he finish,

imwo,

imuri,

kaysisula.

(33) Imimuri,

he come here, he shift, seat his.

He shift then,

igigse

iwokwo,

ikaybiga:

“Kuneta

he see

it finish,

he speak:

“Coco-nut cream

kakariwosila?”

(34) Ikatu'powi,
He ask,

magical song his?”

ilivala,

he say,

matauna

gumaUwa:

“Wosila

this man

inhabitant of Iwa:

“Song his

kuma

kulivala/”

thou come here

thou say!”

(35)

llivala

boge

ivinakwo,

ikaybiga:

She say

already

she finish,

he speak:

“Bukusisu,

balaga;

kayu’ula

“Thou might sit, I might go however; magic herb base
Kayla-kawa

bukuseyemwo >

magic herb of Kawa

thou might put here,

matala

balalo

Kayro’iwa.”

eye his

I might carry

magic herb of Iwa.”

(36)

i

Ivabusiy

iwoki

makayna

He drop out,

he approach there

this

sulumwoya,

boge

laysusinay

itoto

mint-plant,

already

he sprout,

he stand

ovitakosiy

ku’igunigu.

in chest their,

mint plant (special variety).

(37)

Ikituniy

idigika

wagay

iwolay

ilalo

He break olf,

he load at

canoe,

he paddle,

he carry

(38) Pulawola,

Kitava.

italaguvoa

Kitava.

He paddle on,

he disembark

Kitava.

iwaywosi;

iulawolay

italaguvoa

Iwa.

he rest;

he paddle,

he disembark

Iwa.

Kitava.

(39) Kawala:

“Matala

Kayro'ivoa

“Eye his

magical herb of Iwa

lamaye,

u’ula

Kayla-kawa

I brought here,

base

magic herb of Kawa

Speech his:

ikanawo

Kumilabwaga.

he lie there

Kumilabwaga.

(4°)

Sopila

Water his

Bokaraywata,

karikedala

Kaddusawasa-,

silasila

Bokaraywata,

passage his

Kadi’usawasa;

silasila plant

itomwo,

givagavela

itomwo.

it stand here,

givagavela plant

it stand here.

(41) Kidama

taytala

Supposing

bimayse

odumdom,

one man they might come

in lagoon,

ikakayasi,

boge

bibuyavi.

they bathe,

already

he might bleed.

(4^) Bomala
Taboo his

sisopi—

bimay se,

gudi'ova'u,

their water—

they might come,

new boys,

bikikakayasi.

(43) Kidama
Supposing

they might bathe.

bikola

he might entangle

yena,

gala

bikamsi-,

ikola,

ikatunisi

fish,

no

they might eat 5

he entangle,

they nick

yeyuna,

bikamsi

numwaya,

tomwaya.

tail,

they might eat

old woman,

old man.

(44)

Luya

ikatupisawo

uwatala,

Coco-nut

he wash up by sea

one pair,

bikamsi

kwaytanidesi

bomala,

gala

they might eat

one only

taboo his,

no

bikamsi;

numwaya,

tomaya

bikamsi.

they might eat;

old women,

old men

they might eat.

(45)

Sopila

Bokaraywata

kidama

Water his

Bokaraywata

supposing

bimay se

ikakayasi,

bilousi

they might come here

they bathe,

they might go

orokaywoyne;

iyenisi,

imegivasi.

(46)

up above;

they scoop out,

they charm.

Igaugd

bimimisi

yena;

Later on however

they might dream

fish;

imimimisi,

ipelasi;

bilousiy

they dream indeed,

they jump;

they might go,

ikanawoyse

makwoyna

sopi.

(47) Kabulula

they lie there

this

water.

Nose

natana,

kabulula

naywela,

bikakayasi.

one,

nose

second,

they might bathe.

Kidamaga

natanidesi

bilisasayse,

Supposing however

one only

they might fling out,

bila

obwarita.

he might go

in sea.

(48) Kidama

nayyu,

Supposing

two.

tayta

vivila,

tayta

ta’Uy

bikakaysiy

one

woman,

one

man,

they might bathe,

aywayse

ovaluy

vivila

biy ousts ey

they go

in village,

woman

they might grasp,

bimasisisi.

(49) Imasisisiy

they might sleep.

They sleep,

ibubulise,

they stir up,

vayva’i;

iva'is'u

boge

aywokwo

relations-in-law;

they marry,

already

it was over

taytala

gudiva’uy

one

new boy,

bisimwoyse}

ibagulasi.

they might remain,

they garden.

(50) Imaga
He come here however
kalubuwamiy

<vay gu'a.

magical payment your,

objects of high value.

(50

lmayaysey

iseyemwasi

vaygu’a

They bring here,

they lay down here

vaygu’a

(52) Isika’i,

bukuyopwo Hsiga.

Isika’i leaves,

you might charm however.
kasina,

kaykakayay

ripuripUy

kasina leaves,

kaykakaya leaves,

ripuripu leaves,

kaywori

bukumegwasiy

memetu

kaywori leaves

you might charm,

obsidian blade

bukumegwasiy

luya

bukumegwasiy

you might charm,

coco-nut

you might charm,

silasila

bukumegwasiy

buresi

silasila leaves

you might charm,

buresi leaves

bukumegwasiy

kwoysanu

you might charm,

coco-nut husk fibre

bukumegwasiy

gimgwam

bukumegwasiy

you might charm,

gimgwam leaves

you might charm,

yototu

bukumegwasiy

sinata bukumegwasiy

yototu leaves you might charm, comb

you might charm,

bilagwayse.

they should pay.
(53) V ay la
For

mimegwa

sebuwala;

your magic

payment for magic;

bilousi

ikamsi

kasi

bulukwa}

kasiy

they might go

they eat

their

pig,

their food,

kasi

lalava,

kasi

samaku}

kasi

their

ripe betel-nuts,

their

yellow betel-nuts,

their

kayWusiy

kasi

toutetila,

kasi

ripe bananas,

their

ripe sugar cane,

their

(54) Bogwaga

woden—

bikamsi.

yam (variety)—

they eat.

Already however

aymayase

vaygu’a,

kaulo,

bu’a—

they brought

vaygu’a,

yam food,

areca-nut—

lukukwamsi.

(55) Tolimegwa

you eat.

yokwami,

Masters of magic

you,

mtage

bukusakayse,

kusimwoyse,

indeed

you might give,

you sit here,

bilawoysaga—

bukusimwoy saga,

they might carry however— you might sit here however,
tolimegwa

yokwami—

u'ula.

masters of magic

yourselves—

base.

I obtained the following elaborations of the narrative.
The number of the sentence referred to is given at the
beginning of each commentary.
See 2.

Commenting on the relative ages of the two

children:
(56) Kuluta
Eldest child

ta'u,

isekeli

vivila.

man,

she follow

woman.

Their names are not known.
Malasi clan.
(57) Kugis,
Thou see,

They belonged to the

Malasi

ivayva'isi

Malasi

they marry

vesiya:

taytala

Wawela,

maternal kinswomen theirs:

one man

Wawela,

Bigayuwo—

Nabway era;

Bigayuwo (name of man)—

Nabwayera (name of his
wife);

tayta

Vakuta;

tayta

Kitava,

one man

Vakuta;

one man

Kitava,

Pwaygasi—

Bosilasila.

Pwaygasi (name of man)

Bosilasila (name of his wife).

See 16.—The behaviour of brother and sister immedi¬

ately preceding the consummation of incest is thus ex¬
plained:
(58) Ta’u
Man

igisi:

gala

dabelay

ikokolay

he see:

no

fibre skirt hers,

he fear,

(59) b ga,uy

isakauli;

minana

vivila

ibokavili.

he run;

this

woman

she chase.

boge

itubwo

lopoula

mataunay

ikaytasi.

already

it upset

inside his

this man,

they copulate.

Later on,

See 14-21.—The diagram (Fig. 4, p. 547) showing

the topography will make the account of the pursuit
clearer.
See 19.

(60) Ikanarise
They lie down

wala

obwarita.

just

in sea.

Questioned about the meaning of this expression, the
informant affirmed that they first committed the act of
incest in the water.

In going over the story he described

the passion in more detail.
(61) Boge
Already

kala la}iya

ivagi

olopoula,

his

it do

in inside his,

passion

magila

kumay dona

voovoola.

desire his

all

body his.

(62) Boge
Already

ikaytasiy

ikininise,

they copulate,

they scratch lightly,

ikimalise.

they erotically scratch.
See 22.—Explaining why the two lovers remained

without food and drink and so died, my informant says:
(63) Gala
No

sitana

ikamkwamsi,

imomomsi,

pela

one bit

they eat,

they drink,

for

gala

magisiy

boge

ivagi

simwasilay

pela

no

desire theirs,

already

it do

their shame,

for

luleta

ikaytast.

brother her sister his

they copulate.

See 26.—Explaining the behaviour of the frigate-

birds :
(64) Ikokwoylubayse

ilousi,

isukonisi

They soar—

they go,

they smell odour

mayna

tomwota.

humans.
See 33.—This, the spell or chant, designated wosi

(song) and not tnegwa or yopa (spell) is sung whilst
they boil coco-nut oil for love magic. It runs:
(65) Mekaru
Gall bladder,

karuvoagu;

mevira

gall bladder mine;

woman,

viregu;

mebomay

woman mine;

North-west wind, North-west wind.

bomatu.

(66) Ip el a
He change place

karuwagu

mevira,

gall bladder mine

woman,

viregu;

meboma,

bomatu,

woman mine;

North-west wind,

North-west wind,

medara,

dara.

languor,

languor.

The rite is not performed in a strong wind(67) Kidama
Supposing

sene

bipeulo

very much

it might be strong

yagila,

gala

tavagi

megwa—

tage

wind,

no

we

magic—

so that not

(68) Igabu

biyuvisabu.

he might blow away.

niwayluwa}

Later on

calm weather,

batavagi

olabodilay

t ami gab i

we might do

in bush,

we might charm

kwoywaga

kabukwabu.

Kwayavi,

bibogi

kwoywaga plant

morning.

Evening,

at night

boge

tasayki

vivila.

already

we give

woman.

See 40.—The water in the Kadi’usawasa reef-passage

has some magical properties, as bathing in it improves the
looks.
(69) Okarikeda
In passage of

Kaddusawasa

gwadi

yakida

Kadi’usawasa

child

ourselves

takakaya

bitarise

migida.

we bathe

he might beautify

face ours.

About the brackish wells we are told:
(70) Ta’ula
Man his
Momkitava.

lasopi

Bokaraywata;

vivila

water of

Bokaraywata;

woman

(71) Kidama

Momkitava.

Supposing

tamomsi

bayse

sopi,

we drink

this

water,

boge

takasouso’u.

already

we become grey-headed.

In general, if persons of either six bathed in the other’s
well, their looks would become impaired.
The silsila and givagavela plants, mentioned in the
text (verse 40), grow near the wells.
In olden days people from other villages, even from
the neighbouring villages on the lagoon (Sinaketa and
others) were not allowed to bathe in these waters.
See 46.—Questioned about the fish, my informant

says:
(72) Imigayisey
They charm,

imimise

yena

nayiyu

they dream

fish

two

naketoki

sikurn

nayyu

small animals

sikum (name of fish)

two

kabulula

kabulula.

nose to

nose.

(73) Natanidesi,
Only one,

tails ala

we fling away

btta

obwarita,

gala

takakaya.

he might go

in the sea,

no

we bathe.

See 49.—This verse means that such magic would lead

not only to love but to matrimony:

(74) Bilivala

veyola

He might speak

maternal kinsman his

vivila:

kawala:

“Kuwokeya

kuva'isi,

woman:

speech his:

“Thou bring there

you marry

ummwala

boge.”

thy husband

already.”

Let us now pass from legend to reality, and see how
events of the present day tall/ with their prototypes in
the dim past.

It has already transpired that, in spite of

the seemingly absolute taboo, in spite of a real and over¬
whelming abhorrence felt by the natives, cases of brotherand-sister incest do yet actually occur.

Nor are they an

innovation due to European contact—an influence for
which the natives blame so many changes in custom.

Far

back, before white men appeared in the island, such
lapses from tribal morality happened, and they are re¬
membered and quoted to-day, with names and details.
One of the previous paramount chiefs, Purayasi, was
known to have lived with his sister; and another one,
Numakala, is also strongly suspected by history of this
felony.

They, of course, belonged to the Malasi clan;

and there can be no doubt that with them, as with so many
other dynasties and famous rulers, the feeling of power,
of being above the law, served as a shield from the
usual penalties.

And, as historical figures, they and their

doings would not so easily lapse into oblivion as in the
case of commoners.

I was told by my informants that,

in olden times, discovery of incest would invariably have
meant death for both culprits, self-inflicted in the usual
form of suicide.

This would at least have been the case

when commoners were concerned.

But, say the natives,

with the influx of missionaries and government officials
all custom has deteriorated, and even the worst crime can
be brazened out.
That a man may still pay the supreme penalty for
breach of the incest taboo, has been proved to me by the
following instance which came directly under my observa¬
tion.

I had not been in Omarakana more than a couple of

weeks when one morning, in July, 1915, I was casually
told by my interpreter and only informant (at that time
I still worked in pidgin English) that, in the neighbour¬
ing village of Wakayluwa, a boy named Kima’i had fallen
off a tree and killed himself—by accident.

I was also

informed that somehow, again by accident, another boy
had received a severe wound.

The coincidence seemed

to me strange at the time, but unable to speak the lan¬
guage and thus gain the full confidence of the natives, I
was still groping in the dark 5 and being much occupied
with the customs of mourning and burial, then new to me,
I gave up all attempt at getting to the bottom of the
tragedy.
Later on, I strongly suspected that the falling off the
tree was a case of suicide by loyu, but the natives remained
reticent on the subject.

For there is nothing more diffi¬

cult for an ethnographer than to find out the ins and outs

of really important and tragic events of recent date,
which, if they came under the notice of the local resident
magistrate, might lead to court proceedings, imprison¬
ments and other serious disturbances of tribal life.

And

in this case, as I learned afterwards, there was some po¬
litical element involved, since Kima’i was a relative of
Moliasi, the traditional enemy of the paramount chief,
and the incident had revived the historical tension between
the ruler of Kiriwina and that of Tilataula.1
It was only during my last visit to the Trobriands, when
almost three years had elapsed since the tragedy, that I
found out the bare outline of the case.

Kima’i had an

intrigue with his mother’s sister’s daughter.

This was no

secret, but, though the villagers generally disapproved, it
was only by the initiative of the girl’s betrothed that mat¬
ters were brought to a head.

After several attempts to

separate them, his rival insulted Kima’i in public, telling
aloud, or rather shouting across the village, the plain fact
that he was a breaker of the incest taboo, and mentioning
the name of the girl with whom the incest was committed.
This, as we know, is the most aggravated form of the
insult, and it produced the desired effect.
mitted suicide.

Kima’i com¬

The youth who brought about this was,

in fact, wounded by the kinsmen of Kima’i j hence the
strange coincidence of the two casualties occurring at the
same time.

The girl is now married and lives happily

with her husband.

She can be seen on the frontispiece

made from a photograph taken during mortuary proceed1 For an account of the political conditions among the Trobriand na¬
tives, cf. Seligman’s Melanesians and the present writer’s Argonauts of
the Western Pacific, ch. ii, sec. v, and Myth, ch. ii.

ings, at which she wears no mourning (black paint and
shaven hair) since she was a real kinswoman of the de¬
ceased (see above, ch. vi, sec. 2).

The whole occurrence

gave me some insight into the legal ideas of the natives,
but with this subject I have dealt elsewhere.1

Here it is

mainly the sexual aspect which interests us and to this we
will return.
For not all the cases of incest—even in its more repre¬
hensible form—lead to the same tragic issue.

There is no

doubt that, at present, several couples are under strong
suspicion of being guilty of the most heinous form of
suvasova, that is, of incestuous intercourse between brother

and sister.

One case given to me in detail is that of a

pretty girl, Bokaylola, who is said to allow her albino
brother to “visit” her.

I had a feeling from the way in

which my informant spoke about it that the concurrence
of two immoralities somehow mitigated both. It is felt
that, since an albino has no chance whatever of a woman
and since he is not really a man, incest with him is not so
offensive.
By far the most instructive and clear case of brotherand-sister incest, is the notorious liaison between two
Malasi people of the village of Okopukopu.
Mokadayu was still very much alive when I visited the
Archipelago, and he gave me the impression of a man of
unusual ability and intelligence.

Endowed with a beau¬

tiful voice and famous as a singer, he also for a time
exercised the lucrative profession of a spiritistic medium.
In this he arrived independently at some of the great
1 Crime and Custom, pp. 77 sq.

56 8

achievements in which our modern spiritism excels; such
as the production of ectoplasm and phenomena of mate¬
rialization (usually of worthless objects); but his spe¬
cialty was rather dematerialization (invariably of valu¬
able objects).

He would conjure up an arm and a hand

—belonging presumably to his “control”—and this was
always ready to foreclose on valuables, food, betel-nut,
or tobacco, which, no doubt, were transported to the spirit
world.

Obeying the universal law of occult phenomena,

Mokadayu’s “controls” and other spirit friends would
operate only in the dark.

The famous hand from the

other world could only be dimly seen, clutching at every
piece of worldly goods within its reach.
There are arrogant and inconsiderate sceptics, however,
even in the Trobriands and, one day, a young chief from
the north caught hold of the hand and dragged out
Mokadayu himself from the shelf where he lay con¬
cealed behind a mat.

After this, unbelievers tried to be¬

little and even to denounce spiritism, but the faithful still
brought gifts and payments to Mokadayu.
On the whole, however, he found it better to devote
himself to love and music, for in the Trobriands, as with
us, a tenor or baritone is sure of success with women.

As

the natives put it: “The throat is a long passage like the
wila (cunnus) and the two attract each other.

A man

who has a beautiful voice will like women very much and
they will like him.”

Mokadayu, indeed, used to sleep

with the chief’s wives, for he preferred married women,
who are at a premium in the Trobriands.

Finally, after

having tasted, no doubt, the minor degrees of suvasova

(clan incest), he came to what was to be the most dramatic
exploit of his life.
His sister, Inuvediri, was one of the most beautiful
girls in the village. Naturally she had many lovers; but
a strange change came over her, and she seemed disin¬
clined to sleep with her lemans. The young men of the
village were dropped one after another. They put their
heads together and decided to find out what had hap¬
pened to their mistress, suspecting that she must have
acquired a new and paramount lover, who was satisfying
all her desires. One night they noticed that brother and
sister had withdrawn to the parental house. Their sus¬
picions were confirmed: they saw a terrible thing: brother
and sister making love to each other. A serious scandal
followed; for the news spread all over the village and
brother and sister were made aware that everybody knew
of their mutual crime. The story goes that the two lived
in incest for some months after this discovery, so passion¬
ately were they enamoured of one another, but Mokadayu
had finally to leave the community. The girl married a
man from another village. I was told that, in olden
days, both would unquestionably have committed suicide.
Such is the story of Mokadayu and his sister. Together
with other facts previously described, it shows dramati¬
cally how inadequate is the postulate of “slavish sub¬
servience to custom.” It also shows that the opposite
view—that native principles are a sham and a fake—
would equally be misleading. The fact is that the na¬
tives, while professing tribal taboos and moral principles,

have also to obey their natural passions and inclinations,
and that their practice is the compromise between rule
and impulse, a compromise common to all humanity.
The myth of incest, at first sight mysterious and incom¬
prehensible, loses a great deal of its strangeness when we
have found that it reflects certain tendencies which can be
seen manifested in real life.

The temptation to incest

evidently does exist in the mind of the natives, though by
a powerful taboo it is prevented from finding ready
expression.
It is interesting to note how the myth is used to jus¬
tify the cases of real incest which happen nowadays. For
instance, a clansman of Mokadayu tried to explain and to
extenuate the latter’s crime against tribal morality as fol¬
lows.

He told how Mokadayu had prepared coco-nut oil

impregnated with love magic, in order to induce an amo¬
rous response in another girl j how Invediri, entering the
house, inadvertently spilt some of the fluid and became
intoxicated by the magic; how she discarded her fibre skirt
and lay naked on the bedstead, longingly awaiting the
brother.

How, on entering the hut, and seeing her naked¬

ness—perhaps also feeling the influence of magic on him
self—he became inflamed with passion. This paraphrase,
or rather copy, of the myth was definitely put to me as a
defence of the criminal; it was intended to show that it
was fatality rather than fault which had brought about
the abominable act.

The myth was thus used as a para¬

digm by which actuality was explained, in order to make
the deed more comprehensible and acceptable to the na-

tives.

The psychology manifested in this use of the myth

makes the function of the myth itself clearer to the
sociologist.
Far from being incompatible with the powerful inci¬
dence of the taboo, the temptation to incest is probably
strengthened by it through the irresistible fascination
which forbidden fruit always had, has, and will have for
the human being.

How far psycho-analysis can help us

to solve this problem and where it merely confuses the
issues, I have tried to discuss in a previous work.1

Here

I would like only to repeat that, by correlating the Myth
of Incest with the realities of life, by placing it side by
side with typical dreams of the natives, with their obscene
language, and with their attitude towards taboo in gen¬
eral, we find a satisfactory explanation of its apparent
strangeness in terms of fact and not of hypothesis.
i Sex

and Repression.